Quaid-i-Azam

Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Life and Work

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust

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Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah Life and Work

Shahid Rasheed

Rafaqat Riaz

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Printers

Shahzad Yasin

Hafiz Amir Nazir

October, 2009

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Message from the Chairman

Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust is a national academic-cum-research institution for promoting and projecting the ideology of Pakistan as enunciated by Quaid-i-Azam MohammadAli J innah and Al lama MohammadIqbal. To fulfill this role, the Trust's programmes aim at highlighting objectives for which Pakistan was established, recalling sacrifices rendered for achieving it, and creating awareness among people, particularly young generations, about its ideological basis and its glorious Islamic cultural heritage. The Trust feels that its efforts can bear fruit if it succeeds in equipping the youth with authentic knowledge about the inspirational teachings and achievements of our Founding Fathers, Quaid-i-Azam MohammadAli Jinnah and Allama MohammadIqbal. With this aim in view, the Trust carries out multi-faceted activities, one of which is production of literature which not only disseminates knowledge about the great Pakistan Movement but also fills our hearts with feelings of pride on our successful struggle for independence, makes us conscious of our vast national and human wealth, and unfolds our capabilities to face the future with confidence.

It must be admitted that although, after suffering huge losses of life and property, we ultimately succeeded in achieving Pakistan under the epoch-making leadership of Quaid-i-Azam MohammadAli

Jinnah, we could not make it an ideal Islamic State as visualized by Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal. After the death of the Father of the Nation, his unfaithful successors deviated from his path and turned Pakistan into a playfield of civil and military dictators. The Quaid-i-Azam delivered us from the slavery of Britishers and Hindus but we have now fallen into the trap of another type of slavery. To free ourselves from its clutches and all other types of overlordships, we must seek guidance from the nation-building thoughts and actions of Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal who aspired to make Pakistan a truly modern Islamic welfare democratic state.

As pointed out before, our main focus is on younger generations who were in the forefront in the struggle for Pakistan and who can even today play a similar role in building up Pakistan into a modern democratic and welfare Islamic State. The students' favourite slogan during Pakistan Movement was Pakistan ka matlab kiya: La Ilaha Illallah. Through this slogan the Muslim youth saw a dream of regaining our past glory and establishing our own free Muslim State in our homelands.

The Quaid-i-Azam was fully conscious of the mighty role which students played in the past and could play in the future. Addressing a deputation of students on 31 October 1947 he observed: “Pakistan is proud of its youth, particularly the students who have always been in the forefront in the hour of trial and need. You

are the nation-builders of tomorrow and you must fully equip yourself with discipline, education, and training for the arduous task lying ahead of you. You should realize the magnitude of your responsibility and be ready to bear it.”

The truth is that we have long neglected the youth and our educational system does not inspire them to give their best in the building up of Pakistan economically, socially, politically and even educationally. Inspiration comes through ideological education, which in our case involves a study of two-nation theory derived from Islamic Ideology which motivated the great Pakistan Movement and on which is raised the edifice of our nationhood. It is this ideological education which the Trust seeks to impart to the Pakistani youth through its publications, including the present one. I hope, this literature will acquaint the Pakistani youth about the separation of East Pakistan and inspire them to rise above provincial, linguistic and sectarian rivalries and make them apostles of national unity and territorial integrity.

Contents

g About the Book 9

g Birth 10

g Early education 10

g Departure for England 11

g Return to India 12

g Marriage 16

g His political career 17

g Attempt on his life 20

g Significant milestones 21

g Member of Central Legislative Council 22

g Clash with the Viceroy 23

g The Wakf Validating Bill 24

g Membership of Muslim League 25

g Protest against Lord Wellingdon 26

g The Jallianwala Bagh incident 28

g The Khilafat Movement 28

g Mohammad Ali Jinnah Quits the Congress30

g The Delhi Proposals 31

g Nehru Report 32

g Round Table Conference 33

g Withdrawal from Indian Politics 34

g Reorganization of the Muslim League 36

g Congress Ministries 37

g Hailed as the “Quaid-i-Azam 38

g The Decision to observe Deliverance Day 39

g The Pakistan Resolution 40

g Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Iqbal 42

g Cripps’ Mission 43

g Gandhi-Jinnah Talks 46

g Simla Conference 47

g Historic Elections 48

g The Cabinet Mission 50

g Direct Action 51

g The Decisive Years (1946-47) 53

g Quaid-i-Azam and Kashmir 54

g Pakistan Comes into Being 55

g Quaid-i-Azam: Life at a glance 58

g References 63

9

About the Book

This booklet is an attempt to throw light on the life and works of the founder of Pakistan Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Its Urdu version appeared a few years back. It has now been beautifully translated into English for the benefit of those who are not familiar with the Urdu language.

This study covers almost every important detail about the Quaid’s life starting from his early education down to the period of his marriage and his visit to England for higher studies. In addition to above, all important milestones of his political career have been elaborated in a candid style. References such as his role in the Constituent Assembly, joining the All-India Muslim League and differences with the Hindu Congress, which cropped up at the passing of the controversial Nehru Report of 1928 have also been included. On this occasion he parted ways with the Congress and thereto played hectic role in the emancipation of the Muslims of the South Asian Sub-Continent for whom he carved a separate homeland in August 1947. An effort has been made to cite all references wherever felt necessary thereby making the present study an authentic reading material for general readers especially the younger generation.

***

10

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah Birth

Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was born on

December 25, 1876 in an apartment of a three-storey

house, Wazir Mansion on Newnham Road, Karachi. His

father Jinnah Poonja was an enterprising businessman. His

parents decided to call him Mohammad Ali. When he was

about six years old, his father arranged to teach him at

home. The Holy Quran was also taught at home. When he

was nine, he was enrolled in Class 4 in a primary school in

Karachi. Mohammad Ali was fond of cricket and riding

from his very youth. His father had a number of fine

horses in his stable.

Early Education In 1884 he was enrolled in the Madrassa-tul-Islam,

Karachi. It was around this time that he was also sent to

his maternal uncle, Qasim Musa, in Bombay where he

joined the Anjuman-e-Islam High School. After a stay of

about six months in Bombay, he was called back to

Karachi because his mother felt miserable without him.

He rejoined Sind Madrassa-tul-Islam. He passed his

exams held a few months later and was promoted to the

next class. Mohammad Ali was among the top students

from the very start. He would study by lamp light till late

in the night while others slept. One night, when he was

poring over his books as usual, his maternal aunt

11

approached him and said: “If you keep on studying like

this you will fall ill.” Mohammad Ali replied that if he did

not work hard he would never be able to accomplish

anything great.

Departure for England In 1893, Mohammad Ali left for England on the

recommendation of his father’s friend. He joined

Lincoln’s Inn to study law. He tells us that he joined

Lincoln’s Inn because there, on the main entrance, the

name of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was included at the top

of the list of the great lawgivers of the world.

He was married to Emi Bai, a distant relation,

because his mother’s innermost wish was to see her son

decked out as a groom before he left for foreign shores.

Not long after he left Karachi for England, that his wife,

Emi Bai, died. He had not yet recovered from this

misfortune when he received another unbreakable shock

about the death of his mother. He was overwhelmed with

grief and kept sobbing for hours. Mohammad Ali was

alone and far away from home with no one to console

him. He loved his mother and was ever eager to do as

much as he could for her. Destiny, however, did not allow

him to fulfil his wish.

While in England, Mohammad Ali lived as a

paying guest in Mr. Page-Drake’s house. He focused on

his studies and completed his education in two years. He

thus came to be the youngest barrister of India at the age

12

of nineteen. But according to the rules he had to complete

the formalities of attending a prescribed number of

dinners to obtain his cap and gown. He, therefore, had to

wait here for sometime.

His stay in England broadened his political outlook

and experience. He got a chance to understand the terrible

lot of the enslaved people of India. For the first time, he

realised the nature of the difference that existed between

the rulers and the ruled. He got his first taste of active

politics when he threw himself heart and soul into the

election campaign of Dadabhai Naoroji. Naoroji won the

election and became a member of the British parliament.

It was for the first time in the fifty-year British rule in

India that an Indian had made his way to the British

parliament. Naoroji’s success had a powerful impact on

his thinking and he decided that on return to India, he

would launch a massive campaign for the cause of

freedom and dignity of his people.1

Return to India: Efforts to Earn a Living When Mohammad Ali Jinnah reached home after

completing his education, he discovered that his father’s

business was in ruins and he had run heavily into debt.

Young Mohammad Ali vowed to work hard and not only

get his father out of debt but also look after his young

brothers and sisters. History bears witness that he fulfilled

his pledge in fact, did much more.

13

After returning to India, Mohammad Ali Jinnah

decided to try his luck in Bombay rather than in Karachi.

When he arrived in Bombay towards the end of 1896, he

found the conditions discouraging. British and Parsi

lawyers held sway over the law courts and a Muslim had

little hope of advancement. Mohammad Ali, however, did

not lose heart and got enrolled in Bombay High Court. He

trudged every morning from his room to the office and

returned the same way in the evening without receiving

any brief. He spent three long agonizing years in this way

but refused to give in. His friend introduced him to John

MacPherson, Bombay’s acting advocate-general.

MacPherson was impressed with the young man and

invited Mohammad Ali to work with him, extending to

him the privilege of using his well-stocked library.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah drew full advantage from

this facility, enterning the library in the morning and

remaining absorbed in studies till late in the evening.

MacPherson soon discovered that this young barrister who

utilized his library not only had charm and ability but was

also a man of integrity and good temper. So he started

passing on some cases to Mohammad Ali Jinnah and also

appointed him a temporary presidency magistrate. How

this came about is an interesting story. When the post of

Bombay’s presidency magistrate fell vacant, Mohammad

Ali decided to go for it. He went straight to Sir Charles

Obivant, member-incharge of the judicial department and

introduced himself. Sir Charles Obivant, who was well

14

acquainted with MacPherson, asked Mohammad Ali to get

a letter of introduction from him. This sounded strange to

his ears, as he was a young man who relied safely on his

talent and ability and had never thought about a letter of

recommendation. He got up and quietly left the place and

did not speak to MacPherson on the subject. Meanwhile,

MacPherson happened to meet Sir Charles Obivant and

learnt the whole story. MacPherson was so impressed with

this quality of Mohammad Ali Jinnah that he took

personal interest in the matter and got him appointed

against the post.

Mohammad Ali worked in this capacity for six

months. Sir Charles Obivant was deeply impressed with

his legal acumen and great self-confidence and offered

him a permanent place on the bench. Mohammad Ali

Jinnah declined. His nature was not cut out to brook

departmental restraints. Moreover, he hoped to earn 1500

rupees—the amount offered as monthly salary—in a

single day. He was now well set on the ladder of success

and went on to make, as he had predicted, more than 1500

rupees a day. Mohammad Ali Jinnah made rapid strides

and wrote to his father to come over to Bombay with the

family. He was now financially better off. He earned for

his family and bore the educational expenses of his

brothers and sisters. His younger sister, Fatima, remained

with him till the very end. She completed her education

under his direct guidance and care. No wonder she turned

out to be a replica of her brother in character and conduct.

15

Mohammad Ali Jinnah had an attractive

personality. He was tall and slim with a commanding

disposition. His clothes were elegant and well tailored.

His tall and lean frame made dresses look good on him.

He preferred clothes of lighter shades—cream, almond

and grey. His glasses were also glossy and expensive. Of

exemplary character, he was the very image of courage

and confidence and knew how to achieve his ambition. In

short, his personality was impressive in every respect.

He was soon gaining recognition as a rising Titan

in the court circles of Bombay. His high principles and

bold attitude were winning him acclaim and prominence.

He, however, never lost his inmate fluency. He was full of

sympathy for others and was never insensitive to their

pain. It was agreed on all hands that Mohammad Ali

Jinnah would reach new heights of eminence as a barrister

in the days to come. One of his great qualities was that he

was not a money-grabber and stood for his just dues and

no more. But where his humanity was concerned, he

would be a symbol of benevolence. One day a man who

had won his case tried to give him some money as a gift

but he turned down the offer with the remark: “I have

taken my due and have no right to take away a part of

what is rightfully yours.”2

Mohammad Ali Jinnah stood for principles and

convictions and disliked dishonesty and misconduct. He

had great regard for human feelings and moral values. He

was never unfair even to his bitterest foe. He welcomed

16

everyone with a smile and was careful not to hurt his

pride. He never compromised his dignity or self-respect,

regardless of how wealthy or powerful the other person

was.

Once during a cross-examination a British Judge

angrily shouted at him: “Mr. Jinnah, you are not

addressing a third class magistrate”. Mohammad Ali

Jinnah promptly retorted: “There is not a third class

counsel before your Lordship”3

Marriage Mohammad Ali Jinnah was leading a lovely life.

He had married 25 years ago at the age of sixteen and the

marriage had ended with the death of his wife. He had

now entered his forty-second year. As he had been well

looked after by his sister during his busy life, Mohammad

Ali’s thoughts had never turned towards marriage. Thanks

to Miss Rutten, the daughter of Sir Dinshaw Petit, who,

fascinated by Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s distinguished

appearance, brilliant intellect and upright-character,

decided to marry him. Miss Rutten, a Parsee, converted to

Islam before her marriage and took the name of Maryam

Jinnah.

The marriage was solemnised on April 19, 1918.

Maryam Jinnah was a quick-witted and good-natured

lady. She infused a new life in Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s

domestic world. From 1918 to 1928, she was her

husband’s constant companion. In the summer they would

17

head for Kashmir or visit a hill resort in India or go to

Europe. In 1928 Maryam Jinnah fell seriously ill and her

condition worsened. She could seldom sleep at night.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah took care of her in every way and

provided her the best medical treatment. But she was not

fated to live. She died on February 20, 1929. It happened

to be her birthday. It was one of the most sorrowful of

days in Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s life. He was

overwhelmed with grief. After her burial he stood sobbing

for a long time near her grave. This was to be the first and

last time that anyone would see Mohammad Ali Jinnah

shed tears. This was the only time when he betrayed some

shadow of human weakness.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah starts his Political Career Mohammad Ali Jinnah started his political life as

the personal secretary of Dada Bhoy Naoroji. It did not

take Naoroji long to discover that young Jinnah possessed

insight, wisdom and qualities of leadership. When Naoroji

returned from London to Bombay, he selected him as his

private secretary. It was Mohammad Ali’s first step into

active politics. It was in 1906 in Calcutta that he attended

the Congress session for the first time.4

Mohammad Ali Jinnah began to acquire

prominence in political circles. In December 1909 he was

elected unopposed on a Muslim seat from the Bombay

constituency to the Supreme Imperial Legislative Council.

He played an active role in the Council. Unlike other

18

members who were less confident of themselves, he

expressed his opinions boldly. He was a brilliant speaker

who conveyed his views fearlessly and absolutely stood

by them.

After his elections as Member, Supreme Imperial

Legislative Council, there was a sudden surge in his

activities. As a Muslim he was aware of the weak political

standing of the Muslims who possessed little or no rights

and made every effort to help them. The Viceroy of India

was much impressed by the prudence and understanding

shown by Mohammad Ali Jinnah during his three-year

stay as a member of Council. When fresh elections were

held to the council, the Viceroy again nominated him as a

member. Mohammad Ali Jinnah had by now become a

popular leader. His politics grew more refined with each

passing day. His political stature can be gauged by the fact

that when he arrived in Lucknow in 1916 to preside over

the session of the All India Muslim League, Maulana

Syed Sulaiman Nadvi—a student of Maulana Shibli

Naumani, an arch critic of the Muslim League—recited a

poem in his honour. The last two couplets read thus:

Bada-e-hubbay watan kuch kaif paida kar sakay

Dour mein garche yunhi yeh saghar-o-meena raha

Har mareez-e-quam kay jeenay ki hay kuch kuch ummeed

Doctor is ka agar mister Ali Jinnah raha

19

Translation (The wine of love for the country

may rose some enphoria,

if the goblet and the carafe

stay in rotation

Every sufferer of the nation

Has hope to live,

If Mr. Ali Jinnah

Is his Doctor.)

“Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s electrifying leadership

and extra ordinary zeal uplifted a despondent and listless

nation and infused a new life into it. A thankful nation

bestowed on him the exalted title of “Quaid-i-Azam.”

The Quaid was a man of great determination. If he set his

mind on something there was no enticement or temptation

however great that could make him budge from his stance.

One noticed the same kind of resoluteness in his personal

life. He either relied completely on an individual or did

not rely on him at all. He retained an attitude of self-

detachment as far as the people were concerned. He

disliked all kinds of familiarity but had a tremendous

capacity for collection and graciousness. His personality

was like bouquet in which some of the finest attributes

came together. To him national interest was supreme. He

was a man of unrivalled integrity. Allama Iqbal once

observed that God had blessed Mr. Jinnah with one

outstanding quality, which he had not seen in any other

20

Indian Muslim, namely, that he was extremely honest and

no one could buy him.5

The Quaid had moderate eating habits. He had a

fried or a half-boiled egg for breakfast along with one or

one and a half toast. He was particularly fond of trotters

and had there for breakfast once a month or so. He also

relished mangoes, especially the Alphonso variety. He

disliked watery curries and preferred drier fare.

Sometimes, he had a little roti in the afternoon. Quaid-i-

Azam liked solitude. He kept his own hours of sleep. He

slept when he chose to at night to overcome his day long

fatigue.

Quaid-i-Azam did not enjoy the best of health. The

tenacity and single-mindedness with which he battled for

freedom after the 1940 resolution took a heavy toll of his

health. His weight, 112 pounds in 1940, sank to 80 pounds

towards the end. His weight was terribly low for his

height, which was five feet ten and half inches. What is

most astonishing is that within this fragile frame there

dwelt incomparable courage, singleness of purpose and

rock-like determination.

Attempt on his Life The Quaid-i-Azam went through a dreadful ordeal

when on July 26, 1943 a Khaksar made a murderous

attack on him. The stranger entered the Quaid’s bungalow

and asked for an interview with him. Matloob-ul-Hasan

21

Syed, the Quaid’s secretary tried to impress upon the man

that the Quaid-i-Azam met no one without an

appointment. Just then Quaid-i-Azam walked into his

secretary’s office. The stranger suddenly pulled out a

knife and pounced on his neck. The Quaid-i-Azam put out

his hand in self-defence. The stranger thus missed his

mark. The Quaid’s watchman and his secretary over

powered and disarmed the would-be assassin. The Quaid’s

face and hand were wounded.

The accused was later handed over to the police.

The Muslims were furious at the violent attack but the

Quaid-i-Azam urged them to remain calm and cool. He

said he thanked God that he was all right.

Despite this incident, the Quaid-i-Azam did not

alter his daily routine and remained busy as ever till the

very end.

Significant Milestones in Quaid-i-Azam’s Political

Life. Mohammad Ali Jinnah returned to India after

receiving his degree in law and promptly set about to

strengthen his financial position. As soon as he found his

feet, he turned to active politics. In fact, he had learnt his

first political lessons in England when he had engaged

enthusiastically in Dada Bhai Naoroji’s election

campaign. He stepped into Indian politics for the first time

when he attended the Congress session in 1906 and made

his first political speech. He learnt a few things at the very

22

start, namely, that one should keep ones conscience clean

and, no matter how taxing the conditions, never

compromise on principles.

The Muslim League was formed in 1906 and held

its first session in December 1906. In 1908, government of

India recommended that elections be held on the basis of

separate electorates, i.e., Muslim and Hindu voters would

elect their own representatives. It was becoming

increasingly clear that religion was not the only difference

between the Hindus and the Muslims; these communities,

in fact, differed even in their customs, traditions, history

and many other things. Taking cognisance of this

difference, the India Council’s Act 1909 granted them the

right to separate electorates.

Member of Central Legislative Council Elections to the Imperial Legislative Council were

held under this Act for the first time in the winter of 1909.

One seat was reserved for the Muslims of Bombay.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah was not a contestant for this seat

but fate decreed that he be elected from Bombay. There

were actually two Muslim candidates for this seat. Each

contestant wanted the other to withdraw so that he could

be elected unanimously. After much discussion it was

decided that Mohammad Ali Jinnah would be the most

suitable candidate for the seat. He was thus elected a

member of the Council without his intention or effort.

23

Clash with the Viceroy This was Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s first election as

member of the Legislative Council. Barring a few

intervals, Jinnah was continuously elected to the Central

Legislative Council till the creation of Pakistan. The

Imperial Legislative Council was an important political

forum in those days and fate offered Jinnah ample scope

to demonstrate his potential. In his very first speech in the

Council on February 25, 1910, Mohammad Ali Jinnah

clashed with the Viceroy. Referring to the plight of Indian

labourers in South Africa, he said that the cruel treatment

being meted out to them was causing much pain and

concern in the country. Viceroy Minto reprimanded him

for the words “cruel treatment” were too harsh.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah responded that he was inclined to

use stronger language but the rule of the council did not

allow him to do it. He was, therefore, not crossing the

limits. Lord Minto was struck dumb by the response.6

The brief exchange between the President of

Council and young Jinnah made headlines in the press. It

was evident that it would. To be curt with the

representative of the Crown needed great courage in those

days. Mohammad Ali Jinnah became a celebrity

overnight.

24

The Wakf Validating Bill

One of the great achievements of Mohammad Ali

Jinnah was to get the Wakf Bill approved by the Council.

If in accordance with the Sharia, i.e. the Quran and the

Sunnah, an individual’s property remains intact but the

profit thereof received by the poor and the needy is known

as “Wakf.” This kind of “Wakf” also exists in other

religions. However, Islam has extended the ambit of this

definition because it enjoins the individual to care for his

children. Consequently, if an individual reserves his

property for his children such a “Wakf” would be lawful.

This is known as “Children’s Wakf.” The Privy Council,

the highest court of the British Crown, had in 1894 in one

of its decisions pronounced the “Child Wakf” as illegal.

This had infuriated the Muslims. Mohammad Ali Jinnah,

in the light of Muslims’ reaction and the opinion of

Muslim scholars, moved a bill in the Council on March

17, 1911 to reverse the decision of the Privy Council. He

took deep interest in this issue and argued in support of

the bill with masterly skill. The bill was, at long last,

approved and a long-standing Muslim demand was

fulfilled. It was for the first time in British Indian history

that a bill moved by a private member had been approved.

The passage of the bill enhanced Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s

stature among the Muslims. He gained immense

popularity and emerged as a clearly loved leader. It also

25

became evident that from an early age he was specially

interested in the problems of the Muslim community.

Membership of Muslim League The Muslim League had been founded in 1906,

Jinnah had not yet become its member. He had, however,

at the invitation of the League attended its meetings from

1910 to 1912. When Jinnah was in London in 1913,

Maulana Mohammad Ali and Syed Wazir Hasan also

reached there and urged him to join the League. Jinnah

agreed and joined the Muslim League in 1913. In the early

years, Mohammad Ali Jinnah considered Hindu-Muslim

unity indispensable for the independence of India. He

strove to bring the Muslim League and the Congress

closer to each other. Consequently, the Congress and the

Muslim League in their 1916 sessions accepted the

principle of separate electorates for the Muslims. The

principle of provincial autonomy and one-third Muslim

representation in the Central Council was also agreed

upon. These proposals became well known as the

Lucknow Pact. Jinnah at the time held sway over the

Congress and the Muslim League. His role to win

approval for the Lucknow Pact was so vital that it earned

him the title of “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity”

from the Congress leader, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu.7

In November 1917, Edwin S. Montagu, Secretary

of State for India, met a member of political delegation

26

and leaders of India. This is what he had to say about

Mohammad Ali Jinnah:

“Young, perfectly mannered, impressive looking,

armed to the teeth with dialectics, and insistent upon the

whole of his scheme….Chelmsford tried to argue with

him and was tied up in knots. Jinnah is a very clever man,

and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should

have no chance of running the affairs of his own

country.”8

World War I broke out in 1914. The government

announced a War Conference to recruit Indian manpower.

Gandhi supported the war effort. But Mohammad Ali

Jinnah wanted to support a resolution that was in keeping

with the need of the country. On the Viceroy’s refusal, he

expressed his point of view through a telegram to the

effect that we cannot ask our young men to fight for those

principles, which we cannot impose on our own country.

If India is to make great sacrifices for the defence of the

British Crown, it can do so only as a participant and not as

a servant of his Majesty. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was in no

way prepared to compromise on principles.

Protest against Lord Wellingdon The end of World War I in 1918 ushered in a new

era of Indian politics. The urge for freedom gathered new

momentum. In this context two events stand out because

of their unique nature and importance. The first reveals

Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s courage and resolve. As Lord

27

Wellingdon’s tenure as Governor of Bombay came to an

end, some people decided to hold a function on behalf of

the citizens of Bombay at the local Town Hall. Lord

Wellingdon’s attitude had always been most unpleasant

and despotic. Instead of extolling the services of the

governor, Mohammad Ali Jinnah and his companions

wanted to condemn his behaviour. It was therefore

decided to disrupt the function. On December 11, 1918,

Jinnah and his companions entered the hall the moment

the doors to the Town Hall opened. As soon as the

proceedings began, cries of “unacceptable, unacceptable”

raised by Jinnah and his companions created tumult and

confusion in the hall. The president of the function,

despite the clamour, tried to present a resolution lauding

the services of the governor but in vain as the uproar

drowned his voice. The police commissioner ordered that

the hall be vacated. Mohammad Ali Jinnah, his wife

Begum Maryam Jinnah and his companions were removed

from the hall. Mohammad Ali Jinnah also suffered some

injuries in the rumpus. This bold and determined man had

nonetheless foiled this sycophantic function. No sooner

did he step out of the hall than he became the popular hero

of Bombay.9

28

The Jallianwala Bagh Incident The second event relates to Jallianwala Bagh in

Amritsar, a city of East Punjab. This savage incident

occurred in reaction to the protest against the Rowlatt Act,

an anti-civic right bill.

The Government had passed a Defence of India Act

bill in 1915 during World War I. It ended civic rights and

gave the Government of India the right to imprison, house

arrest, exile from city or country any person without trial,

warrant and assigning any reason. The idea was that with

the end of the war, this law would also be annulled. But

against all popular expectation, a bill was introduced in

the Central Legislative Assembly to continue with the law.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah opposed it tooth and nail and

warned that it would lead to disastrous consequences. This

Black Law was, however, passed because of the majority

of treasury members. Mohammad Ali Jinnah as a protest

resigned from the Central Legislative Assembly (The

Imperial Council).

There were large-scale protests against the bill all

over India. It was during those protests that the horrible

Jallianwala Bagh incident occurred in which almost 400

people were killed and hundreds of others injured.

The Khilafat Movement and the Quaid-i-Azam When World War I broke out in 1914, Germany

and Britain each desired that Turkey should side with it.

Turkey occupied a distinguished place in the Muslim

29

world because the Khiafat’s sphere of influence ranged

over all the Islamic World. Turkey sided with Germany in

the war. Thus Turkey and Germany on one side and the

Allies, including Britain, on the other found themselves

confronting each other. The majority of troops fighting the

war consisted of Muslim soldiers. Sensitive to the

teachings of the Muslims, Britain promised that in the

event of victory, it would neither deprive Turkey of its

lands nor undo the institution of the Khilafat. When

hostilities ended in 1918, Germany and Turkey had lost

the war. The Muslims feared that Britain, contrary to its

promises, was conspiring to split Turkey into pieces.

They, therefore, convened a Khilafat Conference at

Lucknow in 1919 to protect Turkey and the Ottoman

Caliphate. It decided to initiate a mass movement to

achieve the purpose.

M.K. Gandhi was elected leader of the movement

and it was decided that the British government be

boycotted and all Muslims migrate (Hijrat) to other lands.

Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar and Maulana Shaukat Ali

were in the forefront of the movement. Hundreds of

students abandoned their studies and thousands of

Muslims sold their possessions at throwaway prices and

migrated to Afghanistan. By contrast, M.K. Gandhi’s

appeals had no effect whatsoever on the students of Hindu

University, Benarus who pressed on with their studies as

usual.

30

Mohammad Ali Jinnah, no doubt, agreed that the

Ottoman Caliphate, the spiritual centre of the Muslims,

should exist and Turkey not be broken up into pieces. But

he did not agree with Gandhi’s action plan in this context.

He agreed that students should not boycott educational

institutions and keep up their studies. Furthermore, the

Muslims should not resort to Hijrat as that would weaken

them economically. He, therefore, remained aloof from

the Khilafat Movement.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah quits the Congress Nagpur hosted both regular sessions of the

Congress and Muslim League in December 1920. M. K.

Gandhi moved a resolution proposing that the people of

India adopt legitimate and peaceful means rather than

constitutional means to achieve independence.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah bitterly opposed this change of

stance. He told them that they had chosen the wrong path;

that a constitutional and lawful method was always

correct. After that he parted company with the Congress.10

Had Mohammad Ali Jinnah so desired, he could

have easily supported Gandhi’s resolution and become

popular with the masses. But his politics was based on

principles and not personal interest. Even later, in the most

difficult of times, he never abandoned his principles.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah was again elected

unanimously as member of the Imperial Council (Central

Legislative Assembly) on November 14, 1923. The first

31

meeting of the Assembly was held on January 31, 1924 in

Delhi. After the Viceroy’s opening address, Mohammad

Ali Jinnah invited all the independent members to confer

with him. He presented such a well-defined programme of

basic reforms so as to convince all his colleagues to join

forces and work for it. At length, as opposed to 36

members of the government, 42 members of the Swaraj

Party and 23 members of the Azad Party together laid the

foundation of a new nationalists party. The Viceroy was

amazed and dismayed at Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s

remarkable success.

The Delhi Proposals In 1927, thirty Muslim leaders were invited to a

conference in Delhi. The conference was convened by

Mohammad Ali Jinnah. March 20 was a pleasant spring

day. It was decided that a way be found to bring about

greater unity between the Hindus and the Muslims.

Prominent leaders who attended this meeting included

Maulana Mohammad Ali Jauhar, Sir Ali Imam, Raja

Sahib Mahmudabad, Nawab Ismail Khan, Mufti

Kifayatullah, Dr. M.A. Ansari and Sir Mohammad Shafi.

It was decided that:-

1. Sind should be separated from Bombay and

constituted into a separate province.

32

2. Reforms should be introduced in the N.W.F.

Province and in Baluchistan on the same

footing as in any other province.

3. In the Punjab and in Bengal representation

to the two communities was to be strictly in

proportion to their population.

4. Muslims should get weightage in provinces

where they were in a majority.

5. In the Central Legislature, Muslim

representation should not be less than a third

(33%) and that also by a mixed electorate.

These came to be called the Delhi Muslim

Proposals. These proposals were also accepted by the

Congress in its session held in 1927 at Bombay. The story

of Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s great personal triumph spread

far and wide in India.

Nehru Report A meeting of the All-Parties conference was held

in August 1928 at Lucknow where in a report on the Draft

Constitution preferred by the Nehru Committee chaired by

Motilal Nehru (Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s father) was

presented for approval. The report came to be known as

the Nehru Report. The Delhi proposals were completely

ignored in the report.

After the approval of the Nehru Report,

Mohammad Ali Jinnah grew deeply disappointed with the

Hindu mindset. Addressing the Central Assembly in Delhi

33

in 1929, he declared that the Nehru Report was not

acceptable to the Muslims. It meant the parting of the

ways. The same year he called an emergency session of

the All India Muslim League at Delhi where, after a whole

night’s deliberations, a few proposals for safeguarding the

interests of the Muslims came to the fore and became

famous as “Jinnah’s 14 Points.” They reflected the true

aspirations of the Muslims. The Hindu Congress rejected

the 14 Points as well, what it really wanted was to see the

Nehru Report implemented at the government level. When

the Congress failed in its aim, it decided to organize a

non-cooperation movement. With this announcement, the

stage was set for the outbreak of lawlessness. Muslims,

however, remained aloof, as they had learnt a bitter lesson

from the Khilafat Movement. Even Maulana Mohammad

Ali advised the Muslims not to associate themselves with

this creed of civil disobedience because Mr. Gandhi under

the fanatical influence of the Hindu Mahasabha, was

working for the supremacy of Hinduism and the

destruction of the Muslims.11

Round Table Conference and the Quaid-i-Azam The first Round Table Conference met in 1930 in

London. Mohammad Ali Jinnah was the spokesman of the

Muslim delegation to this conference. In his eloquent

address, he impressed upon the British government that

the days of declaration were over and the time had come

for fulfilling those declarations. He stated that four distinct

34

groups—the British government, Hindus, Muslims and

rulers of princely states of India—were participating in the

conference. For the first time, he described the Muslims as

a party and served this party till the very end.

The second Round Table Conference met in 1931.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah and Mohammad Iqbal, the poet of

the East, represented the Muslims at this conference.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah would go down in the political

history of the subcontinent as a great statesman for his

unique role in the two conferences. Sarojini Naidu—an

enlightened Hindu lady, a renowned poetess and “the

nightingale of India”—paid a glowing tribute to him in

this regard. She declared that his magnetic presence,

impressive delivery and the arresting timbre of voice were

Jinnah’s greatest assets. He possessed all the qualities of

an astute lawyer and the Round Table Conferences

afforded him ample scope to prove his worth. The third

Round Table Conference was held in 1932 but

Mohammad Ali Jinnah did not attend it. In the light of the

discussions at these conferences, a bill was moved in the

House of Commons (the lower house of the British

Parliament), which after receiving royal assent came to be

known as the Government of India Act, 1935.

Withdrawal from Indian Politics The first Round Table Conference brought home to

Mohammad Ali Jinnah that there could be no

understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims as the

35

Hindus, aware of their sheer force of numbers, were

dreaming of ruling India. Mohammad Ali Jinnah also

realized that the Muslims were neither striving hard

enough to wrest their rights nor was there any unity

among them. He was so disheartened with the turn of

events that he decided to settle in England. He also called

over his beloved daughter, Dina and his devoted sister,

Fatima Jinnah. He stayed in England till March 1934. This

was the most desolate period of his political life. He lived

in England but his heart was in India. His absence from

the Indian scene was painfully felt by all politically

conscious Muslims. His friends begged him to return to

India. Allama Iqbal also pressed him to come back. When

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan went to London in 1933 he

urged Mohammad Ali Jinnah to return to India when the

people needed him. The Nawabzada impressed upon him

that he (Mohammad Ali Jinnah) alone could put new life

into the Muslim League and save it. These words

awakened Jinnah’s love for his people. He was convinced

that unless the Muslims were united they would never free

themselves from the Hindu yoke. He vowed to devote all

his energies to bring the Muslims on a single platform.

The Muslims of India eagerly awaited the return of their

saviour who alone, they knew, could set them free from

Hindu bondage.

36

Reorganization of the Muslim League After Mohammad Ali Jinnah agreed to return to

India, the Muslim League met in Delhi on March 4, 1934

and elected Jinnah, unanimously as its president. In

October 1934 while Jinnah was still in London, the

Muslims of Bombay chose him once again as member of

the Central Assembly. Jinnah returned to India a year later

i.e., in October 1935 and busied himself in organizing the

Muslim League. He was convinced that the Hindus were

keener on Hindu Raj than on the freedom of India.

In the meantime there occurred the shocking

incident of the destruction of the Shaheedganj Mosque by

the Sikhs. This brought about an ugly communal situation.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah rushed to Lahore on the great

insistence of the people of the Punjab. He contained the

situation but certain factors did not allow the issue to be

completely resolved.

Mohammad Ali Jinnah was still in the process of

organizing the League when the 1936-37 elections

suddenly came up. The Muslim League could capture only

109 out of the 492 Muslim seats. It won 51 percent, 43

percent, 39 percent and 26 percent seats in Bombay, UP

(Uttar Pradesh), Madras and Assam respectively but failed

to secure a single seat in CP (Central Province), Bihar and

Orissa.12 Inebriated by the election results, Jawaharlal

Nehru, the Hindu leader declared that there were only two

parties in the country—the Congress and the British.

37

“No,” thundered the Quaid, “there is a third party, namely,

the Mussalmans.”

Witnessing the zeal and sincerity of Mohammad

Ali Jinnah, Allama Iqbal, the Poet of the East, in a letter to

him dated June 21, 1937 stated: “You are the only Muslim

in India today to whom the community has a right to look

for safe guidance through the storm which is coming to

North West India; and, perhaps, to the whole of India.”13

Congress Ministries The Congress won many more seats in the 1936-37

elections than it had expected. The Hindu leaders turned

arrogant and their attitude changed for the worst. They

were now hell bent on destroying the Muslim League one

way or another. They believed that if the League was

liquidated, Muslims would have no choice but to join the

Congress. After forming its government in eight

provinces, the Congress initiated the Vidya Mandir

(teaching in temples) Scheme. Muslim students were

forced to salute to Congress flag, sing Bande Matram (an

anti-Muslim anthem) and worship Gandhi’s portrait. Cow

slaughter was forbidden. Hindi with Devnagri script was

declared the national language of India in place of Urdu.

Gandhi argued that Urdu’s Quranic script made it the

religious language of the Muslims, and could not be made

the lingua franca of India. These provincial governments

also strove to weaken the Muslims economically. In UP

(Uttar Pradesh) and Bihar, for instance, where there were

38

more Muslim landowners, laws were enacted which

safeguarded the rights of the farm workers. Conversely, in

Bengal, where the landowners were mostly Hindus,

agricultural reforms were opposed. In the Punjab,

however, Hindu moneylenders were free to exploit the

impoverished Muslims.

This situation convinced Mohammad Ali Jinnah

that Muslims could never expect to find justice at the

hands of the Hindus. It was therefore imperative that the

Muslims discarded the idea of Hindu-Muslim unity and

took up the path that led to a free Muslim state. He

impressed upon the Muslims that the Congress was purely

Hindu party and wanted to rule over the whole of India.

He made it plain to the Muslims that the dreadful

Congress rule along with its “Bande Matram,” tri-colour

flag and Vidya Mandir Scheme offered more proof than

needed that the Hindus could never be sincere to the

Muslims. On January 31, 1938, he openly declared that

“Bande Matram” smacked of idolatory and was a

declaration of war against the Muslims.

Hailed as the “Quaid-i-Azam” These facts were clearly visible to all the Muslims.

They began to rally round the flag of the Muslim League.

1938 was politically a momentous year for Mohammad

Ali Jinnah. It was unique in the sense that a grateful

people hailed him as the “Quaid-i-Azam” for his political

dynamism and for giving them a sense of identity. This

39

title was used for the first time by Maulana Mazhar-ud-

din, editor of Al-Amaan of Delhi in his editorial and soon

became a by-word in every Muslim home. Mohammad

Ali Jinnah was now the one and only Quaid-i-Azam of the

entire Muslim community.15

The Decision to Observe Deliverance Day World War II broke out in September 1939. Britain

declared war on Germany. Gandhi supported the British in

its war efforts. Nehru also sided with the British

government. But a month later when the tide appeared to

be turning in favour of Germany, Congress linked its

support to independence for India and demanded the

formation of a Constituent Assembly on the basis of adult

suffrage, which should run the government of India.

Hindus constituted 75 percent of the population of

India. The establishment of a constituent assembly would

have evidently meant a Hindu Raj. The Muslim League

was ready to support the demand for independence on the

condition that Muslim approval should also be sought for

the future constitution. The Congress paid no heed to this

proposal and harped on the Hindu Raj. It decided not to

co-operate with the government and asked its eight

provincial governments to resign. Quaid-i-Azam acted

correctly on this occasion and took a prudent decision.

The Congress governments had caused untold sufferings

for the Muslims and had done its utmost to undermine

their culture, education, economy and their very religion.

40

Quaid-i-Azam asked the Muslims to observe Deliverance

Day on the resignation of the Congress ministries. The

Muslims observed this day in a peaceful and disciplined

manner and as a mark of relief and gratitude. While the

Hindus were disheartened, the day boosted the confidence

of the Muslims.

The Pakistan Resolution Three months later, i.e. on March 23, 1940, the

Muslims put a formal demand for independence from the

platform of the All-India Muslim League. The annual

session of the League was held on March 22, 1940. When

the Quaid-i-Azam reached Lahore on the morning of

March 21, arrangements were complete to take him out in

a grand procession but earlier, on March 19, there

occurred a tragic incident. The Khaksars clashed with the

Police. 32 Khaksars lost their lives and many more were

injured. This bloody drama cast a deep gloom over the

city. Consequently, when Quaid-i-Azam reached Lahore,

he instructed them to abandon all arrangements, and went

straight from the railway station to the Mayo Hospital to

inquire after the injured Khaksars.16

The historic session of the Muslim League was

held on March 22. The Quaid-i-Azam in his address

declared that the Muslims were a nation by every

definition of the word but had wrongly been described as

a minority. If the British government was a sincere well-

wisher of the people, it should divide India into

41

autonomous and sovereign states and allow the two

communities to exist separately. The Hindus and Muslim,

he said, belonged to two different religions, had separate

social set-ups and literature. They neither inter-married

nor inter-dined. In fact, they belonged to two different

civilization that were based on two opposed conceptions.

This was two-nation theory, which formed the base

of an independent state. The next day, Fazlul Haq, the

Lion of Bengal, moved a resolution called the Lahore

Resolution. The Hindu press named it the Pakistan

Resolution. This was the landmark resolution, which gave

the Muslims of India a clear objective and a new road to

freedom. On that very day Anwar Qureshi recited the

momentous and spirited poem of Mian Bashir Ahmed,

which before long was to be found on the lips of every

Muslims.17

A few Urdu couplets of the poem are as follows:-

Millat ka paasban hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Millat hai jism jaan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Rakhta hai dil mein taab-o-tawan nau crore ki

Kehnay ko natawan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Ai qaum apnay Quaid-i-Azam ki qadar kar

Islam ka nishan hai Mohammad Ali Jinnah

42

Translation [The sentinel of the Muslims is Mohammad Ali

Jinnah,

The Millat is the body, its soul is Mohammad Ali

Jinnah

He, in his heart, has the strength of nine crores

Though apparently of a slender frame is

Mohammad Ali Jinnah

Perceive, O Nation! The greatness of your Quaid-i-

Azam

For the standard-bearer of Islam is Mohammad Ali

Jinnah]

Quaid-i-Azam and Allama Mohammad Iqbal A little after the passage of the historic Lahore

Resolution, the Quaid-i-Azam observed that had Iqbal

been alive he would have been happy to see that we did

what he had desired.18 The Quaid-i-Azam admired Allama

Iqbal’s national and political insight. On an Iqbal Day

function, he paid the following tribute:-

“Iqbal was not just a speaker and a philosopher; he

was also a man of courage, action, self-confidence and

conviction. Above all, he had firm faith in Allah and great

love for Islam. In spite of being a great poet and

philosopher, he was no ordinary practising politician. He

had profound faith in the values of Islam. He was among

43

the few who had pondered over the possibility of

establishing an Islamic State in Muslim majority areas i.e.,

the North West and North East areas.”19

On yet another occasion he said:-

“Iqbal’s poetry and prose played a vital role in

inspiring the Muslims of India and infusing a new political

awareness into them.”20

Allama Iqbal, too, was a great admirer of Quaid-i-

Azam’s leadership, integrity and truthfulness. The

following couplet of the poet is in harmony with the

Quaid’s personality:

(Urdu Couplets)

Nigah buland sukhan dil nawaz jaan pur soz

Yahi hai rakhtey safar meer-e-karwan key liye

Translation (A lofty invision, gracious speech,

And a passionate soul

These are the attribute

Of the leaders of all men)

Cripps’ Mission After the passing of the Pakistan Resolution, the

Muslims of the subcontinent became more active and an

organized group under the leadership of the Quaid-i-

Azam. Meanwhile, in 1942, British Prime Minister, Sir

44

Winston Churchill, sent a delegation headed by one of his

distinguished ministers, Sir Stafford Cripps. Cripps’

mission was to propose a formula for Self-governance that

both the Hindus and the Muslims would find workable.

Soon after Cripps arrived in India, he started meeting

political leaders and placed his proposals before them. He

offered immediate formation of provisional government

and the framing of a constitution in which the provinces

would have the right to opt out of the centre. Cripps was

of the view that his proposals be accepted in full or

rejected outright. In other words, there was no room for

change.

Cripps’ proposals were agreeable to the extent that

for the first time the British government had accepted in

principle the right of the provinces to leave the centre.

Thus, in a way, the idea of Pakistan had been accepted.

But the proposals did not specify the process through

which the provinces would opt out of the centre.

Nonetheless, there was some cause for joy because the

possibility of Pakistan had been acknowledged.

The offer was rejected by the Congress on the

ground that by granting the provinces the right to secede,

the British Government had opened the way to the

creation of Pakistan. The Congress moreover wanted to

take advantage of Britain’s helplessness and push it into

forming a representative government of Indians that

would have complete power and authority. With 75

percent members of the Central Assembly being Hindus, it

45

meant the establishment of a Hindu Raj. The British

government rejected this proposal of the Congress. The

Cripps’s offer was rejected both by the Congress and the

Muslim League. The mission ended in failure.

Nevertheless, its proposal for the right of the provinces to

opt out of the centre turned out to be the first step that led

to the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan.

After the failure of the Cripps Mission and the

presumption that British would lose World War II, Gandhi

resorted to yet another tactic. This time he demanded that

the British quit India and threatened to launch a non-

cooperation campaign if they refused to do so. At

Gandhi’s signal, Congress asked the people to start a mass

struggle to gain freedom.

The Quaid-i-Azam saw through the Congress

game. He promptly declared that this policy was meant to

aimed at black mailing the British and forcing them to

handover authority to a Hindu oligarchy that would

impose Hindu Raj at once. The Muslims and other

minorities would thus, inevitably, become the slaves of

the Congress.

The government took immediate action against this

unlawful movement and arrested all Congress leaders

including Gandhi. Some Muslim Leaguers were of the

opinion that Muslims should support the Congress in its

struggle to free India. But the Quaid-i-Azam’s foresight

showed them the right direction. He called upon the

Muslims to remain peaceful and refrain from participating

46

in the movement. He asked them to stay neutral. Had the

Quaid-i-Azam not come to their rescue at this hour, the

Muslims would have strayed from their goal and their

future plunged once again in darkness. Had the Quaid not

guided them at this difficult time, the Muslims would have

clashed with the government and scattered like straw in

the wind.

Gandhi-Jinnah Talks Gandhi was arrested during the non-cooperation

movement, and was released after two years. Within two

weeks of his release, there began a series of Gandhi-

Jinnah talks, which continued for 18 days and ended in

failure. In one of his letters, the Quaid-i-Azam referred to

the Two-Nation Theory and made it crystal clear to

Gandhi that the Hindus and the Muslims were two nations

by any definition or test of a nation.21 Muslims were a

nation of a hundred million. They had their own

distinctive culture and civilization; language and

literature; art and architecture; names and nomenclature;

sense of values and proportion; legal laws and moral

codes; customs and calendar; history and traditions. In

other words, Muslims were a nation in accordance with all

cannons of international law. In his letters and parleys,

Gandhi’s attitude was most irresponsible. Gandhi, in fact,

had no intentions of arriving at a settlement and was just

playing for time. Gandhi’s lack of responsibility can be

gauged from the fact that even while the talks were in

47

progress, he told another Hindu leader, Raj

Gopalachariya, that the real purpose of his talks was to

draw out of Mr. Jinnah’s own lips that the concept of

Pakistan was absurd and meaningless.22 The fact is that

Gandhi had little or no idea of the Quaid-i-Azam’s

astuteness otherwise he would never have ventured such a

comment, The result was that his schemes came to nought.

Simla Conference The Pakistan Movement was gaining momentum

and nearing its goal. Quaid-i-Azam’s relentless efforts to

organize the Muslim League were bearing fruit and

enhancing the dignity of the Muslims. In the meantime,

another milestone in the freedom movement manifested

itself in the shape of the Simla Conference. The

conference began on June 25, 1945 and lasted for about 20

or 22 days. The Quaid-i-Azam made it clear that if the

demand for Pakistan was acceded to, the Muslim League

would be willing to co-operate with the government on an

equal level. The Congress and the Unionist Party,

however, were not willing to recognize the Muslim

League as the sole representative of the Muslims. Neither

was Lord Wavell, the Viceroy of India, prepared to offer

any guarantee that the interests of the Muslims would be

safeguarded. The Simla Conference thus ended in failure.

Here too, the Quaid-i-Azam, with his foresight and

unflinching determination, frustrated the designs of the

Hindus and the British. Quaid-i-Azam’s prudent policy

48

added to his stature. The Muslims in general paid glowing

tributes to the Quaid’s political acumen and firm stance.

The supreme importance of the Muslim League became

evident to them. The growing popularity of the League

made it the sole representative of the Muslims and only an

election could determine its degree of popularity. The

Muslim League, therefore, demanded that the government

hold elections to the provincial and central assemblies.

Lord Wavell, the Viceroy convened a conference of

governors to discuss this issue. The Quaid-i-Azam was

certain that the government, willy-nilly, would have to

hold elections. He therefore touched off his election

campaign. In one of his election meetings he revealed the

true face of the Congress in the following words:

“Congress harbours such bitterness and venom against the

Muslims and the Muslim League that it would over ride

all principles to defeat and humiliate them.”

Historic Elections Quaid-i-Azam’s forecast about the elections came

true. Elections to the central and provincial legislatures

were scheduled for the winter of 1945. The future of the

Muslim League depended entirely on the backing of the

people. It contested these elections under the banner of

Islam and Pakistan. The whole of Muslim India was

echoing to the sound of two watchwords: “Pakistan ka

matlab kiya? La Ilaha Illallah” and “Muslim hai to

Muslim League mein aa.” Quaid-i-Azam made it very

49

clear to the Muslims that their survival and the creation of

Pakistan depended on the success of the Muslim League.

He urged them not to consider any sacrifice too great to

achieve their goal. Every Muslim, he said, should be

prepared to endure suffering and offer sacrifices. He

should forgo his personal interest, comfort and ambition

for the sake of the collective interest of the nation.23

The December 1945 result of the central assembly

indicated that the Muslim League was the sole

representative organization of the Muslims. The Muslim

League bagged all the 30 Muslim seats. While the election

results were a matter of great joy and celebration for the

Muslims and the Muslim League, they were a source of

great concern for the Congress and other opponents. The

Quaid himself contested the Muslim seat in Bombay and

defeated his rival Husain Bhai balji who obtained 127

votes as against the Quaid’s 2602 votes. His opponent

even lost his security money. The Quaid-i-Azam asked the

nation to thank Allah Almighty for their splendid success

and celebrate “Victory Day” on January 11, 1946.

The Muslim League won by a huge majority in the

provincial assembly election as well. It bagged 432

Muslim seats out of a total of 492. This unprecedented

success proclaimed to the world that Pakistan alone was

the destiny of the Indian Muslims. The success of the

Muslim League amply justified the complete faith of the

Muslims in the Quaid-i-Azam. Within a brief period of

ten years, the great leader had brought together, a

50

scattered community on to a single platform. His foresight

and selfless leadership had marshalled the Muslim nation

into a monolithic unit. Now he had only one objective

before him, namely, Pakistan and he was prepared to offer

every sacrifice to achieve that goal.

The Cabinet Mission After World War II, Britain’s economy worsened.

It could no longer hold on to India by the force of arms.

Wisdom dictated that if it ever had to bid farewell to its

colony, its relations with the latter should remain cordial.

It was with this purpose in view that the British

government decided to send out a Cabinet Mission to

India to resolve the problems facing the country. It would

take stock of the political and economic situation and

suggested ways and means of breaking the frustrating

deadlock.

No sooner did the Cabinet Mission reach India than

it began a series of talks with the party leaders. Abul

Hasan Ispahani, Raja Sahib Mahmudabad and Begum

Shahnawaz met the Cabinet Mission with the Quaid-i-

Azam’s permission. The British Prime Minister Mr.

Attlee, declared that while they were mindful of the rights

of the minorities, they would not allow any minority to

stand in the way of progress of the majority. Quaid-i-

Azam strongly protested against this statement and

declared that Muslims were a nation and not a minority.

He repeated the same idea when he addressed a

51

convention of the elected Muslim League representatives.

It was true, he said that the Muslims were fighting for

their religion, but that was not all. They were also fighting

for the preservation of their social and economic life. He

warned that Pakistan would not remain a passive spectator

if, after the creation of Pakistan, the Muslim minorities

were ill treated.

Direct Action The Cabinet Mission stayed in India for about three

months but met with no success. The Quaid-i-Azam

meanwhile noticed that the Cabinet Mission had shown

downright dishonesty and partiality by siding with the

Congress. The Quaid-i-Azam thereupon took a bold step

and proclaimed “Direct Action” and called upon all

Muslim Leaguers to renounce titles bestowed on them by

the British government. Such an unconstitutional step had

never been taken before in the entire history of the

Muslim League. But the time had now arrived for the

Muslims to come out of their houses and offer every

sacrifice to achieve their goal. The British and the

Congress had never imagined that the Muslim League

would ever resort to such an action. The Quaid-i-Azam’s

bold and unexpected decision jolted not only the British

government but also the whole Hindu community. It

changed the very map of Indian politics. The British and

the Hindus were now convinced that no power could now

52

stop the Muslims from wresting their just rights and that

the dream of a Hindu Raj would never come true.

Setting up of a provisional government was also

one of the tasks with which the Cabinet Mission had been

entrusted. Both the Congress and the Muslim League were

to be included in the provincial government based on their

proportion and weightage, but the Congress turned

obstinate. It refused to accept any proposal, which brought

the Muslim League at par with the Congress. At this

moment, the Viceroy of India displayed blatant partiality

and introduced a new formula. The Executive Council was

now to consist of 14 persons: six Congressmen, five

Muslim Leaguers and three from other minorities. The

Congress rejected this proposal as well because it wanted

to rule the whole of India and thus translate its dream of

Hindu Raj into reality. While it rejected this formula, it

agreed to join the Constituent Assembly. On the other

hand, the Muslim League conveyed its intention of joining

the provisional government. When the Congress rejected

the formula, the Muslim League should have been invited

to join the interim government as its status as the sole

representative of the Muslims could not be ignored. The

provisional government came into being in October 1946.

Nawabzada Liaquat Ali Khan, I.I. Chundrigar, Sardar

Abdur Rab Nishter, Raja Ghazanfar Ali Khan and one

untouchable, Joginder Nath Mandal, were included from

the Muslim League. As finance minister, Nawabzada

53

Liaquat Ali Khan presented a historic budget, which was

people-friendly but alarmed the capitalists.

The Decisive Years (1946-47) At this critical hour and till the very end, the

Quaid-i-Azam fulfilled his duties with great dedication

and sincerity. This phase was of unique importance in his

political life. The nation was near its destination but the

health of the leader was fast deteriorating. The long and

exhausting four-pronged battle had caused irreparable

damage to his health. The British and the Hindus were

fully aware that Quaid-i-Azam was the only man who

could lead the Muslims. They, therefore, dragged their

feet in the hope that should anything happen to the Quaid,

the vision of Muslim independence would fade for ever.

The Quaid-i-Azam was well aware of the deviousness of

the British and the Hindus. He doubled his efforts and

devoted all his energies to the sacred cause of the nation.

Like a seasoned general, he wanted his soldiers to triumph

at all cost. Achieving one milestone after another on the

road to freedom, the Quaid had by now no strength left in

him. His morale was, however, high; his courage and zeal,

a beacon and inspiration for the younger generation.

Meanwhile, a new Viceroy, Lord Mountbatten, arrived in

India. It was March 1947. Soon after reaching India,

Mountbatten got to work and held meetings with the

Quaid-i-Azam and the Congress leaders. He had brought

with him a proposal for the division of the subcontinent.

54

His discussions focussed on the transfer of power and its

implementation.

The scheme for the division of India began to grow

clearer. It was on June 3, 1947—a historic day—that Lord

Mountbatten announced the proposal for the transfer of

power. The radio broadcast of the proposal was followed

by speeches of Nehru, Quaid-i-Azam and Baldev Singh.

The Quaid-i-Azam closed his speech with the words

“Pakistan Zindabad.”

Quaid-i-Azam and Kashmir No sooner was the partition proposal announced

than despondency spread among the Hindus and the

Congress leaders. To the Hindus, the division of India was

like the vivisection of “Gau Mata” (Mother Cow). Hindu

hoodlums and armed gangs started wreaking havoc and

destruction. Muslims were ruthlessly butchered and their

property plundered. The genocide was on as massive a

scale as to provide no parallel in history. One million

Muslims were martyred and ten million Muslim homes

pillaged. The Muslims liberally waded through fire and

blood to reach their destination, namely Pakistan. The

British government too crossed all limits in its dishonesty

and breach of faith. The Boundary Commission set up for

the demarcation of boundaries in Bengal and the Punjab

transferred secretly some very important Muslim majority

areas to Bharat. District Gurdaspur was a Muslim majority

area but the Radcliff Commission amended it wrongfully

55

to Bharat. India thus obtained a direct access to Kashmir

and occupied the state by force.

Quaid-i-Azam was deeply saddened and dismayed

at Bharat’s occupation of Kashmir. He stated publicly that

Kashmir was the jugular vein of Pakistan. No country

worth its salt could tolerate that its jugular vein be in the

hands of the enemy.

In one of his earlier speeches the Quaid-i-Azam

had made it clear that the princely states were free to join

the Constituent Assembly of Pakistan or the Constituent

Assembly of India. “I have no doubt”, he said, “that the

Maharaja of Kashmir and the government of Kashmir

would give due thought to the matter and to the interests

and sentiments of the people of Kashmir.”24 On another

occasion in a message to the people of Kashmir he said:

”Remain united; work with selfless devotion and

complete discipline, I assure you that no power on earth

can block the freedom of Kashmir or stop you from

achieving your joint and lawful rights”. 25

Pakistan Comes into Being Quaid-i-Azam’s ceaseless efforts, rock-like

determination and profound foresight and understanding

bore fruit. Pakistan appeared on the map of the world on

August 14, 1947 as the largest Muslim State. The freedom

movement leading to the creation of Pakistan is closely

linked up with the life, character and achievements of the

Quaid-i-Azam. The Muslims would never have achieved

56

freedom had they not possessed a leader of Mohammad

Ali Jinnah’s courage and resolute purpose; boldness and

unimpeachable integrity. With his supreme ability,

wisdom and matchless foresight, the Quaid-i-Azam

single-handedly vanquished an astute opponent like the

British and a cunning enemy like the Hindu. He welded a

scattered Muslim community into a solid bulwark of

strength. He rescued them from the dark abyss of slavery

and steered them into the shining light of freedom.

On the first of September, 1948, Lt.Col. Ilahi

Baksh, the Quaid’s physician, informed Mohtarma Fatima

Jinnah that the Quaid-i-Azam had suffered a haemorrhage.

It was imperative to take him at once to Karachi as the

altitude of Quetta was having a bad effect on his health.

When the Quaid was told about the matter, he said: “Yes,

I was born in Karachi and would like to be buried there.”

A little later he fell asleep. Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah

noticed that he was, at intervals, mumbling words in his

sleep: “Kashmir……give them the right of self-

determination……..constitution…..I shall complete it

…..refugees….they should be helped in every

way…..Pakistan.”

Quaid-i-Azam left for Karachi on September 11,

1948 with his doctors and devoted sister. Despite his acute

weakness he raised his feeble hand to return the salute of

the aircrew. The plane landed at Mauripur airport at 4:15

in the afternoon. Quaid-i-Azam was driven in an

57

ambulance to Governor-general’s house. The ambulance

came to a sudden halt after it had covered about four

miles. There was no sea breeze that day and the weather

was unbearable. After an agonizing wait of one hour,

another ambulance came, and the party again set out for

G-G House. The Quaid-i-Azam soon fell into a deep sleep

and awoke after two hours. He looked at his beloved

sister, motioned to her with his head and eyes to come

closer and whispered in an almost inaudible voice:

Fathi…..God be with you….……26

This mighty symbol of selflessness, discipline,

integrity and wisdom had ended his backbreaking

struggle. “From God he came / To God he returned.”

The funeral prayers of the Quaid-i-Azam were led

by Maulana Shabbir Ahmad Usmani on September 12,

1948. Thousands of people joined in the funeral prayer.

Paying tribute to the Quaid-i-Azam after the prayers,

Maulana Usmani declared: “After Emperor Aurangzeb

Alamgir, India has not produced a greater Muslim whose

unflinching faith and rock-like determination transformed

the misfortunes of a 100 million Muslims into a singal

triumph.”

Khuda rehmat kanud ein ashiqan pak teenat ra

[God bless these people who are good-natured.]

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Quaid-i-Azam: Life at a glance

1876 Born on December 25 at Karachi 1883 Enrolled in Sind Madrassat-ul-Islam,

Karachi 1886 Student at Gokul Das Tej Primary School,

Bombay 1887 Returns to Karachi—rejoins Sind

Madrassat-ul-Islam 1891 Marries Emi Bai 1892 Proceeds to England for higher studies—

joins Lincolns Inn. 1896 Becomes a barrister—Returns home 1897 Starts law practice in Bombay 1898 Bombay advocate-general MacPherson

allows him to use his library 1900 Appointed Presidency Magistrate, Bombay 1901 Declines 1500 rupees a month job 1902 His father, Jinnah Poonja dies 1905 Accompanies Gopal Krishan Gokhale to

London as member of Congress delegation 1906 Private secretary to Dadabhai Naoroji 1907 Elected Vice-president of Indian Mussalman

Association, Calcutta. 1909 Elected unanimously as member Supreme

Imperial Council. 1911 Moves Wakf Validating bill.

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1912 Attends annual session of Muslim League at Calcutta.

1913 Proceeds to England with Gokhale—returns to India the same year—joins Muslim League.

1914 Visits England as a member of Congress delegation.

1915 Elected member All India Muslim League Council

1916 Elected member Imperial Legislative Council. Elected president at the historic Muslim League session at Lucknow—Lucknow Pact.

1917 Participates in Home Rule Movement—meets Montague

1918 Marries Mohtarma Maryam Jinnah—speaks on free and compulsory education

1918 Movement in Imperial Legislative Council—leads protest against Lord Wellingdon.

1919 Resigns Imperial Council in protest against Rowlatt Act—sends message to All India Khilafat Conference

1920 Leaves the Congress 1923 Elected again unanimously to the Imperial

Legislative Council 1926 Elected once again to Imperial Legislative

Council

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1927 Attends All Parties Conference—takes oath as member of Imperial Legislative Council—plays leading role in the Delhi Proposals.

1928 Nehru Report 1929 His wife Mohtarma Maryam Jinnah, dies -

14 Points. 1930 Attends first Round Table Conference in

London as representative of Muslims—Settles in England—Iqbal’s Allahabad Address.

1931 Attends second Round Table Conference—Stays away for a time from Indian politics.

1934 Again elected to Imperial Council. 1935 Addresses students of Aligarh Muslim

University—Returns home on the insistence of Allama Iqbal and other friends.

1936 Arrives in Lahore because of Shaheed Ganj Mosque incident—Addresses Muslim students of Calcutta—Tells them unity of Muslims main objective.

1937 Presides over the first session of the All India Muslim Students Federation at Calcutta—Curt rejoinder to Nehru: “No, there are three parties.”

1938 Attends Aligarh Muslim University function as chief guest—Presides over the Muslim

61

League Session at Karachi—Title of “Quaid-i-Azam conferred on him.

1939 Visits Viceroy Lord Linlithgow on the latter’s invitation—Calls upon the Muslims to observe “Deliverance Day.”

1940 Passage of the Pakistan Resolution—Main objectives: service to the Muslims and achievement of freedom.

1942 Cripps mission—Cripps meets Quaid and other Indian leaders—establishment of Pakistan as accepted principle—“Quit India” Movement—Quaid-i-Azam stays aloof.

1943 Khaksar Rafiq Sabir’s murderous attack on the Quaid—Opening ceremony of Lahore Muslim Students Federation and Quaid-i-Azam’s Address—Meets Gandhi on September 9.

1945 Simla Conference—Visits Baluchistan—historic success in elections—calls for celebrating “Victory Day.”

1946 Resounding success of Muslim League in provincial elections—Cabinet Mission arrives—Formation of provisional government—Visits London on invitation of British government—Meets Amin-ul-Hussaini, Grand Mufti of Palestine on return journey.

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1947 Lord Mountbatten arrives—Quaid meets Viceroy and voices demand for Pakistan—June 3 formula—Quaid ends Radio broadcast with the words: “Pakistan Zindabad”—Addresses Pakistan’s Constituent Assembly on 11 August—Creation of Pakistan—Eid message as Pakistan’s Governor General—Eid-ul-Azha message on October 24—Appeals to refugees to show patience.

1948 Attends launching of “Dilawar”—Attends Sibi Darbar—Addresses a concourse of three lakhs in Dacca—opening ceremony of State Bank of Pakistan—Proceeds to Ziarat to recover health—First independence day message—Arrives in Karachi September 11—Dies at 10:45 p.m.

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References

1. Hector Bolitho “Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan.” 2. Razi Haider Khawaja “Quaid-i-Azam Kay 72

Saal” Nafees Academy—Karachi, 1986 p 46. 3. Ibid, - p 44. 4. Hasan Riaz “Pakistan Naguzeer tha” (Urdu)

Karachi University, Karachi, 1987 p 65. 5. Hameed Raza Siddiqui—“ Quaid-i-Azam Kaisa

Pakistan Chahtay Thay?” (Urdu) Karwan-e-Adab, Lahore—1993, p. 101.

6. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan”—QAP., —Karachi, 2000, p 33.

7. Hector Bolitho op. cit., p. 94. 8. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam

Mohammad Ali Jinnah”—Qaumi Publishers, Lahore, —1998 p 43.

9. Hector Bolitho op.cit., Page 111,112. 10. Ibid, p 85. 11. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam

Mohammad Ali Jinnah” op.cit, p 83. 12. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan”, op-cit.,

p. 147. 13. Muzaffar Hussain Barni—Collected letters of

Iqbal—Vol. 4, Urdu Academy, New Delhi, Bharat 1998—p 479.

14. Ahmad Saeed “Guftar-e-Quaid-i-Azam”, National Commission on Historical and Cultural, Research,—Islamabad, 1976, p 199.

64

15. Jamil-ud-Din Ahmed—“Glimpses of Quaid-i-Azam”—Royal Book Society, —Karachi, 1990, p 13.

16. Stanley Wolpert—“Jinnah of Pakistan” op-cit p. 180.

17. Siddiqui Mohammad Saeed—“Tehrik-e-Pakistan Kay Rehnuma”—Ferozsons, Lahore, 1992, p 153.

18. Hector Bolitho “Jinnah, Creator of Pakistan.” Op.cit., p 184.

19. Iqbal Ahmad Siddiqui—“Quaid-i-Azam: Speeches and Statements”—Vol.3—Bazm-e-Iqbal, Lahore—1998 p. 400.

20. Ibid—Vol. 4 p. 102. 21. Khurshid Ahmed Khan—“Speeches, Statements

and Messages of the Quaid-i-Azam” vol. 3, Bazm-e-Iqbal, Lahore, 1996, p 1578.

22. Mohammad Saleem Dr. “Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah” op.cit., p 157.

23. Iqbal Ahmad Siddiqui—“Quaid-i-Azam, Speeches & Statements” op-cit., vol. 3 p 475.

24. Ibid. Vol. 4 p 348. 25. Ibid. p. 233. 26. Mohtarma Fatima Jinnah—“My Brother”.