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By mutual agreement, the International Social Science Journal publishes the official proceedings and other communications from the following international organizations:

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'l9Dft"W SS.66/I.74/A Printed in France by I m p . Crete, Paris

international

social science journal Published quarterly by Unesco

Vol. XVIII, N o . 4, 1966

Demetrius Iatridis

Suzanne Keller E . F . Mills

Zygmunt Pióro Alasdair C . Sutherland

Social science in physical planning

Social scientists in physical development planning: a practitioner's viewpoint 473 Social class in physical planning 494 L a n d values in the United Kingdom since 1946 513 A n ecological interpretation of settlement systems 527 T o w n planning and the public 539

The world of the social sciences

Peter Lengyel t Julian Hochfeld

Federal Republic of Germany

United States of America

Unesco's twentieth anniversary 553

T w o decades of social science at Unesco 554 Patterns of Unesco's social science programme 569

Research and teaching centres and professional bodies

N e w institutions and changes of address 589 Dokumentations und Ausbildungszentrum für Theorie und Methode der Regionalforschung 590 Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University 592

Announcement 597

Documents and publications of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies 598

Books received 612

Social science in physical

planning

Social scientists

in physical development planning:

a practitioner's viewpoint

Demetrius Iatridis

The paper focuses on the participation of social planners in physical development programmes and highlights the reasons underlying the successful or unsuccessful fusion of the two types of planning in practice.

T h e observations m a d e here deal mainly with three topics: the participation of socialj3ilamiersin physical .development programmes, the fusion of physical and social planning, and the physical_elements of urban growth m~thëîr FeTätiöHsliip. to J m m a n and_sjjsiaJ.ji£yeJopment.

T h e viewpoint adopted is primarily that of a practitioner. Little is found in planning literature about the problems encountered in practice, as most writers have been concerned primarily with h o w planning ought to be practised rather than with h o w it is practised in reality. Insufficient attention is thus focused on problems which, in practice, have tended to frustrate both the participation of social planners and the fusion of social and physical planning.

A careful scrutiny of field experience and practice along with a critical review of recent literature on actual projects suggest several realistic observations which highlight major aspects of current practice. I have grouped them into three sections: the social planner in a physical development team; the fusion of physical and social planning; and Conclusion.

The social planner in a physical development team

Promising efforts are n o w being m a d e to establish the position of a social planner as a full-status m e m b e r of physical development teams along with the architect, economist, engineer and geographer. In everyday practice, experts are becoming increasingly aware and accepting more readily that the several types of space—such as perceptual, social, economic and physical—are indeed interdependent, and that successful urban planning requires that all of them be concertedly taken into account. Although a distinct planning specialization with its o w n methodology, framework and

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No . 4, 1966

474 D . Iatridis

vocabulary n o w appears to evolve around' various approaches to development (such as social, economic, technological, political or spatial), there is an increasing awareness a m o n g practitioners that in planning urban growth these approaches to development and the various concepts of space are variables of one and the same entity and that they should merge (Fig. i). T h e greater this conviction, the more acceptable and essential the role of the social planner.

Most physical planners in the recent past had to be convinced that a limited specialization viewpoint no longer sufficed to meet the challenge to create an urban environment appropriate for h u m a n and social development and that a social scientist could prove an effective, realistic and full-status team m e m b e r . Although proposals for improving the urban physical structure were frequently justified on the basis of social efficiency, the social dimensions of urban planning were seldom the actual concern of practice teams, the predominant view being that aspects of social and cultural growth are m o r e or less matters of 'opinion' to be dealt with separately by a social planner outside the team. Present-day awareness of the necessity to broaden the basis of interdisciplinary collaboration in practice and to utilize its potential marks a welcome and long-overdue change.

A distinct and systematic effort to broaden the basis of planning is m a d e by 'ekistics', the n e w discipline of h u m a n settlements established by C . A . Doxiadis.1 Ekistics is concerned with the future development of h u m a n settlements and seeks to effectively combine and solve the problems which have been only partially answered by the individual technical and socioeconomic sciences. It transcends the recent intradisciplinary approach to such problem-solving because it focuses its attention on the settlement itself, as an entity in its o w n right, and draws its professional and scientific orientation from the phenomena and problems of the settlement.2

T h e increasing acceptance of social planners as full-status members in physical planning teams is the result of several crucial developments. O n e is the better understanding of the h u m a n settlement as an entity in its o w n right. Another is the increasing tendency to view it and the urban system essentially as individuals, groups and social institutions in interaction with one another andas aspects of the societal systems. Experts in everyday practice were usually preoccupied with such elements as size, shape, ¡density, stock of buildings or goods. But the recent emphasis on social interaction and social organization—the view that it is really the flow of information, goods, wealth or feelings a m o n g h u m a n beings in communication which comprises the h u m a n settlement—has resulted in an expansion of the physical planner's viewpoint. In practice, the planners' traditional and major foci of inquiry have grown; in addition to size, shape, land use, location and density, they are showing a keen interest in social organization, h u m a n interaction, social policy and social change. T h e study-focus of projects n o w includes a far greater number and scope of subjects and variables ranging

i. C . A . Doxiadis, Architecture in Transition, London, Hutchinson & Co. , 1963. 2. International Social Science Journal, Vol. XVIII, N o . 1, 1966, p. 98.

Social scientists in physical development planning 475

Figure i. Planning framework (after diagram D - A C E 15 of the Athens Center of Ekistics).

476 D . Iatridis

from the political-administrative pattern of the h u m a n settlement to the essential behavioural patterns of individuals and groups.

Another pragmatic reason has also contributed to this change of climate in practice. Urban renewal projects and physical development programmes have been rather extensively studied recently in m a n y parts of the world, and the effect of their implementation upon the urban structures has been assessed carefully and objectively from m a n y viewpoints.1 T h e results are reasonably conclusive incertain aspects and have been the cause of increasing concern in various places and of a distinct disillusion with existing physical development programmes and practices. Critical and realistic assessments of certain urban renewal projects in the United States of A m e r ica or of physical development 'master plans' in Asia and Africa or the establishment of n e w cities in Latin America have frequently pointed out major shortcomings and, at times, brought to the surface undesirable and unforeseen consequences which usually disturb the socio-economic pattern of the community. T h e more evidence that physical planning has been too narrowly conceived and the more emphasis on development, the greater the participation of social planners in actual projects. While physical planners are attempting more and more to employ social science concepts and tools to improve the quality and effectiveness of physical development programmes, social planners are also becoming increasingly aware that the organization of the physical environment m a y be instrumental in achieving h u m a n and social goals.

It is generally recognized that the participation of social planners and the actual role they can play in physical development programmes vary greatly from project to project, country to country, or from one organization to another. Practitioners are keenly aware that their participation in interdisciplinary teams also varies from one phase of the project to another and that the use m a d e of social science concepts and tools tends to depend greatly upon the more or less distinct phases of the physical planning process: 'analysis', 'policy', 'programming', 'design or plan' or 'implementation'.

A brief review of major tasks which are commonly performed in each of these phases illustrates the general, sequential use of concepts and the changing role of the social planner. T o include the specific social planning operations performed in each phase is a formidable task; consequently, the latter is briefly illustrated in the 'analysis' phase only (see appendix). It includes the contributions which can be or are m a d e by various social science disciplines, such as anthropology (action, cultural, social), on the predominant dimensions of the prevailing value-system; demography, on population

i. A comprehensive report on urban renewal in the United States has been written by C . A . Doxiadis, entitled Urban Renewal and the Figure of the American City, prepared by the National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials, and published by the Public Administration Service, 1966. See also Peter Morris, ' A Report on Urban Renewal in the United States', in: L . J. Duhl (ed.), The Urban Condition, N e w York, Basic Books, 1963, pp. 113-34.


structure and characteristics; education, on levels of knowledge and resources as preconditions for socio-economic growth; political sciences, administration and law, on the political administrative system; psychology (clinical, experimental, social), on physiological, emotional, intellectual and aesthetic needs and behaviour; psychiatry, on personality structure and behavioural patterns; social work/welfare, on social policy, social pathology and welfare standards; sociology, on social systems and structure. T h e contribution from these disciplines can also be sketched for each of the phases (see Fig. 2).

In the 'analysis' phase, a physical development team is primarily and usually concerned with such general operations as the analysis of h u m a n and social needs in a h u m a n settlement (or a physical area), from individual needs up to and including all the needs of all the people. In doing so, it takes into consideration the ability of the people and their governments to satisfy those needs, individually or collectively. T h e team is likewise concerned as a rule with the analysis of total needs for equipment, facilities and institutions and identification of total resources and of the h u m a n settlement (or physical area) in relation to the broader region in the context of national policy and plans. Finally, the team synthesizes and interprets conclusions reached in the course of analysis in more general terms, relating them to findings and conclusions applicable to other comparable areas.

During the 'policy' phase, the team usually ranks alternative courses of action based upon the conclusions reached during the analysis; outlines the likely short and long-term effects of each course of action upon the total set of social, economic, and political conditions, problems and policies of the area and their impact upon the people and the government; and develops a close familiarity with existing and proposed resources, and with the legal and legislative context within which to carry out projects, programmes and plans. Finally, it decides on and recommends a course of action and policy that not only satisfies the identified needs (present and future) but also has the greatest possibility of achieving successful completion.

In the 'programme' phase, the team usually translates the policies decided on into specific courses of action; estimates the time and cost allotments for each specific course of action, incorporating them into a proposed capital budget; schedules the phases of programme and plan so as to utilize to the fullest possible degree the available resources; and finally presents in written, graphic and tabular form the specifics of the programme.

In the 'design' or 'plan' phase, the team usually selects those technical solutions to the problems that seem most appropriate in the socio-economic setting, while making the best use of the limited resources; interprets and presents through maps or models, at all scales, all phenomena related to analysis and policy in a h u m a n settlement or physical area; presents in a graphic form the specifics of the plan, so as to illustrate clearly the preceding analysis and to express the conclusions and solutions chosen; and prepares the master plan, which is the physical presentation of all the ideas and standards included in the programme and in the concept of the future pattern.

o z z <

BASIC SOCIAL

SCIENCES DISCIPLINES

Cultural anthropology

Demography

Education

Political sciences/ Government

Psychology (clinical)

Psychology (social)

Psychiatry

Social work/Welfare

Sociology

Actual application + None

• Little

-0- Fair

Average

Predominant

Figure 2. Actual social science contribution to physical planning process (after diagram D - A G E 17 of the Athens Center of Ekistics).


In the 'Implementation' phase, the t e a m usually organizes a n d supervises the execution of the plan so as to derive the m a x i m u m advantage from b u d geted resources; creates a n administrative structure to max imize the flow of communicat ion and reduce the friction of duplication and overloading of responsibilities; develops p r o g r a m m e s for the adjustment of the population in the n e w physical environment; establishes feed-back procedures to assess the achievement and introduce further changes; and m a y develop plans for the early administration of the settlement a n d establish training facilities for experts in h u m a n settlements.

M o s t practitioners are keenly aware that roles and tasks are not, in practice, so neatly compartmentalized into separate phases, for in actual practice, the focus should be o n the totality of the process so as to achieve proper synchronization of all inputs and fuse the tasks of experts from various disciplines. Unless the proper input is m a d e in the 'analysis' or 'policy' phase and unless the experts are engaged at the appropriate time, it is usually too late to deal with undesirable consequences at later stages or to prevent shortcomings from the viewpoint of one discipline or another. In ekistic practice, an effort is constantly m a d e to engage the required experts from the conception of the project to the very end a n d to operate the team as an integral unit.1

This illustration and brief analysis of major tasks usually performed in each phase of the physical planning process—along with the appended illustration of social sciences concepts used in 'analysis'—points u p several implications.

First, it becomes apparent w h y certain social science concepts a n d skills tend to b e c o m e sequentially m o r e or less appropriate as the emphasis is successively placed o n a different phase. In most projects, for example, demographic skill is predominantly required in 'analysis', as it is essential to k n o w the size and characteristics of the population to be served n o w and in the future. Likewise, social w o r k , c o m m u n i t y organization, knowledge a n d skills to help population segments m o v e a w a y or settle in a n d identify with a n e w h u m a n settlement is predominantly required in ' implementation'—the phase during which the h u m a n element usually a n d predominantly comes into actual contact with the n e w physical environment. T h e use of social planners in s o m e countries is still limited to 'family relocation' and general 'adjustment tasks' in this phase.

Second, social science concepts are not adequately utilized a n d social science resources remain untapped. This holds true even in 'analysis'—the phase to which social planners usually contribute to the greatest extent (Fig. 2).

Third, social planners are predominantly engaged in 'analysis' and 'implementation', less frequently in 'policy' or 'design', a n d very seldom in ' p r o g r a m m i n g ' . Perhaps, understandably, 'analysis' and ' p r o g r a m m i n g ' are the two extremes, as social scientists are very familiar with analysis tech-

i. D . Iatridis, 'Ekistics and Development', Ekistics, Vol. 13, April 1962.

48o D . Iatridis

niques but are not yet adequately trained in current programming tools. Fourth, although the potential role of the social planner can be vital

throughout the planning process, and particularly in 'policy', his actual task is usually to provide social data and insights on a more or less ad hoc consultant basis on specific issues usually directly appropriate to space manipulation and identified by those with major responsibility for physical arrangement decisions. For example, in 'design', the social planner is usually asked to deal with such matters as the location of facilities and the determination of physical features, with obvious behavioural implications.

T h e gap between the social planner's potential and actual role is particularly significant, as it tends to limit his social policy and social research tasks and reduce his contribution essentially to provision of 'general' data. Perhaps the most important single issue which usually determines the role of the social planner in general, but in 'policy' in particular, is the degree to which physical planners plan for the status quo rather than for induced social changes designed to affect the position of population segments in society. T h e physical design and the 'master plan' can easily be altered to produce the equipment and services for a given number of inhabitants with a given range in income. But if the dominant orientation is to induce social change and alter the future of population segments rather than maintain the status quo, prescriptions of a distinct social dimension are then required and the role of the social planner acquires crucial dimensions. Whenever this orientation prevails, the social planner is m o r e actively and significantly engaged in the team, particularly in 'policy'. But then his role—in effect the team's role—also becomes complex as ethical questions arise pertaining to the choice between different goals and values or to the decision-making methods. T h e maximization of h u m a n and social well-being requires, indeed, distinct decisions on and choice of goals and methods which invariably involve value judgements and deep-rooted societal conflicts. Similarly, the direction and escalation of induced social change or the right to employ means which will decrease or increase acceptance by the inhabitants of certain modes of life is irrevocably related to crucial issues of concentration of societal power, shifts in power structure necessary to permit an effective attack on social conditions underlying social distress (land ownership is a good example in physical development programmes), the necessity of concensus and the possibility of central action in a pluralistic society, or to the ethical responsibility of the social planner to direct social changes and influence the w a y of life of large population segments.1

Be this as it m a y , the physical development team does face such issues, even in less sophisticated situations such as the creation of a physical design (house, neighbourhood, city), which is not currently accepted or preferred by the population it is intended for, but will be in the future if appropriate demonstration, education and training take place to change a

i. An interesting report on the subject of centrally planned change is provided by R . Morris (ed.), Centrally Planned Change: Prospects and Concepts, National Association of Social Workers, 1964.


prevailing attitude. T h e issue of inducing social changes is unmistakably inherent in the team's actions, and the dilemma cannot be avoided. Equally problematic is the opposite course of action: to perpetuate the status quo. O n e can, indeed, question the ethical right of the team to perpetuate current modes of life which, although in use, are nevertheless not in the best interests of the population or are not likely to last as long as, say, the physical structures which are planned on the basis of assumptions about the present. H o w is the team to decide the direction and escalation of social changes, and where does one draw the line between 'manipulation' and 'forecasting'? Whether physical development programmes are designed to perpetuate stability or instability, to maintain the status quo or induce social change, the issue is indeed inescapable; and it is the role of the social planner to highlight, place in perspective and channel such crucial policy issues.

T h e social research role of the social planner is equally limited in practice. Three primary functions are usually lacking and require critical attention. T h e first is to bring knowledge to bear on social policy questions underlying physical development programmes. Another is to introduce new tools to measure social efficiency and social change.1 T h e third is to highlight the relationships between space (micro- and macro-scale) and h u m a n and social behaviour. Very little applied research on such crucial problems is carried out in practice and the research role of the social scientist is usually limited to painful collection of data since, in developing a programme for forecasting and long-range planning of urban development, a large amount of formal and informal data is always required to understand the social dimensions of a physical area, and a high degree of sophistication is required to describe and explain what is going on, to report on interactions and to identify cause-and-effect relations. Existing data collection devices are frequently inadequate, being based either on over-simplified concepts of a problem or on indiscriminate monitoring and banking of all kinds of information for which there is no adequate theoretic basis.2 In practice, even m o d e rate research surveys are apt to be 'postponed' if there is no time or funds for their construction and implementation. Consequently, the lack of research in practice tends to perpetuate ambiguity, curtails the role of the social planner and does not really produce the critically needed knowledge.

Above and beyond the nature of the planning process which conditions the specific role of the social planner, there are additional factors which govern his participation and effectiveness. Chief a m o n g these are the over-specialization of social scientists and the scale (micro-macro) of the project.

As activities in practice become problem-oriented rather than discipline-oriented, social scientists from various disciplines in a physical development

1. R . L . Meier's articles on measuring social change are excellent illustrations of the strategy required: 'Measuring Social and Cultural Change in Urban Region', Journal of American Institute of Planners, November 1959.

2. There are some excellent proposals on this topic. For example, Melvin M . Webber, The Roles of Intelligence Systems in Urban Systems Planning, abstracted in Ekistics, Vol. 21, N o . 127, June 1966, pp. 367-72.

482 D . Iatridis

Figure 3. Nature of social planning and the social planning team (after diagram D - A C E 16 of the Athens Center of Ekistics)


project begin to realize that they are so over-specialized that they can adequately help in perhaps only one or a few aspects of the team's behavioural and social science requirements. In practice, the essential problems of m a n do not fall into neat social science specialities. Ideally, perhaps a variety of social science experts should be engaged. But from a practical viewpoint, over-specialization in social science—useful as it m a y be in m a n y ways— nevertheless limits the use and contribution of social planners. Simple calculations show that it is unrealistic for teams (usually consisting of administrators, architects, economists, engineers, geographers, physical planners and social planners) to continuously engage anthropologists, demographers, educators, ecologists, health experts, mental health experts and psychologists; and, further, to expect that they can integrate all socio-cultural dimensions and provide the team with concerted solutions (Fig. 3). O n the other hand, there does not seem to be a 'generic' social scientist-planner w h o can deal adequately with all social science disciplines in the totality of social dimensions, and with m a n and society as a whole.1 Even social seien-. tists with a physical planning orientation are not readily available.

Social planners quickly realize in practice that their role and tasks vary considerably from the micro- to the macro-scale. Projects might include, for example, the establishment of national housing policies, urban renewal in a given neighbourhood, proposal of a master plan for a metropolitan area, preparation of plans for the development of h u m a n settlements in a specific geographic region, or suggestions concerning the proper organizational structure of major community groupings at the Megalopolis or E c u m e n o -polis2 stage. All these projects would necessitate a changing role for the team and require the use of various sets of social science concepts and skills; for example, concepts of perception and h u m a n interaction at the 'Building Group level' (Fig. 4) which relate to experimental or clinical psychology are not likely to be equally essential and appropriate in a project of development or in a transportation problem at the Megalopolis level. Likewise, concepts of cultural anthropology or social psychology are apt to apply more directly to problems related to the use m a d e of certain facilities by population segments in large geographic units or more directly to patterns of solving problems by a population in large regions and far less directly to downtown revitalization schemes.

The fusion of physical and social planning

There is a desire for co-operation a m o n g most practitioners, and the climate, in practice, encourages interdisciplinary integration. Experience and applied research, however, lag behind and, as concerted, interdisciplinary

1. D . Iatridis, 'Social Planning and Comprehensive Development', Ekistics, Vol. i8, December 1964.

2. Interesting material on this growth stage of h u m a n settlements is included in the report of the 'City of the Future' research project of the Athens Center of Ekistics published in Ekistics, Vol. 20, N o . 116, July 1965.

484 D . Iatridis

teamwork is only just beginning to emerge ; the fusion of social and physical planning in actual practice is not, as yet, adequate and effective. T h e implications are both crucial and complex.

First, the spatial elements of urban growth are still predominantly determined by physical planning criteria. For example, there is inadequate evidence that the final proposals or 'Master plans' are in most cases significantly affected by social planning dimensions or by the social data input highlighted in 'analysis'.

Second, the traditional preoccupation with and emphasis on physical elements frequently segregates physical and non-physical programmes and, thus, physical planning still relates inadequately to the broader development picture. Most experts, in practice, tend to regard the provision of the physical environment, equipment and services as an end in itself rather than as a means to attain broader development goals. There is increasing theoretical acceptance of the fact that physical planning must be part of comprehensive development efforts; but actual procedures are still geared to the traditional orientation. Initial attempts to correct this require a substantial applied research effort and must be improved considerably.

Third, spatial planning is not yet allied closely enough with social development, and induced social change, with the allocation of limited resources to achieve societal and community goals ranked in order of priority; or with attempts to conserve h u m a n efforts to create a wider range of choice for individuals and groups, or to maximize social interaction and behaviour under mutually rewarding circumstances. Similarly, physical planning does not yet relate adequately to major social policy issues such as housing, poverty, unemployment, appropriate distribution of national income, delinquency, or mental health. In effect, the physical elements of urban growth and, indeed, the run-of-the-mill 'master plans' are not usually designed to achieve the most valued social conditions possible. This is not to imply that physical plans and design can condition behaviour and eliminate or solve social problems; they are only one of m a n y variables affecting such issues. But most physical development programmes are still deprived of the opportunity to engage not only in sweeping changes in physical form and investment, but also in social change and development efforts.

There is no single or simple explanation for this one-sided emphasis. T h e chief reasons, however, include the following considerations.

T h e very approach used by teams in practice has been mainly aimed at 'adapting' nature. Most physical development teams attempt to adapt variables from other disciplines to what has already been postulated as primary dimensions or output; namely, use of space and physical arrangements. In practice, the physical planner usually asks the social scientist to identify the present and future social science dimensions of a physical area or settlement as a guide for him to accommodate what would sometimes have occurred anyway. Such important decisions as densities, physical standards, building codes, space allocation to various facilities, or access to nodal points are usually m a d e irrespective of social science inputs. Thus, social science data


3- Ï-

* a.

•< — =: m m EKISTIC

L O G A R I T H M I C S C A L E (average population in brackets)

Man (1)

Room (2)

Building (4)

Building groups (40)

Village (250)

Large village (1,500)

Small town (9,000)

Town (50,000)

Large city (300,000)

Metropolis (2 million)

Conurbation (14 million)

Megalopolis (100 million)

Urban region (700 million)

Urbanized continuum (5,000 million)

Ecumenopolis (30,000 million)

> ^ + + +

Figure 4. Social science disciplines in relation to ekistic scale (after diagram D - A C E 18 of the Athens Center of Ekistics)

486 D . Iatridis

become the input in a system of spatial organization which naturally operates with distinct, overriding implications for physical arrangements. This constitutes an inherent structural limitation preventing an adequate use of social data input and their proper reflection in the physical proposal output. T h e reverse seems more appropriate: the manipulation of space should be the input in a socio-economic system where social efficiency is its output. While natural resources (and I consider terrestial space as one) play an important role in determining the socio-economic reality, it nevertheless seems wiser to consider them (including the physical environment) as outside elements and as nature's input into the socio-economic system.

Be this as it m a y , efforts to accommodate social science concepts in a physical development process frequently lead physical planners to ignore or oversimplify the basis in social sciences for the tools and ideas they borrow. In an effort to m a k e ends meet, a physical planner m a y tend to prefer and select only ready-made, quick, quantitative formulas and prescriptions from other disciplines; and it is only natural under the pressures of practice, that, at times, he conveniently makes unwarranted assumptions about h u m a n behaviour or social organization, particularly if a social scientist has not been a team m e m b e r from start to finish. T h e sequential fragmentation of distinct phases of the physical process m a y be responsible for this practice in some places of engaging the social planner on an ad hoc basis and usually only w h e n a problem with distinct social implications has arisen.

But m a n y physical planning implications for h u m a n and social behaviour are usually overlooked in practice because the physical planner is not trained to identify the implications, for example, the seemingly prosaic and routine matter of setting physical standards in urban planning—a task performed daily and unavoidably by physical planners. I refer to such standards as, for instance, the life-span of buildings, structural specifications, codes and regulations for physical equipment and services—usually incorporated in and protected by legislation. A substantial and disproportionate amount of funds is routinely spent in most countries to meet such standards but the social implications are usually overlooked. O n e such implication is the possibility that at least part of this investment could be maximized, if used in other areas of development. Another is the questionable value of at least some of these standards which are usually based on unclear, unrealistic or outdated assumptions. Moreover, these standards are rigid in the sense that they do not adequately change as community conditions change, and their life-span is far too long to provide for changes in the unforeseen future. Furthermore, they aim high and consequently benefit only the few w h o can afford compliance.

A n examination of social science concepts and tools, on the other hand, reveals that they do not adequately relate to spatial planning. Again, there is no simple or single explanation, but I would list the following a m o n g the main reasons.

First, social planners do not yet adequately consider the physical environment and equipment as a major tool which affects the attainment of h u m a n


and social development. A somewhat sceptical view is still inherent in the traditional approach of m a n y social planners and scientists concerning the actual influence which certain arrangements of the physical environment m a y have upon h u m a n and social development. Behaviour is indeed a function of interaction between the person and his environment. It follows therefore, that a change in the environment will induce a change in behaviour. In fact, efforts are being m a d e in some mental hospitals to accomplish behaviour-change in patients by systematic rearrangement of m a n y kinds of environmental variables. It is also claimed, however, that practitioners should not put too m u c h stress on physical conditions or designs, as they m a y be of secondary importance. Others point out that although physical design m a y be relatively unimportant, it, nevertheless, has the characteristic of setting a very clear and permanent stage for social development and becomes a primary part of the long-range development plan. Again, applied research to include micro-macro-scale cases is indispensable and critically required. Unquestionably, the physical environment is one—although not the only one—of the important factors conditioning h u m a n behaviour. Actually, however, the geographic scale, the specific physical element and the type of project involved in each case are of primary importance in this issue. A specific physical development programme, for example, includes such design issues as the radical separation of residence and work; the necessity for frequent and long commuting trips; the provision or omission of low-income communities close to places with job opportunities for unskilled workers; or downtown slum clearance and the consequent substitution of low-income services with facilities for middle- and high-income groups. O n e can then more readily see h o w the organization of the physical environment in this particular case m a y influence social interaction, social organization, the availability of time for creative individual tasks or social contacts or specific social policies such as the acceleration of social mobility. Similarly, one can readily see h o w such issues as the national housing policy or the setting of standards for and the provision of physical equipment and services for urban growth are vital to the maintenance and promotion of the safety and health—and consequently the function—of all population segments. O n the other hand, it is far more complex and difficult to specify the relationship or influence which a given design or physical layout m a y have upon h u m a n and social behaviour; as, for example, the specific influence a given physical layout of a neighbourhood m a y have on residents in a complex metropolitan area. This is particularly true if one distinguishes the urban subsystems by their social and economic functions, by the role they play and the purpose they serve rather than merely by their location or administrative nature, and if each urban subsystem and each h u m a n settlement are seen as interacting mutually and open to the flows of information, social transactions, goods and wealth from other subsystems or other h u m a n settlements. T h e efficiency and work of each depends upon complex processes which organize and regulate the flows between urban subsystems and the adaptations to environmental change. Experience and knowledge are

488 D . Iatridis

not as yet adequate to directly relate certain kinds of space to specific behaviour and determine which layout is likely to enhance a given h u m a n or social behaviour.

Second, neither social scientists nor social planners can as yet provide a relatively clear, operational image of an urban environment worthy of serving as a guiding framework to physical development programmes. Neither can behavioural scientists prescribe the most essential dimensions of an urban environment for maximizing mental health to guide urban planning efforts.1 The need for, and emphasis on, such ultimate development goals are relatively recent and, consequently, experience is limited. In effect, as w e m o v e from an economy of scarcity to an economy of consumption, and as the focus of community power structure shifts, this crucial issue will receive more critical attention. If development is regarded as a spontaneous process, it is justifiable to limit ourselves to assessing its results, i.e., to the changes brought about over given periods of time. But if development is regarded as a process influenced by directed policies and planning, the concept of development aims has to be introduced. T h e ultimate aims of development are indeed social: the improvement of socio-cultural conditions. The economic, spatial, administrative, or technological aims should bé considered as intermediate.2 Paradoxically, the implications of this postulate are seldom fully realized; for example, it follows logically that ultimate social aims should be clearly and operationally defined to guide physical development programmes, which should then be conceived unmistakably and operationally as intermediate or as the input into a broader social model. In practice, it is still difficult to construct such social models, or to define social aims operationally.

Third, social science concepts or h u m a n and social development issues cannot as yet be easily translated into physical development processes or incorporated in the physical elements of urban growth. Likewise, it is still difficult to translate the social policy emphasis of social planners on problem families, social mobility, poverty, mental health, or delinquency into intermediate, physical planning aims.3 Even crucial issues do not appear to lend themselves to easy solutions in practice and are not adequately cast by social planners into proper forms for incorporation into physical planning processes. Consider, for example, a project in which the 'analysis' has highlighted the social structure of the community in which the physical development programme takes place. T h e physical planner is willing and aware that the design should at least reflect the essential aspects of the social

i. D . Iatridis, Rich or Poor New World: A Challenge for Planning, Athens Center of Ekistics, R - A C E 4, 1964. Keynote address, Conference of the American Orthopsychiatric Association, Chicago, 1964.

2. Social implications of economic development are reported in Social and Economic Factors in Development, Report N o . 3, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, February 1966.

3. Harvey Perloff's article, ' C o m m o n Goals and the Linking of Physical and Social Planning', American Institute of Planners Newsletter, June 1965, presents interesting interpretations about the fusion of these two types of planning.


structure which the team hopes to maintain or create. But what are these essential aspects with implications for physical arrangement? W h a t are the integrating concepts to be used in decisions on social structure?

Another c o m m o n problem in planning territorially based urban c o m munities is the 'proper mix ' of various socio-economic population segments. T h e social planner in the team is frequently asked to prescribe and define in specific operational terms this proper mix in communities of various sizes or organization. But what is a 'proper' mix? O r h o w territorially close should various population segments be located, and in what numbers, in order to stimulate the 'right' kind of social interaction? At what geographic level is this problem essential? Obviously, this is not so important in the macro-scale as at the micro level.1 Certain population segments are not likely to live next to each other, as people usually prefer to be a m o n g others of more or less similar status; but this is primarily true at the micro-level. O n the other hand, h o w m u c h 'sameness' should be 'tolerated', or is desirable? Physical planning teams also face the problem of selecting the kind of facilities which, if centrally located, are likely to intensify or reduce a given pattern of social transactions. But on what basis of social or behavioural criteria can this selection be objectively made? Applied research is desperately needed in practice to improve the performance of teams.

T h e list of similar difficulties is inexhaustible. Consider, for example, the traditional social science concept of 'community'2 and its translation into physical design patterns for the territorial organization of urban space. T h e difficulties encountered and the inadequacy or ambiguity of the terms used frequently constitute bottlenecks in practice where actual problems must be solved hopefully on the basis of ambiguous theoretical conceptions. Similar results are usually obtained in efforts to select physical designs which are likely to enhance desirable social ends as, for example, social mobility, or to express differences in ways of life a m o n g population segments.

It is difficult to answer these questions, and, yet, they certainly influence the choice of design and use of space. M e m b e r s of physical development teams do turn to social planners for such answers and tend to become easily disillusioned if clear-cut solutions are not available. A n d , yet, answers to such problems are crucial if the links between physical and social planning are to be strengthened.

T h e difficulties encountered in practice do not stem only from the actual nature of the problems but are also related to certain preoccupations and attitudes which have conditioned social science practice and experience; for example, the changing but still predominant attitude a m o n g m a n y social planners to de-emphasize prescriptive conclusions about h o w things ought to be and the excessive preoccupation in practice with analysis

1. The report on the ' H u m a n Community' Research Project of the Athens Center of Ekistics, abstracted in Ekistics (Vol. 20, N o . 117, August 1965, pp. 83-113), includes interesting material on problems at the neighbourhood level.

2. A n interesting review of social science literature bearing on the neighbourhood in planning is Suzanne Keller's Neighbors, Neighboring and Neighborhoods, Athens Center of Ekistics, K R - A C E : 68 (105), 1965.

490 D . latridis

of social phenomena rather than synthesis. T h e social planner in practice is frequently, if not constantly, required to prescribe (not just describe) conditions and to suggest specific solutions or discriminate responsibly between more and less desirable approaches.1

Similarly, he is frequently called upon to predict what the social dimensions of a territorially defined community are likely to be in the future. Prescription and prediction are fairly usual practical planning tasks, and yet most social scientists, particularly those with a strong theoretical orientation, shy away from such operations and also from physical planning which has a strong future-oriented, problem-solving and prescriptive dimension.

Social planners in physical development teams quickly realize that socio-cultural variables are not very likely to be incorporated in the physical planning process unless they are relatively quantified and measured. In practice, quantification of social concepts is necessary to m a k e a more vigorous analysis possible, to assess changes over time and to identify differences a m o n g h u m a n settlements. Social and cultural change should be measured and related to major input dimensions; otherwise, the choice of one method over another or assessments of one use of space over another are likely to remain matters of opinion. Yet, most proposals for improving the urban structure are justified on the basis of social efficiency which, in practice, can seldom be measured. M e m b e r s of planning teams are keenly aware that if w e are to advance beyond a state of 'opinion', 'taste-' or 'style' in matters of design or use of space, w e need some realistic demonstration of the probable socio-cultural worth of the respective physical development proposals. This is true whether they have to do with low-cost housing, slum clearance, traffic congestion, or recreational facilities. Efforts to deal with this crucial issue are not yet successful, as there are not so far any adequate criteria for determining in practice which form is to be preferred for the urban region.

Similarly, social cost-benefit analysis is rarely carried out, and therefore, it is impossible to ascertain adequately whether or not the funds invested in physical development programmes in practice benefit the population segment for which they were intended. T h e links between social and physical planning will be greatly strengthened if social cost benefit analysis techniques can be established,2 for, in spite of claims to the contrary, there are good reasons to suspect that zoning, slum clearance, housing policies, d o w n t o w n revitalization, recreational facilities, urban renewal or aesthetics, just to n a m e a few examples, do little for the low-income population which needs help desperately in order to step onto the escalator of social mobility.3

i. D . latridis, Social Planning: Strategy and Targets, Athens Center of Ekistics, R - A C E 32, 1965.

2. A useful reference is Report N o . 7, Cost-Benefit Analysis of Social Projects, published by the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development, S O A / E S W P / E G / R e p . 1,1966.

3. Several articles by Professor H . Gans express this concern, particularly in 'The Failure of Urban Renewal: A Critique and S o m e Proposals', Commentary, April 1965, pp. 29-37; and 'Controversy: Urban Renewal', Commentary, July 1965, pp. 77-80.

Social scientists in physical development planning 49 >

Unless n e w p lanning policies a n d strategies intervene, crushing poverty is likely to continue in less a d v a n c e d regions a n d a m o n g certain population groups. As countries grow richer, the dollar gap between the average income and that of the poorest citizen widens, and families remaining at the bottom of the heap are likely to be outbid and outspent; the 'haves' will gain, the 'have nots' will lose.

Combating poverty, promoting mental health and creating a suitable urban environment are directly related to the planning of cities, metropolitan areas and other types of h u m a n settlements. C a n the $3,500 billion, which has been estimated as the amount required for meeting the shortage of housing and community infrastructures between n o w and the year 2,00o,1

be invested so as to serve h u m a n and social goals? It should and can, if further applied research achieves a greater fusion of social and physical planning; if n e w forms of planning focus on the h u m a n factor and negotiate the interrelationships between social, economic, physical, technological and political environments.

Conclusion

In practice, the social dimensions of urban planning are still predominantly conceived as part of the input into a system with primary implications for space manipulation and physical arrangements. Major social policy issues are not yet effectively considered in physical development programmes which are, by and large, designed to maintain the status quo rather than to facilitate planned social changes which affect the position of the society's population segments. Housing schemes, 'master plans' for h u m a n settlements or designs of the physical infrastructure of regions can be altered relatively easily to produce the physical equipment and services for a certain number of inhabitants in a given income range. But this no longer suffices, as today's social and political tides compel us to plan for social change rather than for the status quo, to alter the social future of m a n y people rather than continue the present situation. Thus, mere projections no longer suffice, and prescriptions of a distinct social nature are also required in physical development programmes. If this responsibility is fully incorporated into physical planning, then the social-planner m e m b e r of the team will no longer be engaged predominantly in the 'analysis' and 'implementation' phases of the process. Rather, his participation will increase significantly in general, and in the crucial 'policy' phase in particular.

A more effective fusion of physical and social planning in practice requires several moves in a number of directions, the main ones being the following.

Applied, social research activities should be conceived as part and parcel of

1. D . Iatridis, 'Rich or Poor N e w World: A Challenge for Planning', op. cit.

492 D . Iatridis

the planning process in order to provide in practice the links between physical and social planning and serve three primary functions: (a) to bring knowledge to bear on social policy and social development questions underlying physical development programmes; (b) to innovate n e w and powerful tools to measure social efficiency and social change in relationship to the physical environment; and (c) to highlight the relationship between space (both micro- and macro-scale) and h u m a n and social behaviour. Existing knowledge of such crucial areas is extremely limited, and significant progress can be m a d e if physical development teams incorporate applied social research in practice as a distinct part of the planning process.

Little is k n o w n of the actual difficulties encountered in practical efforts to reconcile and fuse social and physical planning. Yet the discrepancies between theory and practice m a y well serve as key targets of an applied research strategy which is beginning to take shape. Systematic efforts can therefore be m a d e to determine objectively w h e n , h o w , and w h y the fusion of social and physical planning has been either successful or unsuccessful and to draw relevant conclusions of wide applicability from the experience gained in several countries—from various kinds of projects carried out on different geographic scales (village, town, city, etc.). Applied research can then focus sharply on unsuccessful efforts to improve integrating techniques.

Training of social planners. These are virtually no educational and training facilities for the training of social planners for h u m a n and social development or comprehensive spatial planning. Social scientists from various social science disciplines have practically no choice at present except to become social planners in on-going projects through practice and trial-and-error attempts. If more energy, time, and m o n e y are to be invested in h u m a n and social development and in creating a better urban environment , surely w e must systematically and effectively train 'generic' social planners w h o can effectively work in conjunction with physical and economic planners.

T h e establishment of social planning centres for research, education and services is ideally suited to maximize these efforts; social planning centres are of key importance in improving the theory and practice of social planning.

A P P E N D I X

Social planners become keenly aware in practice that the contributions made (and to be made) by social science disciplines to physical development programmes vary indeed from discipline to discipline, from one phase of the planning process to another, and from the micro to macro-scale.

Consequently, a brief review of major social planning tasks usually performed in the 'analysis' phase illustrates this phenomenon. The actual use made in practice versus the potential is indicated by an asterisk. In Figures 2 and 3, which illustrate the same phenomenon in relation to micro-macro-scale and with regard to the remaining phases of the process, this is denoted by the size of the square.


During the 'analysis' phase, the various social science disciplines can and do contribute various concepts, knowledge and tools.* Chief a m o n g these are:

i. Anthropology (Action; Cultural; Social). Predominant dimensions of the prevailing value-system. M o r e specifically: problems being solved; cultural patterns affecting major social institutions; identification and interpretation of major problems in achieving co-operative, corporate social action; patterns of likely resistance to induced change; culture-specific patterns of life affecting specific attitudes toward use of physical space, equipment and services, or those related to health and safety standards.*

2. Demography. Population structure and characteristics.* M o r e specifically: patterns of migration and emigration;* rates of current and future population growth on a national, regional and local level, including demographic analysis;* population projections* and adjustments according to specific assumptions of h o w the population and the major social institutions are likely to behave under predictable future conditions.

3. Education. T h e general educational level of population.* M o r e specifically: educational equipment, services and resources,* and assessment of their potential for specific models of socio-economic growth.

4. Political sciences I Law; Administration. T h e general political-administrative system and behaviour. M o r e specifically: national objectives and aspirations;* legal base of land ownership and distribution;* legislation affecting major functions of the h u m a n settlement; patterns of administrative organization;* identification of bottlenecks in securing official sanction for implementation.

5. Psychology (Clinical; Experimental; Social). Generally, biological* (such as space, air, temperature), emotional, intellectual and aesthetic* needs and behaviour of individuals, and groups. M o r e specifically: major patterns of h u m a n behaviour and group dynamics; significant conflicts a m o n g major social institutions; major mechanisms used in adaptation to environmental change; resistance to induced change and environmental pressure; preferred m o d e of behaviour.

6. Psychiatry. In general, major aspects of the basic personality structure and h u m a n needs. M o r e specifically: predominant adjustment patterns of individuals and groups; resistance to change; behavioural pathology (psychophysical); prediction of behavioural patterns under specific conditions (e.g., under given densities or future conditions of environmental stress); prescription of conditions optimizing mental health.

7. Social work/Welfare. In general, social policy and welfare standards expressing the most accepted values and the preferred m o d e of living. M o r e specifically: major social targets of h u m a n and social resources development for achieving a given w a y of life; patterns* of and policy on distribution of national wealth; system of individual rights to share c o m m o n resources; h u m a n and social needs and minim u m standards of living; major behavioural patterns of h u m a n and social pathology; likely resistance to change; assessment of resources for h u m a n and social growth; organizational patterns of work with groups and communities in identifying needs and carrying out solutions with citizens' participation.

8. Sociology. In general, the social organizational structure. M o r e specifically: stratification;* the major social institutions; patterns of social mobility; w a y of life of major population groups related to use of space and physical equipment.*

Dr. Demetrius Iatridis is the director of the Graduate School of Ekislics and vice-president of tlie Athens Center of Ekistics. He has also been director of the Social Planning Branch and vice-president, Doxiadis Associates, consultants in development and ekistics, Athens, since ig6o.

Social class in physical planning

Suzanne Keller

This article discusses the ways in which social class and status rankings affect attitudes to housing, neighbours, and social contacts with strangers. In planned and unplanned, old and new, settlements, the consequences of status competition and anxiety are readily visible and their presence may disturb the best-laid plans. Some suggestions as to how planners might incorporate status elements into their plans and thus offset some of the unanticipated and undesired consequences of their neglect are proposed.

T h e history of urban renewal, slum clearance, and the building of new towns and housing estates serves both as warning and example to\those w h o would seek to reform the world by physical means. Physical planners are only one in a long series of experts w h o have sought to eliminate the more pressing social problems of their day such as crime, poverty, mental illness—and, yes, slums—by striking at their most obvious and visible symptoms. Chastened by the hindsight of experience, they gradually came to realize that mankind, no more than the warped wrought-iron plate in Herbert Spencer's famous example, simply will not be 'straightened' by such direct frontal assaults. Slum dwellings m a y be destroyed, yet slums remain. Model communities m a y be built but lack the spark that will bring them to life. Without changing the habits and ideals of m e n along with their physical facilities and amenities, these interventions change the surface but not the essence of social life.

As with slums, so with the creation of what at first sight appears to be their very opposite, namely, balanced, vital communities. Both examples show that to alter the physical environment without adequately taking into account h o w the physical and the non-physical are intertwined is to take the symptom for the cause and m a y even aggravate the ills it is meant to cure. Thus n e w housing occupied by ex-slum dwellers all too often turns into slum housing again, and n e w towns, peopled by m e n ill-suited to one another, exhibit little of that creative, thriving community spirit that was to be fostered via neatly planned, well-serviced neighbourhood units, skilfully linking homes with work, shops, and recreation.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 1966

Social class in physical planning 495

Physical planners, perhaps a bit puzzled that m e n are less responsive to physical improvements than they had supposed, readily admit that there is a disturbing gap between their expectations and achievements, between intention and fact. T o close this gap they have increasingly come to pay attention to the h u m a n factor and are gradually incorporating the insights of the social and behavioural sciences into their work.

In this paper, I hope to show the significance of one such h u m a n factor —the existence of social class and status—for physical planning in theory and practice.

Even the most egalitarian, wealthy, and democratic societies are not without some elements of hierarchical stratification dividing their members into those having more or less of some valued resource—be it power, fame, respect, or riches—and thus assigned a higher or lower rank according to some accepted standard of values. T h e reasons for this are historical and structural, and need not concern us here except in so far as w e accept their pervasive significance for any community to be planned anew or for any old community to be improved.

T h e following examples have been chosen at random to show ¡the relevance of social class and status distinctions for a number of questions of immediate and direct interest to physical planners. They illustrate that both in old and new, in planned and in unplanned settlements, class distinctions and divisions are found to be at work, marking off houses and streets, creating social distance and sometimes conflict between class unequals, and sowing the seeds of community division, snobbery, and status competition a m o n g individuals in all ranks of society.

Social class in old, unplanned communities: i. Social status and prestige is reflected in the type of house or dwelling

inhabited by a family and the neighbourhood it lives in. T h e highly status-conscious will therefore seek a physical environment that conforms to their status aspirations. This includes not mixing with those they consider socially inferior to them.

2. Social mobility is usually, if not always, accompanied by residential mobility. T h e rich bootlegger w h o continues to live in a decayed part of the city is a bigger fish in the same low prestige pond, but if he seeks to increase his prestige rather than his power or influence he will have to m o v e to another area.

3. T h e higher the social class position of a family, the more important the symbolic as distinct from the utilitarian value of the house or dwelling.

4. In all communities there are desirable and undesirable, 'right and wrong' areas.

5. T h e more mobile and changing the society, the more likely will residential segregation be used to assert social status. Thus the paradox: the more mobility exists and thus the more chances for equalizing statuses, the less egalitarian people are as regards their houses, their addresses, and their neighbourhoods.

496 S. Keller

6. Slums are not uniform. There are ethnic, immigrant, rural, urban, permanent, temporary, and criminal slums. A slum of skidders and sliders, that is, of people w h o are going downhill socially, is quite different from one of ambitious go-getters or of the abandoned and hopeless old, sick, or unemployed. Perhaps there is even a hierarchy among these types of slums although to m y knowledge none has as yet been proposed.

Social class in new, planned communities: i. Whether w e are dealing with America's greenbelt communities, with

Britain's n e w towns, with Brasilia, or with Kuala L u m p u r , planned settlements very quickly establish significant social class distinctions. S o m e typical ones are those of the rough versus the respectable, the strivers versus the strainers, the normal versus the problem families, and of course the more standard middle and working class divisions.

2. Where people confront one another as strangers and cannot judge each other's ancestry and social background, they fasten on external criteria such as houses, furnishing, and methods of child discipline. These visible indicators become especially significant in the n e w suburbs and housing estates.

3. Areas get status-typed into more or less respectable or more or less desirable, and these labels carry over to the residents living or moving there. Gradations are often very fine and not readily perceived by outsiders. Like any foreign language, the language of status demands familiarity and use if one is to become fluent in it. Sometimes only a bend in the road or a house m a y mark the boundary between high and low areas.

Typical class and status distinctions

O n e of the first questions planners should therefore ask about any given settlement or population for which they are planning concerns the number and kind of hierarchical status distinctions m a d e . S o m e , though not the same, distinctions are present in every modern settlement, unless it is deliberately set apart from the rest of society as is the case with the kibbutzim of Israel or is characterized by an unusual degree of social homogeneity as are certain veterans' or university students' housing projects. It is not u n c o m m o n to find the threefold division into upper, middle, and lower-class levels based on objective criteria of occupation, income, and education, but in some of the older communities, such as those studied by Warner and his school, as m a n y as six distinct strata have been identified, whereas in some of the newer working-class settlements there m a y be only two.

M a n y so-called one-class housing estates, for example, reveal a division between respectable and rough residents, the respectable residents being set apart from the rest of the manual workers on the basis of the upkeep of their houses, their possessions, or the manner of rearing their children


(Kuper, 1953, pp. 66-82). Despite considerable economic and social similarities a m o n g the residents and irrespective of the planners' intentions, such estates often turn into arenas of conflict between a minority of upwardly mobile or highly status-conscious residents, a larger group of conventional, working-class residents, and another minority of problem families or socially disorganized residents, with the first having the highest, the last the lowest status (Jennings, 1962; Neighbourhood and Community, 1954).

T h e distinction between respectable and rough is relative, its meaning varying according to the particular environment in which it arises. It refers both to the values those so classified hold and to the kinds of people they are. T h e respectable often consider themselves superior to the rest, are highly selective in their personal associations, and express their status aspirations by means of the area and houses they live in and the furnishings they possess. T h e rough residents m a y include only those conventional, socially non-mobile working-class families w h o do not share the status aspirations of the 'respectables' or a minority of problem families whose anti-social conduct disturbs the members of both groups. R o u g h residents charge the respectable residents with being snobbish and these counter by considering the rough as immoral and uncouth. In one British housing estate, built in several stages, it turned put that the later arrivals not only received superior accommodations but they also tended to cluster in a particular section of the estate, which soon became labelled the 'top' end as distinct from another, inferior, 'bottom' end. T h e higher-status residents, therefore, were the later arrivals, enjoying superior accommodations, and living in the top end, the lower status, earlier settlers also having inferior accommodation and residing in the bottom end. Despite the fact that all the tenants originated in slum clearance areas, they were evidently not considered to be of equal status by those making these rankings. Thus, individuals and families arrived on the housing estate with some status labels already attached to them which then became more or less firmly entrenched depending upon which part of the estate they finally settled in {Neighbourhood and Community, 1954, p . 102). T h e whole process gradually crystallized into fairly sharp divisions having a physical, geographic, and social basis.

These distinctions are not of course equally salient for all the inhabitants, nor are they unambiguous. Depending upon ambition, status awareness and personal need, some individuals m a k e m a n y , others, few distinctions. T h e significant fact for the planner is that the presence of such distinctions will subdivide and realign houses and tenants quite differently from the planned-for design and result in clusters of separate subgroups even in very homogeneous settlements. T h e bases for these distinctions, often highly subjective, are as varied as the m e n making them, and their meaning and implications cannot be assessed by casual inspection or superficial judgements of external characteristics.

498 S. Keller

Criteria of social status

People classify themselves and others on the basis of traits, activities and values salient in their environment. T h e closer one is to a group and the more confined the setting, the finer the status discriminations m a d e . In a hierarchically stratified society, no one is completely unaware of existing status inequalities though not all need be greatly preoccupied with them. This is true even in the slum society that m a y erroneously appear homogeneous to the uninitiated. T h e 'society in the tenements is graded far more narrowly than in the outside world. O n e street m a y be definitely "better class" than another and not such good class as a third. Families that have two rooms look d o w n upon those that live in a 'single end' (McArthur and Long , 1964, p. 85).

Studies of urban neighbourhoods, n e w housing estates, and old working-class districts indicate that residents use m a n y different criteria for assessing each other's social standing. Such factors as h o m e ownership, length of residence, upkeep of house and surroundings, the w a y children are disciplined, the number of children a family m a y have, the occupations of husbands or fathers, income, the make of the car they drive or the furniture they possess, all are used to compare, evaluate, and finally rank neighbours, newcomers, and strangers.

T h e distinctions m a d e reflect local standards and conditions and are thus local variations of broader societal divisions. Thus , weavers, for example, m a y have little prestige in the society at large and yet be the local aristocrats in certain working-class districts (Jennings, 1962, pp.209-10). W h e r e no one is either very well-to-do or very well educated, special, even minor, characteristics m a y assume major importance. Individuals are thus given high rank for distinguished 'local' service which m a y consist of excellence in cooking, in story-telling in the pub, or in organizing local festivals and entertainments (ibid.). Whereas, in the wider society, categorical rather than personal criteria of prestige prevail, here the opposite tends to be true. Abstract labels m a y m e a n less and concrete achievements within the limits of the local setting m a y m e a n more.

Houses and furnishings

Whatever the utilitarian value of houses and gardens, these also have symbolic value for their inhabitants. In older, established communities, not only the residents but also the houses they live in have a definite reputation based on lineage, on w h e n and by w h o m they were built and on w h o has lived in them. Old upper-class families live in old, substantial houses symbolizing their family position and pedigree. Class-conscious hostesses carefully consider the status positions of their guests, and ambitious individuals learn that they cannot m o v e up in the world without possessing an appropriate house, just as decayed gentility clings to its houses to the last (Warner and Lunt, 1941, pp. 107, 108, 251).


For middle-class families, the element of status enters into a number of major decisions involving residential mobility and h o m e purchases, as they scrutinize the social standing of their neighbours, the worth of their neighbourhoods, the playmates of their children, and the young m e n w h o take their daughters out. A n d w e have already noted some of the more c o m m o n status distinctions drawn in working-class environments. Considerable attention is thus paid to class and status everywhere, even at the lowest status levels. Its relative importance, however, increases as one ascends the status ladder; the higher the status to protect, the more devices come into play. Thus , working-class individuals m a y be more interested in the security offered by h o m e ownership as shelter and comfort in dreaded old age, whereas middle-class individuals stress the symbolic along with the utilitarian aspect.

A house is thus more than shelter. It m a y also be part of a very intricate system of evaluations according to its physical structure, degree of detachment, and type of tenure. W h e r e , as is often the case, manual workers live in identical houses they do not thereby cease to grade one another but merely shift to those aspects, such as furnishings and material possessions, that permit them to do so. Thus , certain possessions are displayed only to the outside world and some m a y have two sides, a decorated one facing the outside and a plain one facing the inside of the dwelling. T h e front living-room is often least lived in and most used for status display either because its contents can most readily be seen from the outside or because it is a room reserved for visitors. It is therefore a better index of status aspirations than of actual status. Acquiring a prized possession often prompts invitations to neighbours just as its absence m a y lead to withdrawal to conceal one's sense of inadequacy.

Families are also judged by the manners, appearance, and language of their children. In fact, quarrels over children m a y bring latent status distinctions to the fore as residents attack one another in status terms —'stuck up, high and mighty, no good, live like animals, dragged up'—each group developing its distinctive vocabulary. Children relate to status in two ways, one by reflecting their o w n family situation and upbringing, and the other by picking up the habits and language of their playmates.

Very little escapes the scrutiny of curious neighbours and m u c h of the information overheard or exchanged is used to assign rank. Often, minute observations as to h o w often the rug is cleaned or the front door polished form the basis of enduring status verdicts.

Spatial criteria

Residence, as all w h o possess or aspire to a good address well k n o w , connotes status. Every settlement either has or soon develops its fashionable, transient, and undesirable quarters and no matter h o w closed off or self-contained an area or street m a y be, residents cannot escape knowing the reputation of their area in the wider community. Every time they give their address

5°o S. Keller

to a salesgirl, ask for a loan at a bank, or make a hire-purchase, they can infer their rank from the reactions of others. In the big, rapidly changing cities, fashions also change rapidly, whereas in the older, more settled communities they change at a slower pace. In his study of an old, established, small town, Warner noted that 'certain geographical terms were used not only to locate people in the city's geographical space but also to evaluate their comparative place in the rank order' (Warner and Lunt, 1941, p . 84). T h e terms, 'Hill Streeter' designated the top status area and top class in the town, whereas 'Riverbrooker' connoted the bottom status. These labels were applied irrespective of the actual class positions of individual residents and there were Hill Streeters w h o did not live on Hill Street and not all w h o lived there were in fact upper class. Once status labels become attached to specific residential areas, they automatically include all w h o m a y live or m o v e there. In this way , an address, a public and highly visible indicator, both reflects and determines social status, in gold coasts, slums and ghettoes. In Philadelphia in 1940, for example, 'the members of the business elite were more likely to live in the more fashionable neighborhoods', and the 'proper Philadelphian' would 'have been born on Walnut Street facing Rittenhouse Square' (Baltzell, 1958, p . 386). In a very poor district in the same city, most respondents likewise assigned status labels to blocks or certain parts of blocks that they considered better or worse than others (Herman, 1964, p . 11).

M a n y different elements go to make up the status complexion of an area. The presence of glamorous residents m a y greatly affect the reputation of an area or street, as in one British working-class estate, where groups of residents pointed with pride to some of the local aristocrats (weavers or engine-drivers in this case) living a m o n g them (Jennings, 1962). A n d a borough in Kent is described as having developed a society 'defying the physical incoherence of the place and imposing upon it the subtle ranks and relationships of industrial England' (Mackenzie, 1965, p. 524). 'There were broad and obvious divisions. T h e Dockland fringes were rough and tough; the artisan terraces... the homes of more skilled and steady workers. . . . Here the front steps were hearthstones, curtains and windows washed regularly, the grammar school uniforms came out in the mornings' (ibid.). In Coventry, the tendency to assign high and low status to certain residential areas was evident despite the fact the existing housing shortage upset the usually high correlation between residence and social status, and compelled people with varying status conceptions and needs to live side by side (Kuper, 1953, p . 70).

This status labelling of streets and areas has a decisive influence on residential mobility and satisfaction. Slum dwellers know, even if they reject, the official designations of their areas as slums, and the young, ambitious, second-generation families m a y well have this in mind when they flee to the suburbs (Gans, 1964, pp. 20, 23). Each residential area thus develops along with its status reputation a given potential for attracting others. The higher the status reputation of an area, the greater its 'hierar-


chical attraction' and the greater the resistance of current residents to newcomers (Warner and Srole, 1945, p. 44). This simultaneously assures both the persistence of the newcomer's efforts to advance into the forbidden area and the slowness of their advance in face of the opposition of the residents already there. Both time and the size of the unwanted group (in this case of different ethnic groups) determine the rate of residential mobility—the earliest settlers making the slowest headway but paving the w a y for more rapid advance for later arrivals, and the smaller groups being the fastest moving. It took the Irish of Yankee City eighty years of 'inching along' to reach Hill Street (ibid., p. 45).

Since residential mobility helps consolidate social class mobility, it is not surprising that status is one of the main motives for residential mobility a m o n g ambitious m e n . W h e n asked what part of the city they would like to live in, for example, one-third of a sample of industrial workers in a G e r m a n suburb said a better section, one with higher status (Mackensen et al., 1959, p. 138). M a n y families willingly m a k e personal and financial sacrifices to find better-class neighbours or better-class playmates for their children.

Often, the boundaries marking off higher from lower residential areas are so minute as to defy recognition by those unacquainted with the local scene. Sometimes only an unmarked path or a single house announces to those in the k n o w the difference between respectability and disrepu-tability, between elegance and pretension, between having arrived and not quite having m a d e it.

For physical planners, all of this means that they can no more afford to be ignorant of the ways of life of different class and status groups in a given settlement than of its climate, topography, or natural resources. Nor can they proceed on the assumption that lower-class people are basically like themselves, would be middle-class if they could, and will accept improved physical accommodations as partial tokens of upward social mobility. T h e facts are otherwise. Not all lower-class individuals would exchange places with middle-class individuals although they m a y covet some of their advantages and most lower-class individuals do not automatically equate the possession of certain physical amenities with the attainment of higher rank. M o r e research is needed on those w h o do so. Moreover, at every class level, individuals have a pride in their o w n ways and resent those w h o slight or ignore these. T h e desirability of playgrounds, the importance of privacy, and the value of community centres are thus not self-evident but part of a w e b of traditions, habits, and beliefs. Planners cannot assume all m e n to be basically alike without doing violence to the significance of their differences.

If their blueprints are to be true to life, physical planners m a y well have to accept the existence of class and status inequalities as an essential (which does not m e a n desirable) aspect of modern life. This is not to deny the great changes in social stratification, opportunity, and social mobility in recent decades, nor the profound differences between industrial and

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pre-industrial systems of stratification, but only to insist that status forces continue to play a highly dynamic role in any settlement today.

Social class and sociability

Social class considerations also affect sociability and neighbouring, and thus enter into the second major preoccupation of physical planners, the creation of balanced neighbourhoods and communities. Social class appears to be one of the principal factors determining the kind, amount , occasions, and intensity of neighbouring, for example.

In solid working-class areas of skilled and semi-skilled workers, need and limited opportunities, isolation and relative poverty, insecurity and fear of outsiders, all combine to m a k e neighbouring an essential part of a close w e b of family, kin, and work relationships. Often this neighbouring is unselective and impersonal, a generalized expression of attachment to a local area, its shops and taverns, streets and residents, promoted by c o m m o n economic problems, often in conjunction with particular ethnic and cultural traditions (Wilmott and Y o u n g , 1957; Gans , 1963 b; H e r m a n , I964; Jennings, 1962).

In middle-class milieux, neighbouring takes on a different form. A b o v e all it is more selective, more personal, and individual compatibility comes to matter as m u c h as occupational or cultural compatibility. Greater economic well-being decreases the need for mutual aid and results in a shift of emphasis on neighbouring as a resource during periods of crises to a source of contacts and information. T h e pursuit of competitive success accentuates the importance of social status and thus indirectly fosters a more critical, selective attitude to neighbours and friends. Middle-class neighbouring thus appears to be less crisis oriented, less inclusive, and more individuated and segmentalized, all of these facilitated by greater material resources, more opportunities for physical and social mobility, and greater emphasis on individualism and personal selectivity.

Upper-class social life, it has been suggested, 'tends to be exclusive, while that of the middle classes is selective. T h e exclusive neighborhood . . . with its distinctive architecture, fashionable churches, private schools, and sentimental traditions, is an indispensable factor in the development of an upper-class style of life, system of personal values, and distinct character structure' (Baltzeil, 1958, p. 174).

W h e n the members of these different classes m o v e to the suburbs they develop a characteristic type of sociability. At first, under the impact of the m o v e , a diffuse sort of sociability characterizes these newcomers w h o are also strangers facing c o m m o n problems, but later the older pattern re-emerges to give each type of suburb a characteristic stamp. After the initial period of somewhat indiscriminate and impersonal sociability, the middle-class residents again become selective and home-centred, but also selective participants in the community's cultural, political, and asso-ciational life, whereas the working-class residents turn inward to their


o w n homes and families with little interest in wider community affairs (Keller, 1965, pp. 62 ff.). Social class in conjunction with other factors such as time and setting thus plays a decisive role in patterns of neighbouring, friendship, and community participation.

Social class and like-mindedness

There is little doubt, for example, that people prefer to m a k e friends a m o n g their o w n kind and that reciprocity of choices is greater between persons of the same status, the extremes of the status hierarchy being especially incompatible (Kuper, 1953). A n d not only do the members of different social class and status groups define neighbours and neighbouring differently, but social class homogeneity increases neighbouring both a m o n g working-class and middle-class residents. Working-class solidarity and suburban sociability are each indirect proof of this (Gans, 1963 a, p. 19). In fact, w e m a y safely assert that the greater the social, occupational, and cultural differences a m o n g residents, the more ill at ease they are in informal relations with one another. T h u s , Dore blames increasing social differentiation for the growing social distance a m o n g formerly intimate near neighbours in. Tokyo: 'The greengrocer and the rich businessman could in former times have w a r m relations because both had a clear and an identical definition of the status differences between them, and accepted such differences as part of the natural order. N o w , with industrialization, the natural order of inequality has been superseded by the desirable order of equality and by that very token unequals can no longer interact with ease' (Dore, 1958, p. 266). W h e r e neighbours are supposed to be but are not in fact equal, there the higher feels demeaned by contact with the lower and the lower embarrassed or resentful by contact with the higher. H o w w a r m or intimate these relationships between superiors and inferiors in a rigid social hierarchy can really be is perhaps debatable, but there is little doubt that formal relations are greatly facilitated by the certainty that one's status reputation is not easily endangered by the company one keeps. But where, as in rapidly changing societies, individuals are insecure about their places in the world, strangers are also competitors and judges, ready to appropriate one's status symbols or to ridicule one's status pretensions, so that status equality is necessary for intimate social and personal contacts. In a class-stratified society with high rates of social mobility, therefore, a strain towards social homogeneity in sociability is evident throughout the class hierarchy.

O n e consequence of this is the voluntary and involuntary segregation o neighbourhoods by social class and ethnic or cultural status, as individuals either seek to congregate with their o w n national, class, or ethnic groups or as they are expressly excluded from certain areas. In the older c o m m u nities, a whole series of individual and collective measures are used to keep lower status residents out of higher status areas. These include economic and financial selection due to inability to purchase or rent homes in such

504 S. Keller

areas, outright refusal to lease or sell to 'undesirables', social ostracism of unwanted newcomers by old timers, and, as a desperate last gesture, the abandonment of the area by the old residents w h o thereby lower the value of the area they leave behind while raising it in the area to which they m o v e (Warner and Srole, 1945, p. 45). In newer suburbs as well as in planned n e w housing estates and communities, similar forces of self-selection and segregation are at work and help account for the oft-noted social similarity of suburbanites, whether these be of working-class or middle-class backgrounds (Gans, 1963 a; Riesman, in Dobriner (ed.), 1958, pp. 375-402; Mowrer , in Dobriner (ed.), 1958, pp. 147-64; Young and Wilmott, 1957; Jennings, 1962). Thus, despite often rapid in-and-out mobility, certain urban areas are able to maintain consistent social patterns for relatively long periods, exhibiting similar voting patterns, hospitalization rates, school attendance, and crime rates despite rapid residential turnover and social instability. T h e reputation of an area is itself a sorting-out device, attracting some and repelling others, and in time creating areas with a highly durable and specialized social character.

In view of these tendencies, it would indeed be surprising if mixing individuals and groups of different social class backgrounds, having diverse conceptions of family life, sociability, child rearing, and community, should be marked by conspicuous success. T h e evidence gathered from new towns and housing estates throughout the world suggests that mixing groups m a y actually lead to hostility and conflict rather than to a more interesting and varied communal life, that the better off, no matter h o w defined or m e a sured, refuse to live side by side, not to say co-operate in community clubs and projects, with those they consider inferior to them, and that those whose conceptions of privacy and friendship, sociability and neighbouring are opposed will soon find themselves pitted against each other in resentment or withdrawing into loneliness (Kuper, 1953, p. 146; Wilson, 1963, p. 14; Nicholson, 1961; M a d g e , in Kuper (ed.), 1953, pp. 272, 277; H e r m a n , 1964). Social contrasts do not, apparently, automatically foster either creative self- or community development.

Mixed communities

This brings us to one of the unsolved issues in planning today, that of building mixed communities. Only by mixing, it is argued, can the m o n o tony of one-class communities, especially poor ones, with their characteristic apathy, lack of leadership, and cultural stagnation, be avoided. For the sake of social justice, balance, democracy, and creativity, it is claimed, different social class groups should be brought closely together in physical space, thereby raising the sights of the lower and the levels of tolerance and comprehension of the higher group. In 1961, the Seminar on Public Administration of N e w T o w n s stated categorically that in all n e w towns a 'desegregation policy should be pursued, and assimilation of class, caste, communal and linguistic groups should to some extent be


possible by fostering a mixed neigbourhood policy and by building institutions around c o m m o n areas and activities' {Ekistics, N o v . 1964, p. 302). This flies in the face of considerable evidence accumulated over at least two decades in a variety of communities where such mixing has in fact been attempted.

Evidence against mixed communities

It has been observed that where unequal status groups find themselves sharing facilities and services or are brought into unwanted proximity, a number of unfavourable, unwanted consequences result.

Not infrequently, unequal groups pull apart into separate enclaves thereby creating permanent community and even block divisions. T h e better-off, more respectable, more ambitious, or more status-conscious withdraw from contact with those they consider inferior while the latter, resentful and ill at ease before their contempt or indifference, turn to their o w n kind for fellowship and solace. This tendency exists whether the superior group consists of skilled workers just managing to scrape up enough m o n e y to pay for the upkeep of their houses, or of poorly paid clerks w h o look d o w n on those w h o work with their hands, or of respectable, married slum w o m e n avoiding the unmarried mothers on their street, or well-to-do middle-class h o m e owners prejudiced against foreigners. Every status level has its o w n distinctive ways of manifesting its status concerns, and differently though these m a y be expressed, expressed they are.

This withdrawal and mutual avoidance m a y lead to social tension and conflict, ranging from verbal and physical hostility a m o n g children and adults to destructive assaults on property by those w h o resent the inferior status designations accorded them. It m a y result in a reluctance to cooperate in solving pressing c o m m o n problems, since status unequals often cannot participate in the same community organizations successfully owing to fears of status contamination and status embarrassment. Either one group takes over and dominates the community centre (Herman, 1964, cites such an instance) or residents avoid using it altogether. There is also the difficulty of finding local leaders acceptable to all and hence of developing local organizations that would inject some vitality and variety into the n e w community. This problem takes a different form in different types of communities: (a) in lower-and working-class areas where residents m a y be reluctant to assume leadership responsibilities or w h o lack the needed verbal and organizational skills to do so successfully; and (b) in socially heterogeneous areas where the respectable, rough, striving, and middle-class residents m a y find it difficult to bring forth leaders acceptable to all groups.

As with community organizations and leadership, so with other aspects of life. Socially heterogeneous settlements, in trying to achieve the necessary consensus for collective decisions, m a y be split into warring factions by the clash in values released in the process. As regards schools, for example,

5°6 S. Keller

Gans has shown h o w differently the various social classes in Levittown looked at this problem. Upper middle-class residents, generally favouring an academic curriculum, were greatly concerned about the quality of the schools and favoured levying and paying taxes for them; the lower middle-class individuals, having a more practical and limited outlook on education as well as less m o n e y to spend, had quite different views (Gans, 1963 a, pp. 7 ff.). T h e very highest and the very lowest classes have still other values and beliefs on education.

These divisions and disagreements m a y lead to a rejection of available community facilities and services and so prevent their serving as promoters of intergroup and class contacts and sociability. In one racially mixed area of West Philadelphia, for example, it was found that the singlé playground was not used by the white children, that contacts between neighbours as a result of attending the same churches or schools were slight and superficial, and that the community civic association was used only by the Negro residents. Despite the fact that the physical amenities of the area were attractive to the members of both races, they were not fully used, suggesting that their physical adequacy is no clue to their social desirability (Herman, 1964). Otherwise adequate shops, cinemas, and playgrounds were perceived as inadequate and this proved decisive. Similar observations have been m a d e elsewhere. Describing a pre-war English borough, an observer comments: 'There were streets in which, as a child, one walked only on one side of the road: the other side was hostile territory. There were shops and cinemas that were socially out of bounds, and turns of phrase that cut one off from other boys as sharply as any foreign language' (Mackenzie, 1965, p. 524). In almost all Brazilian cities, it has been observed, the public garden, which is usually the central square, gradually gets subdivided into subsections, each confined to a single social class (Willems, 1949, p. 406). In the newer, planned communities, such a refusal to use c o m m o n facilities results in a loss of revenue for the entire community, affects the quality of the goods and services provided, and thus hurts those w h o do and those w h o do not patronize the shops, cinemas, and recreation facilities by reducing the quantity as well as the quality of goods and amenities.

As a last resort one m a y of course simply m o v e away from an area, an estate or a community to find more suitable neighbours and surroundings. Those unable to do so m a y withdraw only to feel isolated, depressed, and lonely. Both of these lower morale in the entire community and inhibit the development of potential community feeling. 'People', a plumber's wife comments on a heterogeneous housing estate, 'live more together n o w but they are miles apart' (Bott, 1957, p. 184).

T h e available evidence does build up a strong case against the mixing of individuals and groups of unequal status. Does this mean , however, that planned mixed neighbourhoods or communities must be abandoned altogether in favour of segregated, homogeneous ones as some have hastily concluded? T h e answer is no, provided the mixing of groups proceeds with care and caution and takes into account the import of the findings just


reviewed. In fact the effectiveness and impact of physical planning m a y well depend on the skilful inclusion of social considerations.

Alternatives to mixing

Before deciding on the desirability of social homogeneity versus heterogeneity, perhaps these ambiguous and oversimplified terms should be reexamined. For one thing, homogeneity, being not a constant but a variable, is a matter of degree. For another, social life being many-sided, this means that a group m a y be more or less homogeneous on one set of factors but heterogeneous on m a n y others. People of identical social class standing m a y differ as to age, stage of family life cycle, ethnic origins, and cultural and personal tastes. Mixing groups of different incomes or occupations is only one, and perhaps not the most important, kind. It is also the one least likely to be successful under current social conditions.

Then there is the matter of proportions, of h o w m a n y of the one and the other groups to bring together in the same physical space. W h e r e the extremes of the social hierarchy are involved, it has been suggested, mixing should not go beyond a certain point of heterogeneity. It is the ratio of the minority to the majority group that 'appears to be critical in the success of any mixed neighborhood' (Foote et ed., i960, p. 207). In this case, perhaps the real-life ratio should be maintained at the start, gradually to be altered in the course of experience. Such critical ratios might have to be worked out for each combination of factors. W h e r e a majority and a minority group are forced into close quarters, for example, it has been suggested that the minority group should not be of markedly lower socioeconomic status than the majority, and should not have standards of conduct that appear to the majority to be of a lower order than their o w n . A n d , although both groups m a y have little income or education, the minority should not have markedly less.

Above all, physical facilities and distances cannot be manipulated mechanically always to achieve the expected results. At times, decreasing the physical and 'functional' distance between individuals and groups does permit or encourage greater sociability, but at times it m a y do just the opposite. Again, it is the nature of the groups brought together that determine the outcome. Accordingly, Schorr has formulated what he calls an analogy to Boyle's law. In homogeneous communities, he suggests, without, however, defining the term, the nearer residents are to one another, the more likely they are to have friendly contacts, whereas in heterogeneous communities just the opposite holds true—the nearer they are, the greater the hostility existing between them (Schorr, 1963, p. 26). Physical siting and design are effective within limits only, and only by knowing these can the physical and the social forces be brought into some sort of creative alignment.

As the following proposals show, there are a number of alternatives available to planners short of either abandoning the concept of mixed communities or using inappropriate measures to achieve them.

508 S. Keller

i. O n e m a y avoid mixing extreme levels of the social hierarchy in favour of more intermediate levels. T h e danger here is that the nearer people are, the more competitive, hence the less co-operative, they m a y become.

2. O n e m a y abandon the idea of mixing unequal groups at the neighbourhood level but mix them at the community level by planning one-class neighbourhoods and linking these c o m m o n services and facilities to a single community (Wilmott, 1963). S o m e such scheme has been proposed for Islamabad (Ekistics, Vol. 18, N o . 108, Nov. 1964, pp. 335-6). For economic, social, and cultural reasons, at the community level, heterogeneity is clearly desirable, whereas at the block level, since sociability thrives under conditions of likemindedness, homogeneity is to be preferred (Gans, 'The Balanced Community' , X X V I I , A u g . 1961, N o . 3, pp. 176-84).

3. O n e m a y also vary the block by block composition of a population that is fairly homogeneous economically, culturally, and socially, thereby arriving at a varied combination of its several elements at the local level. Here, the net result would be just the opposite of that suggested under 2 above, in that there would be mixed local units within a homogeneous community.

4. O n e might take a population homogeneous as to social class but strive for heterogeneity with respect to its ethnic, religious, educational, and cultural characteristics, thereby achieving variations on a c o m m o n theme. This apparently has happened naturally in m a n y unplanned middle-class suburbs where there is considerable cultural, religious, and occupational variety among inhabitants of quite similar economic resources and moral values. This heterogeneity, according to one observer, 'does not m e a n that neighborhood relationships are less than w a r m and cordial. C o m m o n interests of h o m e , car, and child-care provide a strong basis for conversational "give and take". . . .' Friendship patterns on these streets, however, were likely to be formed on the basis of intellectual and occupational interests rather than of neighbourhood arrangements ( Wattell, in Dobriner (ed.), 1958, p. 298).

5. Within limits, one m a y combine individuals of varied social and cultural characteristics but having similar conceptions of neighbouring. According to Kuper , if one demands fairly general, and thus interchangeable, characteristics in one's neighbours, mixing is less of a problem than if one is very exacting in the qualities demanded. Furthermore, he proposes that compatibility rather than social homogeneity or similarity matters most. Residents need not have the same expectations nor need they be homogeneous 'with respect to occupation, family composition, class position, and so on. But their different ways of life and bearing to neighbours must be mutually tolerable' (Kuper, 1953, p. 151). In the newer suburbs, such compatibility appears to be particularly important, according to Gans, in the domains of child-rearing, leisure time pursuits, and cultural and intellectual interests (Gans, 1961 a, pp. 136-7).

6. Since conceptions of neighbouring, sociability, and community participation vary, one might pre-select residents so that they would be


compatible in regard to those values, attitudes and orientations that matter most to them and to the sort of community they are likely to create. Here, planners might join forces with the survey analysts and make attitude surveys a regular part of their feasibility reports.

W e already know that need and ideology m a k e some groups m o r e willing to tolerate differences than others. For example, individuals indifferent to social status or not easily threatened by ethnic and cultural differences m a y mix more readily than those whose status anxieties or ethno-centrism are more pronounced. O n e study has tentatively suggested the following groups as relatively tolerant of heterogeneity: those w h o view their current housing as temporary, including single adults, newly-weds, transients, and renters rather than h o m e owners; housewives with young children, the old or infirm, all, that is, w h o are tied to their homes and w h o need company; certain minority groups w h o will not do unto others as has been done to them; and those whose desire for h o m e ownership, for example, is so strong as to conquer their group prejudices (Foote et al., i960, pp. 208 ff.). Most observers agree that middle-class families with school-age children are most concerned about the status implications of their residences.

7. Finally, one m a y mix groups w h o stress the things they have in c o m m o n with others rather than the ways in which they differ from them. It has been found, for example, that satisfied housing tenants, especially h o m e owners, tend to perceive their neighbourhoods as homogeneous even if these are ethnically and economically fairly diverse (Foote et al., i960, pp. 204 ff.). Thus, under certain conditions, mixing h o m e owners of different social backgrounds m a y be more successful than mixing renters.

These alternatives m a y be among the ways to help achieve social variety and balance in planned communities. A final alternative, albeit one not widely popular a m o n g planners at this time, is to let people establish their social contacts as they m a y and concentrate instead on increasing access to city centres, and to distant relatives, old friends, or unfamiliar places, or focus public attention on the plays performed, festivals launched, films banned, and controversies aroused in the wider, varied community a w a y from the local scene. In other words neither force residents into close contact with unequals nor force them to take their amusements close to h o m e , but permit them to do both if they wish.

Conclusion

In this article I have tried to indicate the significance of social class and social status factors for problems of interest to physical planners. T h e main implications as I see them are these: equality cannot be created artificially, prestige and rank are pervasive elements in modern social life, and certain mixes of people are challenging and productive while others are not.

If a society is stratified, its members will reflect this not only as regards

510 S. Keller

their objective economic situations and styles of life but also as regards their self-conceptions, ambitions, aspirations for their children, and dem a n d s as to neighbours and friends. A n d since not only individuals but entire areas get status reputations, highly status-conscious individuals will try to avoid low status areas and individuals of relatively low social standing will be marked by the stigma attached to living there. This means that in time, areas m a y be inhabited by only one kind of resident or by a depressing mixture of apathetic, indifferent, or mutually hostile groups.

In view of the great importance attached to prestige and status, even by humble m e n of low station, planners might well pay more attention to the positive aspects of the prestige and status connotations of dwellings and facilities and m a k e deliberate use of them in the communities they plan. Creating prestige for an area by attracting a few prestigeful residents— these will differ in different milieux and m a y involve m a n y different types —or by placing a coveted building or facility in an area m a y be more successful than concentrating on the hygienic or utilitarian aspects of houses and dwellings. For although good housing matters, it does not always matter most. In a stratified society, no matter h o w frayed around the edges the traditional classes m a y be, m e n are responsive to status considerations not because they are undemocratic or superficial but because of the pervasive role played by status, esteem, respect, power, and prestige, in short, by a whole complicated system of inequalities, in their daily lives.

In conclusion, w e must stress the fact that physical design and siting by themselves are not powerful enough to offset or redirect existing currents of inequality, snobbery, and status pride. This is w h y bringing unwilling groups closer together in physical space or encouraging their participation in c o m m o n activities and .'organizations is not always crowned with success. Often, in fact, these efforts m a y actually lead to even 'greater schisms and potentially explosive divisions' (Vereker and M a y s , 1961, p. 145). Nor are the poor typically spurred on to greater achievements by the example of their better-off neighbours w h o m a y actually serve only to accentuate their plight. 'It seems more likely', Schorr comments, 'that values and techniques for improving one's financial status will be learned from those with w h o m kinship is felt—people w h o m a y be better off but whose success appears within reach' (Schorr, 1963, pp . 46-7). Mixing unequal groups is a complex and delicate matter requiring a great deal of skill not yet translated into any existing formula, and even under the best of conditions, it cannot eradicate inequalities whose source lies outside the planners' control. This means, as Gans a m o n g others has suggested, that the principal problem is not h o w to mix unequals artificially but h o w to raise everyone's standards of life and amenities so that mixing results in a creative rather than a threatening diversity (Gans, 1961 b, pp. 182-3).

Physical design, siting, and the mixing of different social groups must be handled differently in settlements with stable and unstable, with recently formed and long-established, systems of social stratification. In a stratified, stationary community, residents m a y preserve social distance despite

Social class in physical planning 5 "

physical proximity because their values of self and place are firm and

consistent. In a stratified mobile communi ty , individuals w h o differ eco

nomically and socially will also differ as to where they live and will care

about w h o lives near them. T h e result, in both planned and unplanned

communities, is a clustering of social class equals and some sort of physical

and social segregation. Physical distance becomes an expression of social

distance w h e n it is necessary to protect and assert status in an ambiguous

environment of fluid boundaries and shifting values. External signs then

assume great symbolic significance, and residence is one such sign. In

fairly homogeneous, non-stratified communities, such as veterans' housing

projects, student dormitories, or colonies of equally wealthy or equally

poor people, social life m a y m o r e readily be influenced by physical design

and the tools of the planners' trade.

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McGraw Hill. G A N S , Herbert J. 1961 a. Planning and social life. Journal of the American Institute

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spective. Athens Technological Institute, Athens, Greece. (Document R R - A C E : 6 8 (I05)/22.I2.65.)

K U P E R , Leo. Blueprint for living together. In: Kuper (ed.). Living in towns. London, Cresset Press, 1953.

M C A R T H U R , A . ; L O N G , H . Kingsley. 1964. No mean city. London, Transworld Publishers.

M A C K E N S E N , Rainer, et al. 1959. Daseinsformen der Grossstadt. Tübingen, J . C . B . Mohr . M A C K E N Z I E , Norman . 1965. Epitaph for a borough. New Statesman, 2 April, 1965. M A D G E , Janet H . 1953. S o m e aspects of social mixing in Worcester. In: Kuper

(ed.). Living in towns, pp. 267-94. M O W R E R , Ernest R . 1958. The family in suburbia. In: Dobriner (ed.). The suburban

community, pp. 147-64. Neighbourhood and community. 1954. Liverpool, University Press. N I C H O L S O N , J. H . 1961. New communities in Britain. London, N C S S . R I E S M A N , . David. 1958. The suburban sadness. In: Dobriner (ed.). The suburban

community, pp. 375-402.

512 S. Keller

S C H O R R , A . 1963. Slums and social insecurity. United States Dept . of Health, Education and Welfare, Social Security Administration.

V E R E K E R , Charles; M A Y S , J. B . 1961. Urban redevelopment and social change. Liverpool, University Press.

W A R N E R , Lloyd W . ; L U N T , Paul S. 1941. The social life of a modern community. N e w H a v e n , Yale.

; S R O L E , Leo. 1945. The social systems of American ethnic groups. N e w H a v e n , Yale. W A T T E L , Harold L . 1958. Levittown: a suburban community . In: Dobriner (ed.).

The suburban community, pp . 287-313. W I L L E M S , Emilio. 1949. Racial attitudes in Brazil. American journal of sociology,

vol. L I V , no. 5, M a r c h 1949, pp. 403-8. W i L M O T T , Peter. 1963. The evolution of a community: a study of Dagenham after forty

years. London , Routledge & K e g a n Paul. W I L S O N , Roger. 1963. Difficult housing estates. (Tavistock pamphlet no. 5.) Y O U N G , Michael; W I L M O T T , Peter. 1957. Family and kinship in east London. Glencoe,

111., Free Press.

Suzanne Keller is an American sociologist at present on the staff of the Athens Center ofEkistics, where she is working on social problems affecting spatial organization. She is the author of Beyond the Ruling Class {¡963).

Land values in the United Kingdom since 1946

E . F. Mills

Land value movements are analysed under specific categories of use: agricultural, residential, commercial, offices (central London) and industrial. The general trends in land values are then discussed from the point of view of their importance to the economy as a whole.

T h e value of land in a country where there is effective planning control depends very m u c h upon the use to which the land can be put. In Britain there are statutory town and country planning maps for the whole country that allocate almost every parcel of land to a given use. It is the use permitted under planning legislation which possibly has a greater effect on value than any natural attributes the land might have, although, obviously, in allocating the land for a particular use or purpose the planners will take into account its particular natural attributes.

Since 1954 there has been in the United K i n g d o m a regular increase in the price of all types of land and property. T h e press have publicized the fortunes and profits m a d e by land developers, and local authorities have complained of the cost of buying land for public purposes. It was against this background that the British Labour Party included in its 1964 election manifesto a proposal to establish a L a n d Commission and to establish a tax or development charge on all property development. Naturally there has been an increased interest in land values and to a lesser extent in the economic theory behind them, a subject which has received little attention previously from the universities or other research organizations.

Information about transactions is not easily available to the research worker. T h e Inland Revenue Department of the Government has the largest body of records, but access to them is not allowed. Similarly, commercial and industrial firms are reluctant to disclose land costs or rents for fear that such information will be used against them either by other property owners or developers or by the Government for the purposes of land taxation. Almost the only source of information available to those not actively in practice as land agents or valuers is that published in the technical or professional press. In particular the Estates Gazette publishes

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . 4, 1966

5H E . F. Mills

weekly details of public auctions of land and property. Although valuable, they present a relatively small and not very well balanced sample. Also, although admirably presented, they do pose problems of interpretation.

Indeed, this question of interpretation of property transactions is one of the major difficulties facing anybody attempting to analyse sales, purchases or rents of land or property. There can be several transactions affecting the same parcel of land and each interest can have a different value. T h e purchaser's reason for buying the land or other interest can affect the price paid. A developer m a y well be prepared to pay a lot of money for a small area of land to complete the size of area necessary to m a k e economic development possible. Whether the land is purchased for investment or redevelopment will also sometimes affect the price paid.

T h e 1947 T o w n and Country Planning Act which attempted to nationalize all land development values in the United K i n g d o m had the effect of limiting severely the number of land transactions after it came into force, because landowners waited in the hope, a hope ultimately fulfilled, that there would be amending legislation. W h e n amending Acts were passed in 1953 and 1954 there was an immediate spate of development, particularly in cities, that resulted in substantial increases in value of all types of land and property other than agricultural land.

British universities have hitherto carried out relatively little research into land values and land value theory. At Oxford the Agricultural Economics Research Institute has been mostly, but not solely, concerned with agricultural land values, whilst the Departments of Estate Management and Land Economy at Cambridge have produced studies of land values and land tenure. S o m e of the most valuable research has, however, been carried out by M r . Anstey, a professional valuer, and D r . Stone of the National Institute of Economic and Social Research.

In considering land values and their movements in Britain since the war, it is necessary to consider them under separate headings relating to particular uses of land. There are probably five main uses affecting land values in Britain. These are: agricultural, residential, shops, offices, and industrial. T o some extent shops and offices m o v e together since they tend to be interlinked in the commercial centres of cities. There are, however, areas, such as the City of London, where offices predominate and require a study to themselves. Land price movements and their causes are considered below under two main headings: first, those within the specific land use; and, second, the general trends of land prices.

Specific land use price movements

Agricultural

T h e average price of agricultural land with vacant possession remained fairly stable between 1946 and 1958. After 1958 prices tended to rise

Land values in the United Kingdom since 1946 515

steeply. Dr. Peters1 of the Agricultural Research Institute at Oxford showed that, in 1957, the average price of agricultural land was £73 per acre and rose to £134 per acre by 1962, an advance of some 85 per cent.

Table 1 gives a comparative index of agricultural land without vacant possession (in other words, purchased for investment), equity shares and 2\ per cent consols between 1938 and 1963.

T A B L E I.

Year (31 December)

1938 1959 i960 1961 1962 19631

Source: P . H . Harris,

1. Based on only 25

Journal of the Royal

sales.

Agricultural land without possession

100

347 352 423 397 652

Equity shares (Moody Index)

IOO

3 " 396 407 425 501

Institution of Chartered Surveyors, April i 964.

2 ) per cent consols

IOO 68 61

55 66 64

Table 2 gives an index of the trend of prices of farm land with vacant possession, farm income and farm rents from 1939 to 1963, and perhaps shows some of the reasons w h y the value of this category of land has increased.

T A B L E 2.

Farmland prices Farm

IOO 625 725

IOO I721

301

Y e a r »ith = " ™ Rents with . t income

possession

1939 100 100 1955 252 218 1963 541 627

Source: Dr . D . R . D e n m a n , Department of L a n d E c o n o m y , Cambridge, Land in the Market, Institute of Economic Affairs, 1964. (Hobart Paper N o . 30.)

1. 1956.

Farm rents lagged well behind farm income and the price of farm land. T h e increase in rents between 1955 and 1963 was partly the result of the Agriculture Act, 1958, which required arbitrators in rent disputes to award rents in accordance with open market values.

The price of agricultural land, both with possession and for investment, continued to climb until the early months of 1965 (vacant possession prices reaching an average of around £220 an acre), but there n o w appears to be evidence of a decline.

T h e reasons for the rise in agricultural land values are m a n y and complex.

1. G . H . Peters, 'Recent Trends in Farm Real Estate Values and Rents', Westminster Bank Review, 1 M a y 1963.

5i6 E . F. Mills

As Table 2 shows, farm incomes have grown enormously, partly as a result of pricing policy and partly from increased production. Since rents still lag behind this increase in income it seems that there are prospects of growth for the investor. Added to this are the attractions of a lower rate of death duties for the wealthy, allied to the indefinable desire to o w n land that seems to have affected almost all agricultural land prices in western Europe. The rise of urbanism in a small country such as Britain has probably also had the effect of raising the average price of agricultural land slightly, since prices will reflect development prospects of peripheral farms.

Residential

A most valuable analysis of residential land price movements, particularly in the London and Birmingham regions, was published by D r . Stone.1

There is a twofold demand for land under this heading, the major one, of course, coming from developers w h o specialize in building houses, and this, of course, includes local authorities, w h o have a statutory duty to provide housing for certain sectors of the population in their area. T h e other is the relatively small one from people w h o wish to acquire land on which to build their o w n houses. D r . Stone's survey showed that the d e m a n d for housing land by professional builders had resulted in an increase in the price of land for that purpose, m u c h higher than the increase in prices paid for single building plots, and indeed than the average cost of house prices, as Table 3 shows. This table also shows that residential land prices, whether for single plots or on a larger scale, on the whole increased more rapidly than did the index for industrial ordinary shares, although the price of houses was rather below the index.

T A B L E a.

Year

1939 «959 19631

Source: Based on a table by Dr . D . R . D e n m a n in Land in the Market, op. cit.

1. Mid-year.

'Housing in Britain', a survey by the T o w n and Country Planning Association, showed that in 1939 a £1,000 house would, on average, stand on a plot of land worth £180—18 per cent of the price of the house. In 1959 a house costing £3,300 would be on a plot worth £600—again about 18 per cent of the cost of the house. Taken in conjunction with Table 3

1. P . A . Stone, 'Prices of building sites in Britain'. In: Land Values, Sweet & Maxwell, 1965.

Building

Single plots

IOO

323 5S6

sites

Per acre

IOO

792 I 615

Houses

too

333 437

Industrial ordinary

shares

IOO

332 463


this would suggest that houses built by developers in 1959 stood on smaller plots than they would have done in 1939, whilst those of private house builders were on average on slightly larger plots. The 104 per cent increase in the cost of building sites per acre between 1959 and 1963 m a y have been slightly helped by the change in legislation in 1959 which required public housing authorities to pay the full market price for land. Dr. Stone's figures are obtained from details of public auctions published in the Estates Gazette. Since local authorities rarely purchase land by public auction, the prices they pay for land will not have affected this sector of the land market greatly, although the fact that local authorities were paying higher prices for their land might have had some effect on other transactions.

Dr. Stone recorded that an average of £32,000 per acre was paid in the area within 10 miles of the centre of London and £17,000 per acre in the 10-20 mile ring around London. This compares with £9,000 to £10,000 per acre in central Birmingham and on the Sussex coast. H e suggests price levels are around £5,000 an acre in the outer zones of conurbations such as London and Birmingham and in the large cities. These, of course, are average prices but it is worth noting that M r . Anstey (see below) suggested a 1959 value of £175,000 per acre for residential land in the City of London, whilst prices in excess of £30,000 per acre were paid for residential land in Cambridge in 1964. Dr . Stone's study was for the period i960 to 1964 and he suggested that over that period prices per acre increased over 10 per cent a year, although this varied from region to region.

A n interesting point brought out by Dr. Stone's analysis and shown in Table 4 is h o w the price of residential building land is directly affected by: (a) distance from the centre of the city; and (b) the number of dwellings per acre that the planning authority will permit to be built.

TABLE 4.

Town

London

Birmingh

Source: D r .

am

D. R.

Distance from the

centre (miles)

5 1 0

20

40 60

5 10

20

5

12

IO

7 3 1

8 6 3

Denman in Land in the Market, op.

Average price

cit.

Density 10

17 14 10 4 2

11

8 5

it I960-62 (£ooo's

of dwellings per 15 20

23 19 13 6 3

14 11

6

28

23 16

7 3

•7 13 8

peí • acre)

acre: 30

39 32 22

10

5

23 18 10

40

50 41 28

13 6

Dr. Stone has pointed out that although the price of land and density of dwellings are proportionately related, the relationship between price and distance is not.

W h a t were the factors that increased residential land prices nearly eightfold between 1939 and 1959 and caused them to double again in the

5i8 E . F. Mills

four years 1959 to 1963? O n e was that land prices suffered a slump in the early 1930's and the war delayed their recovery. A further factor was postwar legislation introducing nationalization of land development values and building licensing that slowed down post-war development. So the market for residential land, as for most other categories of land, remained relatively dormant until the government of the day freed it from various controls and provided the opportunity for development needed by an increasing population, which by the middle igso's had become more prosperous than at any time in its history. As people earned more money, they discovered that building societies were prepared to advance a high proportion of the purchase price of a house and that this was a good way to acquire capital. A third factor was that by the middle 1950's most planning authorities had produced the development plan they were required to produce by the 1947 T o w n and Country Planning Act. For the first time practically every piece of land, particularly in cities, was allocated to a particular use. This meant that the amount of housing land was limited and could be seen to be so. T h e tendency of some planning authorities to consider long-range population forecasting an exact science did not help.

T o summarize, the demand factors were more people, more money; the supply factor, the limited amount of land scheduled for housing in published development plans.

So m u c h for the increase between 1939 and 1959. Between 1959 and 1963 continuing prosperity played a part. In some cases housing provided by industrial and commercial firms as a fringe benefit to their employees helped to add marginally to the price of land. Probably one of the factors affecting demand for residential land was again government legislation, in particular, an Act of 1958 which reduced greatly the number of tenancies that could claim the protection of the Rent Restriction Acts. This Act allowed landlords to obtain possession of houses with a rateable value of over £30 and to charge market rents for the premises thereafter. It is probable that a number of people faced with the market rent of dwellings in the centre of towns decided that they would rather buy their o w n house through a building society.

Commercial

Perhaps the most authoritative information concerning land values under this heading has been published in M r . Bryan Anstey's1 valuation comparisons of two commercially important areas in London, one in the City of London close to the Bank of England, the other in the large and prosperous London suburb of Hendon. M r . Anstey was concerned with the redevelopment of an area in the City of London, known as the Barbican, which had suffered some war damage. In 1953 he prepared a land value m a p of the area. T h e area was predominantly commercial, including many offices and

1. B . Anstey, 'Study of certain changes in land values in the London area in the period 1950-64', in: Land values. Sweet & Maxwell, 1963.


warehouses of the clothing and cloth trade. Land values were influenced by the vicinity of the Bank of England and the high value land in the centre of the city. M r . Anstey found that in 1953 land values in the Barbican area were of the order of £150,000 an acre. H e looked at the same area again in 1964 after it had been redeveloped. It was no longer a completely commercial area, there being several tall residential blocks with more to be built. M r . Anstey put a value of £175,000 an acre on the residential land, not a great increase over the £150,000 an acre of 1953, but of course that was a value for offices and shops, etc., and £175,000 an acre for residential lands is very high indeed. Where large sites to the south of the area had been redeveloped for offices M r . Anstey estimated that values had risen to between £1 million and £2 million an acre at 1959 values. H e quoted them as 1959 values because the leases were negotiated to cover seven years from approximately mid-1957 to mid-1964. H e estimated that values in other parts of the area had risen to between £400,000 and £600,000 an acre. Even allowing for the fact that the purchasing power of the pound had declined by nearly one-third during the period, it was obvious that the quantum of land values in this area had increased greatly, far in excess, for instance, of any index of ordinary share values in the United Kingdom.

So far as Hendon was concerned, M r . Anstey had prepared a value contour m a p for the area in 1950. H e took two shopping areas in the suburb, the principal one by the underground railway station at Watford W a y and a secondary one at Brent Street. His method of measurement in this exercise was not price per acre but price per foot frontage, a c o m m o n method of valuing shopping areas in England. T h e highest value in Watford W a y in 1950 was £100 per foot frontage in the centre of the longest unbroken stretch of the road, the second being £80 a foot at the southern end of the £100 line and continuing round the corner into a secondary shopping road. At either end of these frontages values fell away to £40 to £50. Incidentally, these compared with peaks of £80 to £100 in the Barbican in 1953. At Brent Street the highest level in 1950 was £60 a foot in the centre of the western side of the street, either side and opposite they fell to £40 and further away still to £30 per foot frontage. M r . Anstey looked at these two suburban areas again in 1964. The peak values were in the same position but in both cases they had been extended to a longer frontage. At Watford W a y the £100 a foot had become £750 and the £80 had become £600, whilst at Brent Street |the values were £600, £400 and £300 respectively. At W a t ford W a y a 7.5 times increase and at Brent Street a tenfold increase. Since in both cases the high-value areas had grown in extent, the quantum of increase in land values was even greater. This level of increase was of the same order as he found in the City of London and compares with a 3.5 times increase in the index of industrial ordinary shares between 1950 and 1964.

In the case of the Barbican area in the city these increases in value were following redevelopment, but so far as the two Hendon shopping centres are concerned, there had been no major redevelopment.

Property developers and development companies m a d e large capital

520 E . F. Mills

gains and received high returns on capital invested between 1955 and 1961

when redeveloping the centre of cities, particularly in the provinces. The

gearing of finance for this type of development was brought to a fine art by

property developers and the London financial market. It is probably true to

say that when the b o o m in the redevelopment of war-damaged and obsoles

cent town centres first got under way in the early 1950's, nobody was fully

aware of the prizes to be w o n . Development companies generally aimed

either to obtain upwards of 10 per cent return on their capital investment or

to sell the completed development to an investor at a capital profit. A hypo

thetical balance sheet demonstrates the returns that a property develop

ment company might expect if they redeveloped five acres of land in the

centre of a provincial city with a population of a little over 100,000.

Costs £ £

Purchase of land: 5 acres at £350,000 an acre

Loss of interest for two years at 6 per cent Building costs: 300,000 square feet of

shops at £4 per square foot 20,000 square feet of offices at £5 per

square foot 30,000 square feet of warehouse storage

space at £3 per square foot

Building finance for nine months at 6 per cent Professional fees: architects, etc., 10 per cent Legal and letting expenses

T O T A L COSTS 3 600 000

Potential income

(a) Shops 1 department store: 80,000 square feet at

16s. per square foot 4 large stores: 64,000 square feet at £1

per square foot 50 shop units producing 140,000 square

feet at £ 1 8s. per square foot 20 smaller shop units producing 16,000

square feet at £2 per square foot

(b) Offices and warehouses 20,000 square feet of offices at 12s. per

square foot 30,000 square feet of warehouse a c c o m m o

dation at 8s. per square foot

Total income from shops, offices and warehouses

Deduct amortization to redeem costs, less land value, in 60 years at 3 per cent

N E T INCOME

Years purchase at 6 per cent in perpetuity Estimated capital value approximately

1 200 000

100 000

90 000

I 750 000

144 000

I 390 000

76 000

140 000

100 000

64 000

64 000

196 000

32 000

(per year) 356 000

12 000

12 000

380 000

11 750

368 250

16.7% 6 150 000


Thus the developer could show nearly 66 per cent profit on capital invested. Alternatively, the income less the sinking fund, i.e., £368,250 per a n n u m , shows an over-all return on capital invested, including land, of just over 12Í per cent. This balance sheet sets out the returns that could have been obtained in the late 1950's and early 1960's. T h e last two or three years have seen a curtailment of developers' profits, partly through dearer money , partly through higher building costs and partly the fact that institutions with ready money available, such as insurance companies, are no longer prepared to lend money on fixed interest or mortgage but want a share in the equity. Although today there are some warnings that there has been too m u c h redevelopment and values cannot be maintained, there is still competition between development companies for town centre redevelopment.

W h a t were the reasons for these increases in values? Again, there is no simple answer. S o m e of the reasons given for the increase in residential values also apply to commercial land values, no redevelopment for over twenty years, an increasing population, a population with a higher spending power than ever before, national income from employment almost doubled between 1954 and 1964 and by 1964 was more than six times the 1938 figure; consumers' expenditure at 1958 prices rose between 1954 and 1964 by just under 40 per cent. All these account for some of the rise in shop and office values. Perhaps, however, one of the main factors in the rise of rental values, which in turn affected capital values, was that the property market is such an imperfect market. There has been, and is still, very little information in Britain about the turnover per square foot that a retailer can expect to earn. Hence the landlord has little idea h o w m u c h the shopkeeper can afford to pay. In the early and mid 1950's town centre developers took a chance and bought land at what seemed at the time to be a very high price. They then demolished and rebuilt and asked retailers to pay rents high enough to provide the sort of return shown in the balance sheet above. They found national firms of retail stores well prepared to pay such rents. Obviously retailers' profit per square foot of turnover was higher than anyone had imagined. Developers bought land at still more expensive prices and still the retailer was prepared to pay the higher rent; not all, of course, for the small one-man concern was pushed out of the best central shopping positions. Redevelopment and rising redevelopment costs tended to produce rents which n o w are probably beginning to hurt. T h e competitive need to remain in the best central positions has resulted in increased efficiency and use of space; certainly, firms like Marks and Spencer, Woolworths, British H o m e Stores and Littlewoods have today very high standards of efficiency. W h e r e these firms are situated in the local shopping centre are the highest land values, with the hierarchy of smaller, high-turnover national firms trying to get as close to them as possible. T h e larger departmental stores, selling large consumer durables, are usually on the flanks, being unable to compete in rental values for the best positions.

Increased car ownership has also added to the value of certain town centres—those of towns with a population of between 50,000 and 130,000.

522 E . F. Mills

T h e turnover in such town centres has generally increased m u c h more than in smaller towns. T h e pattern in the town centre tends to change, the n u m ber of local shops and the food stores in redeveloped centres has declined, the national multiple has taken over. N o w , 75 to 80 per cent of the turnover of the town centre of a town of about 100,000 inhabitants is derived from the sale of consumer durables. Again, as with residential values, town planning has had its effect on shop values, although these can easily be overemphasized.

Offices (Central London)

It is in Central London that land values and office rents have soared, not so m u c h in the provinces, although the greater numbers of motor cars has increased the d e m a n d for offices in towns serving a surrounding region. T h e predominance of London in the office market can be seen when it is realized that the amount of office space in Central London has risen from 87 million square feet in 1939 to approximately 140 million square feet in 1964, compared for example with Birmingham, which in 1962 had only about 7 million square feet of office accommodation in its central area, Liverpool 6 million square feet and Manchester 7 million square feet. T h e d e m a n d for office accommodation in London has been one of the major planning problems of the London conurbation. W h e n it reported in 1940, the Barlow Commission suggested—probably wrongly, even then—that if the magnet of manufacturing industry could be removed from Greater London, then its problems of concentration and congestion could be solved. In fact, it is the attraction of London as a centre for offices that has proved to be the stumbling block to attempts at decentralization. T h e build-up of offices in London has been caused by two long-term trends:1 the first, a shift in emphasis from making things to designing and marketing them, in other words, fewer people actually concerned with production and more white-collar workers in the drawing office and the sales office; the second, the tendency for industry in the country to organize itself in larger units. As an organization reaches a certain size there are advantages and certainly prestige considerations whichsuggest the need for a head office in London rather than in the provincial town where the products of the company are manufactured. This d e m a n d has increased office rents in Central London sixfold between 1950 and 1964, and still the demand is unsatisfied. As a result of government intervention it will remain unsatisfied in the centre of London. T h e reason for increased rents and increased values in an area that was, to begin with, a high-value area is partly, perhaps, that a good London address has advertising value, that since all roads lead to London it is a better commercial centre, and important though production is, it is marketing that is essential.

1. South-East Study, 1961-81, Ministry of Housing and Local Government.


Industrial

There is relatively little information on industrial values in Britain. D r . Stone1 suggests that for the period 1960-62 the median price for industrial sites was £8,000 an acre, although prices of up to £100,000 an acre were recorded. T h e median size of an industrial site was about three-quarters of an acre, one-third of the sites being less than half an acre. In ordinary light industry, costs of land and buildings are a relatively small part of the cost of production and even for heavy industry they represent a relatively small proportion of its fixed costs. With the growth of electricity and c o m munications networks, more industries are concerned to be sited nearer their market, which usually means in centres of population, and fewer to their raw materials. This means that on the whole there is a wider choice of sites than for shops or offices and therefore the competition is less intense. So industrial land values take their place in the hierarchy of land use values somewhere above that of residential land but well below that of commercial land, as D r . Stone's median figures for the period 1960-62 show, i.e., £5,000 an acre for residential land, £8,000 an acre for industrial land and £25,000 an acre for commercial land.

General trends in land values

It would seem that there is little doubt that the total value of land in Britain since the war has increased greatly; the evidence seems to suggest perhaps at a |higher rate than the ordinary share indices and than the comparative reduction in the internal purchasing power of the pound. At the same time, however, it would seem that there is a trend towards a general levelling of land values. T h e centres of towns and that of London in particular are still where land costs are highest. D r . Stone's studies showed that for residential land the fall in price is not related proportionately to the distance from the centre of a large town and in some cases such prices are lower on the outskirts of a large town than they are 10 miles further out. T o some extent this levelling of land values is most marked in the case of agricultural land. T h e gap in prices between the best, the mediocre and the worst agricultural land has been closed considerably by advances in production techniques including fertilizers, by greater mechanization and by some rationalization of farm holdings.

Colin Clark2 in a recent paper at the Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors in London suggested that this levelling of land values was a worldwide phenomenon. H e produced Table 5 below, showing the value of land as a percentage of year's average per head income for residential sites in Britain since 1845 and for residential and commercial and industrial sites in the United States since 1900.

1. op. cit. 2. Colin Clark, Projects for future collaboration ; the university's contribution. Royal Institution

of Chartered Surveyors Conference: N e w Horizons in L a n d and Property Values, March 1966.

524 E . F. Mills

T A B L E 5. Value of land as percentage of year's average per head income.

Year

1845 1861 1876

'893 ICIO

193« 1938 !952 1958 1964

Great Britain1

Residential

30

57 60

85 70 53 4« 41 27 55

T . Before 1938, site rents

sites

capitalized 2. Assuming 3.5 persons'house.

Year

I9OO 1912

1922

I929 1939 »953 1958 1962

Commercial and industrial

[ at 6 per cent.

35 26 36 52

45 27 33

U . S . A .

Residential

49 38 31 29 27 15 16

Residential: n e w houses8

«9 30 35

It would seem from this that residential land values were at their relative peak in the 1890's, before trams, buses and modern communications m a d e possible a change from the compact urban form of historic cities to the m u c h lower and more widely spread urban development of today. T h e information about commercial and industrial values in the United States is interesting. It would seem that there this category of land use values reached its peak in 1929. T h e great slump m a y have been one factor in this but another was probably the fact that the motor took over from then on and this led to out-of-town shopping centres and some dispersal of other commercial activities. This is a trend that seems to be starting in parts of western Europe and m a y well be the pattern in Britain in the future.

In the same paper M r . Clark enlarged on this theme by pointing out that during the last decade almost every town in the world with a population density of 10,000 to the square mile had been decreasing in population, whilst almost every district below that figure had tended to increase its density. T h e County of London, whose population has been decreasing since 1931, is a good example of this. This trend of decreasing densities in the heart of large conurbations and increasing densities in most districts outside has helped to produce a more uniform pattern of urban values than before.

For the future, it seems likely that this trend towards a uniform pattern of values will continue in Britain. Central London will continue to provide the peak commercial land values as N e w York does in the United States. Outside London and other larger cities, as car ownership increases it is possible that town centre values will decline because of their inability to cope with the motor car. Most industry has, of course, become far less tied to its source of raw materials and n o w has a wider choice of siting, although the modern chemical industry has tended to concentrate on estuaries because of its dependence on imported oil. So everything points to a wider, more uniform spread of urban values in the future.


Summary

It would seem from such evidence as is available that land prices in the 1950's and early 1960's more than kept pace with growth of the rest of the economy. This suggests that the property market for all types and uses of land in Britain works, and that the economic factors of supply and d e m a n d continue to rule. T h e operation of the market has been distorted by a volume of legislation concerned with a wide variety of matters affecting the use of land. T h e most important of these, of course, have been the T o w n and Country Planning Acts, but in addition there have been Acts controlling agricultural tenancies, Acts controlling and decontrolling the rents of dwelling houses, Acts to provide subsidies to attract industry to certain areas, Acts prohibiting building unless a licence is obtained from central government and an Act forbidding the erection of more offices in the City of London.

S o m e of these Acts, such as the T o w n and Country Planning Act nationalizing land development values and the Act imposing building licensing, tended to put a brake on development until they were rescinded in the early 1950's. Undoubtedly one of the factors in the rapid increase in land values was the fact that there had been little development in the preceding twenty years with a resultant pent-up demand, another the general increase in prosperity. It is important to realize, however, that certainly so far as residential land was concerned and some commercial land, the T o w n and Country Planning Acts with their provisions for development plans and development control were an inflationary factor because they limited the amount of land available in the market.

H o w important are land costs in Britain's economy? Although rent produces only slightly more than 5 per cent of Britain's total gross national product at factor cost, total land and property development transactions must represent at least 10 per cent. In agriculture, until recently, farm incomes have moved ahead more quickly than farm rents but in such a basic industry land costs remain an important item, up to 20 per cent of total income. House prices have roughly kept pace with salaries since 1939. There is little evidence relating to rents but so far as housing provided by local authorities is concerned rents have tended to increase less than average weekly wages. Probably housing costs account for 10 per cent of total income. In manufacturing industry, land costs represent a relatively small element in total fixed costs. Heavy increases in rents and land costs have probably affected the retail and service industries more and are n o w a considerable item in the budgets of large multiple stores. W h a t of the future? At the end of the century it is estimated that the population of the United Kingd o m will have increased by 40 per cent, car ownership will have more than doubled and the amount of land used for urban purposes m a y well have increased by more than 50 per cent. With a largely static supply, d e m a n d for all classes of land is likely to increase and the value or price of land should continue to rise at least at the same rate as other sectors of the econ o m y and possibly even faster.

5a6 E . F. Mills

T h e present Labour Government is proposing once again some restriction on freedom to build and a tax on land development. T h e former is likely to be deflationary in the short run, the latter inflationary and, since the principle is generally accepted, likely to continue to be so. It would seem that Britain's mixed economy is caught in something of a dilemma so far as its land economics are concerned. Its present tools of resource allocation, that is the development plans and development control by planning permission, must continue but, unless the techniques of allocation improve, they will both prove inflationary in the long run. There is a fairly general acceptance of the justice of a tax on development values on the probably mistaken grounds that a public decision gives an unearned profit to the landowner. Such a tax can only be inflationary and help to bring forward the day when the price of land for development will affect the economy of Britain more seriously than at present.

E . F. Mills is director of estate management of the University of Cambridge and a fellow of Fitzwilliam House, Cambridge. After graduating in economics and town planning from the University of London, he worked with a planning authority and was also in private practice as a property valuer.

A n ecological interpretation of settlement systems

Theoretical background and issues for research

Zygmunt Pióro

Three sources of the ecological approach are identified: Marx, Durkheim and the Chicago School, Further sections analyse the functional concept of social ecology, the ecological method in settlement research, the definition elements, differences between and changes in settlement systems, and research methods.

Introduction

In looking for factors determining settlement processes, migrations, the history and changes of settlement systems, and the development of cities and villages, both observation and reflection lead to a complex of factors which can be covered by a single concept: ecology. It includes the geographical, biological, technical and economic setting of h u m a n life, of individuals and communities. Research on the spatial organization of a man' s habitat, its technical equipment, the system of production and services and the biological characteristics of a population is an indispensable preliminary step in the investigation of more intricate and more difficult processes of an economic, social and cultural nature within a community or a regional settlement system.

O n e m a y say that there is nothing n e w in the ecological approach. Every monograph on a local community or region assumes such an approach. But there are good reasons for applying key ecological concepts and methodology in settlement surveys, especially w h e n research is oriented towards planning. T h e ecological interpretation through its theoretical background, methodology and techniques allows for precision in defining the relationships between man's physical environment and the sphere of social bonds, social behaviour and social structures; it enables us to include the space factor impinging upon a mechanism of societal relations in the required analysis and generalizations, by using an elaborate system of specific key concepts and a substantial arsenal of research techniques—especially cartography—for the objectivization, quantification, measurement .and c o m parison of particular social phenomena.

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528 Z . Pióro

Louis Wirth saw the importance of the role of the ecological approach to social research in that it yields objective information in the shape of accurate descriptions of physical facts and enables us to m a k e reliable and precise measurements.1

Three sources of ecological interpretation in social sciences

In the history of social science one can distinguish at least three sources of the ecological interpretation of social phenomena: Marxist, Durkheimian and American (Chicago h u m a n ecology school). T h e starting point of M a r xist social theory is 'real individuals, their activities and the physical and material conditions of their life'.2 By 'real h u m a n beings' M a r x and Engels understood people 'of blood and bones', i.e., such h u m a n characteristics as are covered by disciplines like biology, h u m a n geography and demography.

Karl M a r x stated that the first assumption of all historical social science is the existence of living individuals. O n e must, as a matter of fact, take into account the bodily organization of these individuals and their relationship to the rest of nature, although not the physical characteristics, nor geological or climatic environment. But one must accept that this environment not only determined the original, natural social organization and racial differences, but also all further development of humanity to date. A n y kind of historical social research must start from this natural basis and take into consideration changes caused by h u m a n agency.

Marxist social theory, then, in referring to the material conditions of social life, points out two components of a complex of'material conditions of social life'. T h e first is the geographic environment, natural as well as artificial, part of the so-called material culture or civilization; and second is the world of h u m a n bonds 'clotted' in the form of social norms and cultural patterns. T o be scientifically valid and practically useful, social research must go beyond motivations of h u m a n behaviour as they are revealed in verbal responses, to uncover the 'natural basis' of social life, the biological and demographic characteristics of m a n and his relations with his physicospatial setting.

T h e ecological type of sociological analysis has been developed under the n a m e 'of 'social morphology' by the French, strictly speaking by the Durkheimian school of sociology.3

1. L . Wirth, ' H u m a n Ecology', American Journal of Sociology, M a y 1945, pp. 483-8. 2. K . Marx and F . Engels, 'Feuerbach', in: Wybrane pisma filozoficme 1844-1846, Warszawa,

1949, Ksiazka i Wiedza, p. 45. 3. E . Durkheim, De la division du travail social, Paris, 1893; Les règles de la méthode sociolo

gique, Paris, 1895; 'Morphologie sociale', in: L'année sociologique. Vol. II. 1897-98. M . Mauss and A . Beuchat, Essai sur les variations saisonnières des sociétés eskimos : étude de

morphologie sociale, Paris, 1904. M . Halbwachs, Les expropriations et les prix des terrains à Paris (1860-1901), Paris, 1909;

Morphologie sociale, Paris, 1938; La populations et les traces de voies à Paris depuis cent ans, Paris, 1925.

P. Chombart de Lauwe, Paris et l'agglomération parisienne, Paris, Presses Universitaires,

1952-

A n ecological interpretation of settlement systems 529

Explaining the introduction of a n e w division—social morphology—in L'année sociologique, Emile Durkheim wrote: 'Social life is based on a substrate which is determined in respect of both its size and form. It is m a d e up of the mass of individuals w h o compose society, the w a y in which they are settled on earth, the nature and configuration of things of whatever kind which affect community relations. This social substrate differs according to whether the population is larger or smaller, more or less densely packed, concentrated in the towns or scattered throughout the countryside, according to the way the towns and houses are built, the greater or lesser extent of the space occupied by that society, the boundaries which enclose it, the lines of communication which cross it, and so on. F r o m another angle, the constitution of this substrate directly or indirectly affects all social phenomena, just as all psychic phenomena are in mediate or immediate relationship with the state of the brain. Here, then, is a whole set of problems which are obviously of sociological concern and which, being all related to one and the same subject, should be covered by a single science. It is this science which w e suggest should be called social morphology. . . . Social morphology, does not, moreover, consist of a purely observational science which describes these forms without accounting for them; it can and should be explanatory. It should try to establish which conditions lead to a variation in the political atmosphere of peoples, the nature and aspect of their frontiers, the unequal density of population; it should determine h o w urban groups c o m e into being, what laws govern their evolution, h o w they are recruited, what is their role, etc.'1

In his later work Durkheim provided a more precise explanation of what he understands by 'physical forms of society'—the chief object of interest of social morphology: 'Study of the social substrate obviously comes within the orbit of sociology. Indeed, it is the subject most immediately accessible to investigation by sociologists, since it has material forms which are perceptible by the senses. In actual fact, the composition 'of society consists of certain combinations of individuals and things, which are necessarily links in space.'2

Researchers w h o accepted this morphological (ecological) approach have revealed the very nature of social structures and changes: M . Halbwachs, after a long series of empirical morphological studies, concluded that one can and should distinguish physical aspects of social life from the rest of social reality and that this investigation of social life is very useful and even indispensable to the understanding of its psychological aspects.3 P . Chombart de L a u w e , a modern disciple of this morphological school, has been able to show on an empirical basis that ecological factors substantially influence the mental life and social attitudes of town dwellers. Also the physical layout of cities is determined by the attitudes and representations collectives (collective ideas) of

1. E . Durkheim, 'Morphologie sociale', in: L'année sociologique, iSgy-g8, Vol. II, Paris, Félix Alean, 1899.

2. E . Durkheim, 'La sociologie et son domaine scientifique', appendix to: A r m a n d Cuvillier, Où va la sociologie française?, p. 186 and 187, Paris, Marcel Rivière et C l e , 1953 (Petite bibliothèque sociologique internationale, sous la direction d 'Armand Cuvillier, Série A ) .

3. M . Halbwachs, Les cadres sociaux de la mémoire, Paris, 1925.

530 Z . Pióro

the urban population. The discovery of this reciprocal interdependence has enabled him to introduce into his theoretical system a key ecological concept of 'social space', defined as 'the spatial framework within which c o m m u n i ties and groups of a given h u m a n complex (biotope) evolve, and whose structures are governed by ecological factors and representations'.1

T h e theoretical background, conceptual apparatus and basic research techniques for h u m a n ecology were worked out by the 'Chicago school' in the years 1920-30. Its founder, Robert Park, maintained that the basic form of h u m a n relations is competition. But because of the very high degree of mutual dependence between people and especially the social division of work, competition automatically entails some measure of co-operation. Consequently, spontaneous interrelations grow up between people creating a symbiotic system, which does not reach the level of social relations, but remains subsocial.

T h e 'struggle for survival' based on 'competitive co-operation' determines the organization of a biotic sphere of h u m a n life as well as the distribution of people over space. T h e composition of the population in a given area m a y therefore be considered as a function of the biotic sphere of a given community. T h e cultural sphere of a society is defined by the Chicago school as a superstructure above the biotic sphere. T h e biotic sphere has been acknowledged to be the proper domain of h u m a n ecology, whereas the cultural elements have been excluded from ecological investigation.

A s a result of empirical studies of Chicago, it was found that in the biotic sphere the organization of a community is determined by the domination of the city business centre over the whole urban area. Different land uses, demographic and socio-economic structures, indices of biological and social pathology in different city areas, are all functions of distance from the dominating centre. O n the basis of these results Burgess formulated the theory of the concentric development of cities.2

Functional concept of social ecology

T o meet h u m a n needs within a particular community, certain things—like material objects, social organization, science and technics, a system of ethical values and a physico-spatial setting—are necessary. All these—more or less integrated into a coherent system—appear in a local community,3

which, as a unit organized to maintain its o w n existence, must fulfil definite functions. T o do this it needs, a m o n g other things, specifically structured and developed space.

Areas differentiated functionally to meet various h u m a n needs can be

1. P. Chombart de Lauwe, Paris et l'agglomération parisienne, Vol. I: L'espace social dans une grande ciU, p. 244, Paris, Presses Universitaires, 1952 (Bibliothèque de sociologie contemporaine, Série B).

2. R . Park and E . Burgess, An Introduction to the Science of Sociology, Chicago, 1921; R . Park Urban Community, Chicago, 1926.

3. W . Anderson, The Urban Community, London, i960.


defined as 'spatial correlates of a definite system of values'1 accepted in a given community. Space has a meaning for m a n and society not only from the standpoint of meeting biological and economic needs; it also has social and cultural values. Pitrim Sorokin2 maintains that 'physical space, if it is interpreted separately from the cultural values attached to it, has no meaning for social interactions'.

Decisions of ecological units (individuals, families, institutions) as to the choice of location are conditioned by their economic position as well as by cultural and social considerations. Choices arising from the 'biotic subsocial sphere',3 because of their universality and uniformity, carry little significance îor the analysis of more complicated h u m a n ecological structures.

B . Malinowski's functional theory of culture combines basic h u m a n needs and means of meeting them in a particular area with the appearance of new cultural needs, which become secondary factors determining h u m a n behaviour and social structure.

If w e agree with Firey that functionally defined h u m a n needs are spatial correlates of a system of social values, then the explanation of macro-ecological processes and structures in a region, a town or a village, and of micro-ecological processes of people's behaviour at h o m e and outside the h o m e , will be fuller and more precise w h e n based not on the analysis of 'subsocial' relations, but on a functional analysis of the 'secondary environment'—i.e., social organization and culture.4

T h e analysis of locational decisions m a d e by ecological units within the physical and social framework of a community, understood as functions of definite social needs conditioned by culture, I call the functional method of social ecology. It permits the incorporation into research projects of an analysis of factors inherent in a given culture, which in fact influence ecological processes and 'structures of settlement patterns under given economic and political conditions.5

The ecological method in settlement research

Population distribution over the surface of the earth is not the haphazard result of the working of blind forces. T h e pattern of h u m a n settlements and direction of migrations are the result of definite forces and social laws.

In a period of dynamic development of the world—demographic as well as technical—disturbances in the relations between the primary and secondary environment of m a n are becoming manifest. T h e growth of metropolitan habitats, on the one hand, and atrophy of small towns, on the other, are the general dysfunctional symptoms of these disturbances.

1. W . Firey, Land Use in Boston, Boston, 1936. 2. P. Sorokin, Sociocultural Causality, Space, Time—A Study of Referential Principles of

Sociology and Social Sciences, New York, Russell and Russell, 1964. 3. J. A . Quinn, Human Ecology, New York, 1950. 4. B . Malinowski, Szkice z teorii kultury (Essays on the Theory of Culture), Warsaw, P W N , 1958. 5. See Z . Pióro: Ekologia spoleczna w urbanistyce (Social Ecology and Town Planning), Warsaw,

A R K A D Y , 1962.

532 Z . Pióro

In m a n y countries physical planners try to exercise control over settlement processes, to prepare the restructuration of regional or national settlement patterns, to redress the balance between primary and secondary environment. But in most cases their endeavours are not based on sufficiently reliable knowledge, and therefore result in failures or mere chance successes.

If w e agree that a settlement pattern is the product of activity in the process of organizing m a n ' s secondary environment—that is, his culture in a broad sense of the word—then an understanding of the nature of settlement is possible only if settlements are considered as a function of the organic evolution of a community. It is precisely in the context of h u m a n behaviour (economic, social and cultural) within given social systems and cultural values that w e can define the proper place and role of settlement patterns. Such broad terms of reference exclude the partial analysis of any arbitrarily selected factor, whatever its importance. Settlement patterns are physical reflections of all major h u m a n endeavours and therefore cannot be understood without contributions from m a n y disciplines. T h e role of settlement networks in the h u m a n ecosystem explains w h y I propose to integrate all the necessary disciplines in research projects described as 'social ecology'.

I do not intend to present here an elaborate ecological theory of settlement. I shall try only to point out the necessity, possibility and utility of filling the gap in the theoretical system and research apparatus for settlement studies to date. I propose to set out in the shape of hypotheses certain major h u m a n activities and their social setting bearing directly on the distribution, size and layout of settlement. T h e empirical verification of these hypotheses is yet to be carried out. O n the basis of a sociological interpretation of environmental phenomena and in the perspective of the ecological approach to the relation between existence and consciousness, let us submit the following formulations:

i. In meeting his needs, m a n comes into contact with his natural environment and uses and transforms it according to the current state of productive forces, social organization and culture.

2. T h e differentiated natural environment determines the differentiation in the distribution of h u m a n population.

3. H u m a n activity develops unevenly over the space, increasing population concentration and determining its physical location, originally begun under the influence of natural factors.

4. H u m a n activity is differentiated not only as a result of the influence of natural environment but also because of the differences in h u m a n personalities, social systems, culture and the course of historical events in different areas.

5. T h e patterns and spatial structure of h u m a n settlements are in the last instance a result of varied activity of m e m b e r s of particular communities, issuing from biological and social needs and conditioned by the geographic environment, the economic system, social organization and culture.


The definition of the settlement system

Under present conditions of life with its dynamic physical, economic and social changes it is very difficult to comprehend the true nature of settlement processes and the mechanism of change within settlement systems. In any case, there is quite general agreement that observed irregularities in settlement processes are the outcome of neglecting non-economic motivations in locational decisions, or not taking into account the social costs of industrial investments.

Nevertheless, if w e examine any part of the populated and developed portion of the earth without attaching fetishistic values to any aspect of h u m a n activity, w e perceive geographical patterns and features, various effects of h u m a n activity, and people w h o are in some w a y or another related to each other. T h e area is subdivided according to several distinct uses and non-uses of land and people are distributed over it (in clusters or dispersed), composing a pattern of settlements the components of which are connected by a network of roads and other linear technical links. Settlement units differ in layout, size and structure. Although there are no distinct visible boundaries between them, one can easily identify concentrations and dispersions. Along the belts of greatest dispersion one can expect the boundaries of different settlement systems to lie. Most frequently there is a 'central place' with its hinterland;1 sometimes the settlement unit is an administratively delimited area, or the catchment area for commuters, or a geographical region.

In more developed countries the greater part of territory is covered by a network of such relations. T h e relations a m o n g the settlement units are structured and hierarchical, and in spite of their vague boundaries they form a coherent system of material elements and social relationships within a specific spatial structure.

A settlement system, then, is a relatively permanent scatter of h u m a n clusters together with objects of peoples' activity—above all economic in character—and land use. These clusters are internally more coherent in terms of reciprocal relations than clusters beyond the boundaries.

The elements of settlement systems

O u r key concept of settlement theory is the population cluster on technically developed territory. This cluster usually forms a local community which has a n a m e and is in most cases a defined administrative unit. T h e physico-spatial setting of the local community is composed of permanent objects constructed by m a n and of land use.

These units are not uniform and homogeneous. Because of regularities in the clustering of some features, they create a continuum between an 'urban' pole and a 'rural' pole, with a vast gamut of intermediate positions. As

i. Walter Christaller, Die zentralen Orte in Süddeutschland, 1933.

534 Z . Pióro

criteria to analyse any particular community along these lines one can use: (a) functional population structure; (b) the level of technical development of the community; (c) the level of concentration of functions and centralization.

T h e networks of infrastructure—connecting lines between the elements, land and water ways, railways, telephone lines, power supplies, etc., have a considerable importance for the functioning of a settlement system and its separate units.

Lastly, mention must be m a d e of those physical features which are not m a d e by m a n but nevertheless undergo changes through his indirect influence. There are the elements of environment not covered by 'physical development': climate, all types of waste land and water: deserts, swamps, high mountains, virgin forests, lakes, etc.

This broad framework for settlement studies follows upon m y claim that a settlement pattern is composed of three inseparable spheres of one and the same reality: (a) geographic environment; (b) population; (c) h u m a n activity, social organization and culture—very closely interconnected and governed by the logic of h u m a n development.

Differences between settlement systems

Exact description of differences between settlement systems can be supplied only after empirical comparative research has been completed. But even cartographic investigation, casual observation of certain settlement units, analysis of the statistical data and physical inventories supply sufficient information to enable us to determine levels at which distinctions can be m a d e . Since in ecological research the relevant elements of settlement systems are people and their interrelations, the basic levels of distinction would be the biological and socio-economic features of the population, the connexion between space and the composition of the population occupying that space as to sex, age, profession, etc., as well as migration movements. Connected with these are the differences in meeting service and housing needs as a function of living standards. A n important sphere of differentiation is that of economic activities: the distribution of production, its amount and exchange, labour markets, etc.

T h e next level is the physical development of the community or settlement system: unequal distribution of houses of different kinds and values, the network of infrastructure and different land use.

T h e last level is the organic features of the system: topography, climate, water supplies, etc.

A hierarchical treatment of these levels is insufficient to an understanding of the nature of settlement processes, structures and mechanisms of change. They must be treated historically and dynamically, especially w h e n research is to be applied to planning.


Changes within settlement systems

Reflections on the differences between settlement systems lead us to the problem of the forces causing changes. But before w e try to define these, let us consider where w e can expect to observe changes and what they consist of. They are revealed in: (a) population variations, usually accompanied by economic, technical and physical development; (b) land use; (c) demographic structures; (d) features of geographical environment.

Most of such changes take the form of chain reactions and they are complementary. For example, opening up n e w natural resources causes intensive migration, changes in land use, in demographic structures and in the physical setting.

Changes in settlement systems are a result of the continuous operation of certain forces, which sometimes act slowly and sometimes bring about changes quick and dramatic in their effect, like industrialization and urbanization, or wars and natural cataclysms. Changes m a y be spontaneous or planned, functional or dysfunctional, evolutionary or dynamic. T h e primary force for change is the h u m a n factor. Aspirations to improved living standards put into motion the whole arsenal of actions in the political, economic, scientific, administrative and even moral spheres.

T h e problem is complicated and dramatized by the fact that population keeps growing and means of livelihood are limited. This makes the rational organization of social activities more and more difficult and gives, for the time being, priority to economic ones. But it does not m e a m that in the scientific procedures and in planning for the future organization of settlement patterns the economic factor must be given excessive emphasis.

Factors in settlement change

Following the basic assumptions already m a d e , I propose to distinguish seven major groups of factors for change: (a) natural geographic environment; (b) the ' m a n - m a d e ' geographic environment; (c) population; (d) the economic structure; (e) the non-economic structure; (f ) social organization; (g) culture.

Amongst natural geographical environmental factors w e can include: geology, climate, water and soil conditions, flora and fauna. Even if in the process of civilization m a n has w o n control over most of these, they nevertheless always affect the technical harnessing of 'natural forces'. This occurs in the location of industry, regionalization of agriculture, distribution of tourist and recreational facilities, health resorts, harbours, etc. Rapaciousness in the exploitation of natural resources has caused such enormous losses and difficulties that it is necessary to reconsider the role of these factors in social life and at the same time their effect on the location and size of h u m a n settlements.

Amongst ' m a n - m a d e ' geographical environmental factors w e include: different land uses, the physical components of h u m a n settlement (houses,

536 Z . Pióro

plants, engineering facilities, open spaces, etc.), the network of linear facilities connecting the units of a settlement system (roads, railways, power lines, water and gas conduits, telephone lines, etc.). T h e technical development of any territory enriches 'natural' means of meeting h u m a n needs. T h e concentration of technical means in a particular area is as a rule connected with settlement concentration. Theoretically there is a concentration threshold of technical means which, if crossed, lessens the efficiency of settlements and disproportionately increases the costs of maintenance. There is also a similar threshold of population concentration which, if crossed, causes organizational problems and increases the incidence of biological and social disorders.

Under the heading of 'population' c o m e all the various features which are of interest for economic, social and physical planning. Growth of population is the basis for settlement development. Given features of the population determine the distribution of productive forces and consequently of industrial and agricultural production, service centres and residential areas. In spite of man' s considerable mobility, his biological and demographic characteristics, which are the background of settlement processes and of social life, m a y serve as a term of reference for the knowledge of material elements of settlement systems.

By the economic structure w e identify activities directed to the production of goods and services, their exchange and consumption. Here also must be taken into consideration economic phenomena such as labour market, supply and d e m a n d , prices, values, etc. In treating this system merely as a means to meet people's needs, w e nevertheless allow for its very strong influence upon other spheres of activity. A significant role should be attributed to economic motivations because of their influence on locational decisions.

By the non-economic structure w e understand activities directed to meet such needs as education, health protection, scientific research, tourism, sports, public administration, religion, art, etc. In the modern world there is a dynamic increase of employment in this sector and an upgrading of its role in economic and social life. T h e influence of these activities upon the structure of settlement systems is obvious, but doubts exist as to its mechanism, there being reasons to assume that, as economic activities lead to the concentration of settlement patterns, so service activities m a y cause their dispersion, as can be seen in the more affluent societies, where car ownership and audio-visual means of communication are well developed.

U n d e r 'social organization' are included the different social groups and structures which shape the relation between people and the geographical environment and which influence different spheres of activity, notably: family, neighbourhood, local community, social classes, political institutions, nation.

T h e main focus of interest—although w e are aware of the difficulty o separating social organization from its cultural content—is an analysis of motivations of behaviour arising from social relations. T h e significance


of these factors can be observed in their influence upon the subdivision of farmlands, the construction of rural houses, rural-urban migration, etc. This type of empirical analysis can lead us to the discovery of mechanisms of influence by social groups and social structures upon settlement patterns, especially if it is linked with an analysis of cultural factors.

W e do not yet k n o w precisely which components of 'culture' should be included in the analysis of settlement systems; perhaps all major components as research develops. It would seem, however, that the findings of cultural anthropology point to the inclusion of such matters as ethics and the value system, systems of knowledge, personality patterns, ideology, religion and customs. Anthropological studies of primitive societies have revealed very close relations between the pattern of habitats, social organization and culture.1 In modern societies the definition of such relations is m u c h more difficult but is not impossible.2

Research methods

W e can n o w outline in a preliminary w a y the research procedures to be adapted, based on the methodology put forward. i. A region can be adopted as an observation unit, whose boundaries

are co-terminous with the Umland (catchment area) of a central place taking into consideration all corrective and deviating factors.

2. This region should be treated as an 'ecosystem'. 3. T h e harmonious development of an 'ecosystem' is the condition for

optimization of the meeting of h u m a n needs and the fulfilling of social obligations.

4. Criteria of 'ecosystem' efficiency are: (a) T h e relation between functional and dysfunctional factors. By dysfunctional factors w e understand : exhaustion of natural resources or lack of ecological balance; dynamic increase of population due mainly to immigration; excess jobs or labour; antiquated housing, services and facilities; increasing needs and aspirations; anomie of local c o m m u n i ties; breakdown in the structure of settlement systems. Functional factors are activities directed towards removal of causes or results of dysfunctional factors. (b) Increase of productivity by the development of favourable spatio-technical and organizational conditions. (c) Minimization of overhead costs through reduction of unnecessary travel to and from work and inefficient distribution of services and transportation of goods. (d) Optimization in meeting needs and fulfilling social obligations. (e) Social structuration—defined as a system of appropriate spatial and organizational conditions to develop local communities.

1. C. Lévi-Strauss, Smutek tropikow (Tristes Tropiques), Warsaw, i960; M . Mead, Cultural Patterns and Technical Change, Unesco, 1955.

2. R . K . Merton, The Social Psychology of Housing, Pittsburgh, 1948.

538 Z . Pióro

It can be hoped that o n the basis of these theoretical foundations, settlement

research can help to transform settlement systems according to the trends

of social change.

Dr. Zygmunt J. Piéro is an associate of the Institute of Town Planning and Architecture, Warsaw, and lecturer at the Polish Academy of Art and the Wroclaw Polytechnic. He was head of the social survey team for the master plan of Skopje and is at present United Nations expert in physical planning in Tanzania. His publications include: Ecology and T o w n Planning (jg6¿), Sociology of T o w n Planning (1964), and contributions to the H a n d book for Social Research in Urban Areas (edited by Philip Hauser, Unesco, 1965).

T o w n planning and the public

Alasdair C . Sutherland

This article discusses selected examples of what has been done in Britain and elsewhere to bring public and planner together in useful partnership. A major source of complaint concerns the difficulty in finding out what development is proposed, because there is such a serious shortage of qualified planners that it is not always possible to maintain adequate public relations. The social scientists have much to offer as they know more than any other group about the hopes and aspirations of the public and how far they are satisfied with their surroundings, but so far their contribution has not reached its maximum effectiveness.

T h e complexities of modern life are such that towns and cities can no longer be left to haphazard growth, but must be carefully planned as part of a continuing process aimed at shaping the physical environment to satisfy our changing needs, within the limits of the finances available. There is every indication that w e must face up to a programme of building and development of a scale and tempo unparalleled in the history of the world, if w e are to achieve and maintain even a modestly affluent society in acceptable surroundings. T h e actual work of town planning is beset with difficulties caused by indifference, neglect and apathy on the part of politicians and public alike over the last twenty years. Apart from the more obvious legal and financial obstacles, town planning suffers from the lack of coherent long-term policy, severe shortage of qualified staff and inadequate information at all levels. If planning is a method of achieving an agreed objective, then the more w e k n o w about our objectives the easier it will be to plan. Unfortunately, society has not outlined, nor has it appeared to be particularly interested in, the sort of environment in which it would like to live, work and play. T h e town planner has largely looked in vain for guidance from the social scientists, from social organizations and from individuals, and has been forced reluctantly to m a k e his o w n assumptions, for the work of town planning must go on because of the pressures created by increasing population, increasing numbers of vehicles, and ever rising standards. It is important, therefore, that public co-operation in the process of town planning be encouraged so that people will get the types of environment they want.

Int. i,oc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No . 4, 1966

540 A . C . Sutherland

T h e opportunity of individuals or groups to participate in the development of their village, town or city varies not only from country to country but within the same country, depending on each local planning authority's interpretation of its functions and its willingness to consult its citizens. T h e United K i n g d o m probably has the most comprehensive planning system and the most detailed planning law in the world, but the ordinary people of Britain play a relatively small part in the development of their towns and countryside. T h e degree of participation by the public will depend on the rights of the individual under the law, the interest of the people in their surroundings, the willingness of the planning authorities to inform the public and to encourage them to participate, and the enthusiasm of the planners, the politicians and the public for planning in a d e m o cratic manner.

Every m a n , w o m a n or child has an interest in the environment in which he lives, works or plays and everyone is affected by changes in that environment. 'Ultimately, the only plan which the people will enjoy is the one which, in effect, they m a k e themselves and that is w h y , in m y view, it is of first importance that the private individual should be taught to understand as m u c h as possible about the new planning law and its implications.'1

This article will show what has been done by legislation, by planning authorities and by organizations in the United K i n g d o m and elsewhere to draw the town planner and the public together.

Public image of town planning

Although town planning is primarily a creative activity, it is the negative side which has been given the most prominence and this has led the public to form an incorrect and unfortunate image of planning. T h e public image of planning is created by the attitude of the press, by the limitation to personal freedom—even though trivial—imposed by planning law, and by the experience of friends and neighbours. At a meeting of the T o w n Planning Institute in 1957, Sir Sydney Littlewood said 'You probably do not need m e to tell you that John Citizen hates and distrusts planners and w e have about as good a press as burglars.' W h y is there this dislike or mistrust of planners? Is it because the public think that 'planners often prevent them from doing what they want to do, rarely do what they want them to do and seem to them to confer no benefits'.2 If so, then this is a devastating indictment. A Local Government Reform Society formed last year to investigate complaints from the public stated3 that 30 per cent of the complaints received by them were connected with planning, including compulsory purchase. T h e others concerned despotism, maladministration

1. Desmond Heap, 'Legal and Administrative Aspects of the 1947 Act', Town and Country Planning School, 1948. Annual Proceedings.

2. Sir Sydney Littlewood, 'John Citizen and the Planners', Journal 0/ the Town Planning Insti-ute, June 1957.

3. The Times, 13 December 1965.

Town planning and the public 54 !

and bad public relations (16 per cent), conflict between councillors' duties and their business interests (15 per cent), secrecy over committees and documentation (13 per cent), waste and incompetence (10 per cent), corruption (7 per cent), and miscellaneous (9 per cent).

While one satisfied citizen m a y well consider that he has been given no more than his due, and then only after the inconvenience of making an application, one dissatisfied citizen will tell everyone about the decision and just what he thinks of'planners'. If planning is to become more acceptable, then it is very important to find out w h y there is so m u c h public antipathy to it and to ensure that the necessary action is taken to improve the situation. O n e of the commonest complaints is against any restriction on what are considered to be traditional property rights by the owner, although he m a y be the first to d e m a n d restrictions on the m a n next door. There is no doubt that there have been too m a n y examples of petty and irritating restrictions which, even if justified, would be better suited to the building regulations than to planning legislation. O f the 15,000 appeals which go to the Minister of Housing and Local Government each year only a few hundred are major issues while the majority concern the building of or addition or alterations to a single house.1 There is a growing feeling in the Ministry of Housing and Local Government that some planners are interfering too m u c h and that they should be more permissive in small matters, although this m a y not necessarily be so m u c h a recognition of the rights of the individual as a realization that the enforcement of minor restrictions is not justified in relation to the time and cost involved, nor to the actual result.

Another very understandable cause of complaint is the inability to find out what is going on. T h e first indication m a y be the arrival of a gang of w o r k m e n on the site next door. This raises an important question. Should a planning authority notify the neighbours about any proposed development if they have no legal right to object? T h e answer is surely yes, provided the reasons for the approval of the development are given. A situation which annoys or distresses a neighbour m a y become tolerable if the reasons for it are explained with tact and sympathy.

Very broadly, the purpose of town and country planning legislation is to ensure that land, a scarce resource in most countries and in all cities, is used in the most beneficial, but not necessarily the most profitable w a y , and at the same time to prevent changes that are contrary to public interest. T h e work of the town planner is directed towards improving the health, safety and visual quality of the physical environment, and he does this by preparing plans which indicate the best arrangement of land use which will conform with the broad policy of government and the detailed requirements of the local people as far as they can be ascertained. It is with the latter aspect of town planning that the public are most concerned and most able to co-operate. T h e broad strategy of the country's economic policy

1. The Observer, 13 February 1966.


translated into planning terms is a political matter of a totally different scale, and rightly or wrongly this is left to the politicians and their technical and professional advisers.

Legislation

T h e T o w n and Country Planning Acts bring all the land of Britain under planning control and planning permission must be obtained from the local planning authority before development1 takes place. If an application to develop is refused or has attached to it conditions which the applicant is unwilling to accept, then he m a y lodge an appeal, to the Minister, w h o arranges for one of his inspectors to hold a public inquiry to hear both sides. T h e rules of the procedure are such that the public knows that inquiries are conducted with what the Franks Committee called 'openness, fairness and impartiality'. The applicant and any landowner directly affected, or any interested party, are kept fully informed at all stages of the somewhat lengthy process. This ensures that the applicant is aware of the local planning authority's case. Both parties present their respective cases and can cross-examine each other. W h e n the inspector has reported and m a d e recommendations, this report and the decision of the Minister are published. This right of appeal is a very necessary safeguard but the administrative process is inevitably lengthy, a simple case takes m a n y months while a complicated one involving changes in a development plan m a y take years. T o some extent the delay is caused by the weight of appeals, over 15,000 last year, and by the shortage of inspectors. T h e whole procedure is under review at the m o m e n t , and the Minister of Housing has promised an increase in the n u m b e r of inspectors.2

Although everyone does not have the statutory right to m a k e a statement at a public inquiry, it is customary for the inspector to allow anyone present to speak, but the only people w h o seem to turn up at most inquiries are those w h o wish to object. In the United States of America, where community or neighbourhood interests are better organized and supported, it is quite c o m m o n to have a representative of a citizen group appearing at a public meeting or inquiry to support or to oppose the action of the local planning authority. W h e n this representative states that he appears on behalf of several thousand local citizens to support the authority, it must not only encourage the planners in their work but must inevitably influence policy. T o w n planning would be in a m u c h stronger position in Britain if more people publicly supported it in this way. S o m e years ago the planning legislation in parts of West Africa m a d e no provision for an appeal against a refusal of planning permission. This created a most unsatisfactory situation for a number of reasons. A town planning committee,

1. 'Development' means the carrying out of building, engineering, mining or other operations in, on, over or under the land, or the making of any material change in the use of any building orotherland.'—Meaning of'development'given in the Town and Country Planning Act, 1962.

2. The Guardian, 23 February 1966.

T o w n planning and the public 543

composed of local councillors, could refuse an applicant not only against the technical advice of the planning officer, but on no reasonable grounds whatsoever, yet the applicant had no higher authority to w h o m he could appeal. This is not to say that this happened often, but it did happen. W h e r e there is no right of appeal, bribery and corruption can flourish as planning permissions can, to all intents, be sold by a dishonest committee. T h e importance of a good appeal procedure is that the reasons for refusal are publicly examined and the final decision is m a d e by the Minister after receiving the report and recommendations of his inspector which have been m a d e public.

O n e of the most serious complaints against planning legislation is that major development, which will introduce major changes in the c o m munity, can be approved without the local people being aware of the proposals. It is important, therefore, that all large-scale developments which are likely to be controversial should be given adequate publicity before a decision is reached. There is a section of the Planning Acts which legislates for the advertising of certain types of proposed development and allows twenty-one days for representations by the public, but these are limited to the m o r e obviously undesirable neighbours such as public lavatories, sewage treatment works, slaughterhouses, dance halls and Turkish baths. This list could with advantage be extended to include all major or controversial types of development. In Britain, decision-making is left, as far as possible, to the local planning authority, but the Minister reserves the right to 'call in' any case for his decision; he usually reserves this right for cases where the issue is of m o r e than local importance, as in the Piccadilly case. M a n y people think that he should call in considerably m o r e applications as the effect of major development is seldom wholly local. Probably the best-known example of successful public intervention w a s in the case of Piccadilly Circus, which is considered b y m a n y to be the centre of L o n d o n . Public opposition w a s aroused w h e n a perspective •drawing of the proposal w a s published in the press in 1959. A n 'anti-ugly' group demonstrated in L o n d o n , getting good publicity, and strong support followed from the Civic Trust, architectural and other societies and from m a n y of the most eminent architects in the country. Although the developer had the support of the L o n d o n County Council, which was then the local planning authority, the Minister, using the 'call in' procedure, refused permission for the development as then proposed. In 1962 a scheme w a s prepared b y Sir William Holford, followed in 1965 b y an official report1 stating n e w objectives, a n d recently Sir William has been invited to prepare yet another scheme. This demonstrates two things. Firstly, that public outcry can be effective, and secondly, that a satisfactory solution to such a complex problem cannot be produced speedily. O n e of the major mistakes was trying to redevelop Piccadilly almost in isolation and not as part of a traffic plan for Central L o n d o n .

1. Piccadilly Circus, Report of the Working Party, H M S O , 1965.


It can be seen that the rights of the individual are reasonably well safeguarded but the interest of the community is not so well protected. It is often argued that the collective wishes of the community should be represented by those w h o m they have elected and to w h o m all decisions should be left. If the public don't like what is being done then they can use their votes at the next election to express their objections. This pseudo-democratic argument is not really valid as planning is seldom a major issue at elections and m a n y councillors represent sectional and powerful interests. There are, however, severe limitations to the extra work which can be undertaken by planning authorities because of an acute shortage of qualified staff, which is likely to last for several years. It has been estimated that there is a shortage of over 3,000 qualified town planners in Britain. In some offices adequate public relations are impossible and more public relations means less planning, but this immediate shortage must not be allowed to hamper the long-term establishment of good relations between public and planner.

It must be accepted that the attitude of an individual towards any change in the use of a piece of land will vary with the w a y in which it affects him. Consider, for example, the attitude of a house owner in relation to proposals to build council houses on three similar pieces of land. T h e first is opposite to his o w n house and he objects for three reasons: it spoils his view of the countryside, and he considers that such building will lower the tone of the neighbourhood and reduce the value of his house.

T h e second piece of land is his property, purchased recently as an investment. H e considers that he will m a k e less profit by selling to the local council than by selling individual plots for expensive houses in a few years time. Lastly, there is a piece of land with which he is in no w a y involved personally, and as a good citizen he would fully support its use for council housing, for which there is a geat social need. In establishing good public relations the town planner must understand these three different attitudes and take them into consideration.

Public relations

T h e need for good public relations is n o w accepted as a very necessary aspect of the planning process, but its scope is interpreted in a variety of ways. S o m e planning authorities consider that the publicity of their activities is the primary function of public relations, while the more enlightened also include consultation with the public at all stages of planning. Both publicity and consultation are obviously necessary and should in no w a y be incompatible, although their purpose is very different. T h e purpose of consultation is to find out what people want and to see h o w far these needs can be satisfied. Publicity, on the other hand, is also very necessary so that the public can be informed of the progress which is being m a d e . There is no doubt that the public image of planning could be greatly improved by good public relations.


T o w n planning must be a continuing and progressive process taking advantage of experience and using fully all information supplied by research workers and by the public. With good public relations, ideas and opinions will flow two ways so that the public is aware of the planner's proposals and the planners are in touch with the movement of opinion a m o n g the people. But public participation must be organized if it is to be fully effective. T h e Citizens Council on City Planning in Philadelphia, U . S . A . , maintains a weekly alerting service which keeps community groups aware of what is proposed so that organized action can be taken.1 This has proved to be surprisingly effective and a similar alerting service would be welcomed in Britain where it is difficult to find out what is going on. In addition, the town planners must introduce an adequate 'feed-back' system to the research workers if their work is to be geared towards solving the most urgent problems.

Civic organizations

T o some degree, it m a y be reasonable to expect the individual to look after his o w n interests, but the complexity of planning legislation is such that the ordinary person is not always fully aware either of his o w n rights or of the legitimate powers of the planning authority, nor is he anxious to become involved with lawyers or professional advisers unless it is absolutely essential. There should, therefore, be either a citizens' advice bureau or a public relations officer in the local planning authority w h o m he can approach for advice. T h e Citizens' Advice Bureaux of most large towns in Britain are willing to help the public, as are all planning authorities.

T h e individual is less able to take effective action w h e n he is not personally involved in an issue. W h e r e there are suitable organizations the responsibility m a y fall on them. In 1957 the Civic Trust was established; its aims were summarized as follows:2 '(1) T o encourage high quality in architecture and in planning. (2) T o preserve buildings of artistic distinction or historic interest. (3) T o protect the beauties of the countryside. (4) T o eliminate and prevent ugliness, whether from bad design or neglect. (5) T o stimulate public interest and inspire a sense of civic pride.'

T h e Civic Trust is an independent, unofficial body which tries to promote beauty and fight ugliness in town and countryside, largely by stimulating public interest and seeking public support. T h e more reputable sections of the British press have given good coverage to the activities of the Trust, and in co-operation with the B B C , a series of films dealing with slums, squalor, clutter and eyesores was prepared and shown on television. A number of most interesting exhibitions aimed at arousing the interest of the public in their environment were prepared and shown in m a n y cities. T h e work of the Trust has not, however, been wholly restricted to the field

1. Aaron Levine, 'Planning, Politics and the Citizen', Town and Country Planning School, 1962. 2. The First Three Years, report by the Trustees of the Civic Trust, i960.


of publicity and there are m a n y instances, in its war against ugliness, where volunteers have undertaken a variety of tasks to improve the visual scene. It might be the m u n d a n e job of removing old mattresses and other unsightly rubbish d u m p e d at the roadside, in a convenient pond or on a much-frequented beauty spot, or it might be the removal of eyesores and disfiguring relics of the last war's defences.

In addition to its work on publicity, education and the removal of clutter, the Trust, in order to stimulate greater appreciation of good civic design, has instituted annual awards for work of outstanding merit. T h e success of these competitions is shown not only by the number of entries submitted, but also by the esteem in which these awards are held and the public interest they arouse. T h e range of subjects which have received awards is large and varied, and includes m a n y types of buildings, bridges, street lighting, shop fronts, restoration work and landscaping.

O n e of the most successful projects undertaken by the Trust was the visual improvement of Magdalen Street in Norwich. Like so m a n y smaller urban shopping streets it looked drab, neglected and cluttered with advertisements, traffic signs and overhead wires. With the co-operation of the shopkeepers and property owners, and under the guidance of a panel of architects, the street was transformed. Bright colours were used for repainting properties, signs were redesigned and clutter was removed; the public response was proved by the w a y in which Magdalen Street attracted more shoppers. Traders in other parts of Norwich soon started to give a face-lift to their streets while in m a n y parts of England similar experiments have been m a d e or are still in progress. Partly as a result of the work of the Civic Trust, a number of civic societies have been formed with the object of improving the appearance of their cities, opposing any official action of a local planning authority which they consider to be harmful, and supporting good development.

Public action

T h e Civic Trust is not alone in its efforts towards the improvement of environment by voluntary effort. Local authorities are themselves taking action. T h e Lord M a y o r of Manchester has inaugurated a campaign to encourage young people to take part in voluntary social work in the field of town planning. This voluntary effort is directed towards work which is not normally undertaken either by local authorities or other official bodies. A modest start was m a d e by looking after old people's gardens, where the work was too m u c h for the elderly householder, and open space at hospitals. Although this work so far has been on a small scale it is none the less valuable, as it has m a d e young people aware of the importance of maintaining and improving neglected areas of open space. However, a more ambitious scheme has been planned, again using voluntary labour, to develop adventure playgrounds, gardens of rest and the afforestation of derelict land as part of a long-term scheme for the reclamation and


landscaping of canals and river valleys. All this will be part of a comprehensive scheme prepared by the City Planning Department. This is an example of citizen participation at the grass-roots level where the voluntary workers should have the satisfaction of seeing the results of their labours.

Consultation

T h e corporation of the city of Newcastle upon Tyne hopes to introduce measures aimed at remedying the dissatisfaction felt by m a n y of their tenants with life on n e w housing estates. There are four major aspects of this policy. Families living in congested city areas will be given two years' warning of plans to rehouse them. This will allow them time not only to get accustomed to the idea but also to express their views to the housing and planning departments. Meetings will then be arranged between families and members of the Architect's Department to discuss the general principles of house types and design. T h e emphasis on the design of the neighbourhood centres will be on sociability and it is hoped that advice will be obtained from social scientists. T h e Housing Manager's Department will try to develop a method of selecting tenants for n e w estates which will eliminate the self-sorting carried out by m a n y families shortly after the initial move . These measures are aimed at regularizing and systematizing what already occurs in a somewhat haphazard way . Most local authorities attempt to deal in one w a y or another with all of these proposals, but few have yet attempted a co-ordinated policy. M a n y carefully thought out and very expensive local authority housing schemes have not given the satisfaction expected of them, but education, consultation and publicity m a y well m a k e the difference in future estates. A n interesting experiment was carried out in East Africa just over ten years ago. T h e housing authority was anxious to build prefabricated houses, as they apparently offered the advantage of speed in erection, adequate durability, m i n i m u m skilled labour on site, low maintenance cost and fairly high but not prohibitive costs. It is not important here to examine the validity of these suppositions, but rather to examine the procedure that was adopted. A site was selected and manufacturers and contractors were invited to build one of the standard prefabricated houses, for which they were paid. Houses of a more traditional type were also built by the housing authority and then a national housing exhibition was held which was extremely well attended, partly due to good publicity, partly due to real interest and partly to the fact that one house was to be given to the holder of a lucky entrance ticket to be drawn after the exhibition was closed. M o r e traditional houses, a school and a market were built, thus forming a community. T h e housing authority were n o w in a position to assess the value, suitability, popularity and success of the different types of house over a number of years. This is an approach which could be profitably copied in other parts of the world, particularly where the use of n e w and untested materials and methods of construction are proposed. In Khartoum some years ago a new material was suggested


for rendering walls. T h e traditional material incorporating camel dung was becoming scarce because of the increasing replacement of camels by motor cars. It was doubtful if the n e w material would withstand the intense heat and the material was tested on a building within the a r m y barracks, and proved to be unsuitable. This wise choice of location avoided the possible public reaction to any failure of materials—an accusation of corruption and incompetence. While this illustrated the political astuteness of the housing authority, it is all too c o m m o n to find unnecessary timidity towards n e w designs and new techniques amongst town councillors for fear of public criticism. Such an authority is unlikely to attract or retain the best architects or planners.

Publicity

Just after the war, in July 1946, the publicity services of the Vienna Rathaus published a pediodical Der Aufbau, which was to inform the public on the progress of reconstruction, on future proposals and describe examples of similar work undertaken in other European countries. This periodical has n o w achieved an international reputation. In addition to Der Aufbau the authorities have published m a n y brochures illustrating individual projects, prepared documentary films, run exhibitions and co-operated fully with the press, radio and television in keeping the public informed. A most successful innovation is a two and a half hour conducted bus tour round the city's expanding outskirts, which in its first year attracted nearly 409,000 people.1 Although such tours are more likely to succeed in large historic cities, they could be introduced at the week-end during the s u m m e r in m a n y large towns. There is no doubt at all that the public, given the opportunity, are interested in housing. W h e n Newcastle upon T y n e opened its first multi-storey block of flats to the public, thousands queued to see them.

In Lagos, w h e n a housing estate was being built as a transit area for slum clearance, bus trips were arranged so that the people could see from the start what their n e w surroundings were going to be like. Although in the first few years the n e w estate m a y not have been wholly successful, the action of the housing authorities in arranging these visits was a wise one.

Development plans in Britain must be reviewed at least every five years and in 1961 the Corporation of Coventry took the opportunity, w h e n reviewing their development plan, of seeking the participation of the citizens. A letter was sent by the City Architect and Planning Officer to head teachers and to organizations in the city inviting recommendations concerning what should be done in their localities. Local public meetings were held to hear these views and all suggestions were noted and circularized to council members and to the senior officials to be taken into consid-

1. Der Aufbau, 1/3, 1965.


eration in preparing the revised plan. A n 'ideas competition' was introduced inviting suggestions from the public under specific headings such as deficiencies of public buildings, visual untidiness, derelict and waste land, and reconstruction of the city centre. T h e prizewinners were invited to discuss their ideas with the Lord M a y o r , and with the City Architect and members of his staff. T h e development plan review is to be accompanied by a public exhibition showing the extent of the n e w proposals.

A number of cities m a k e use of a mobile information van which visits areas where extensive development is likely to take place. Local families are encouraged to visit these vans in the evenings or on week-ends to examine the plans, to receive explanatory pamphlets and brochures, and ask any questions they m a y wish. This, a more personal service than an office in the town hall, is not only more convenient but greatly preferred.

The role of the social scientist in town planning

If one accepts that planning is a method of achieving an agreed objective, then it follows that the clearer one's objectives are the easier it should be to plan. Unfortunately, in town planning the objectives are seldom clear, often controversial and sometimes mutually incompatible. For example, there is no one type or size of house that will satisfy all families, no single standard of housing density that is applicable to all parts of a town and no typical environment that can form a standardized design. If this were so, towns would soon become dull and drab. T h e planner, therefore, has to plan for a choice of house types and environments within different densities based on a compromise taking into consideration family sizes, configuration and situation of land, land values, changing public taste, etc. It is obvious that without up-to-date information the planner is more likely to m a k e mistakes and it is in this aspect of the planner's work that the social scientist can m a k e a valuable and essential contribution.

T h e social scientist can help the planner at both ends of his work by supplying him with information before he starts and feeding back information about the success of plans which have been implemented. M u c h of the basic data needed by the planner is not confined solely to the field of social science, and investigation m a y best be undertaken by a multi-discipline research group whose composition will be dictated by the skills needed for the particular operation.

As the range and quality of educational, cultural and social services and activities will be influenced by the size of the community, any significant change in population is of importance to the planner. T o o often, however, the results of research are presented in a w a y which is not m e a n ingful to or usable by the town planner and consultations should take place, before a research project is initiated, to find out as exactly as possible what information the planner needs. T h e town planner needs to k n o w the rate of population change which is expected and the proportion which is due to voluntary migration or to controlled overspill, with estimates


of family structure a n d family size. All this is obvious a n d basic, but equally important are an assessment of changing social habits, changing patterns of expenditure, emergence of n e w social groups and the deficiencies a n d inadequacies of the built environment brought about b y those changing needs a n d standards.

Social scientists probably k n o w m o r e than any other group about the hopes a n d aspirations of the public a n d h o w far they are satisfied b y their surroundings. T o estimate satisfaction will involve value judgements , which m a n y social scientists try to avoid, but it is extremely important that s o m e attempt be m a d e to assess people's reaction to a n e w environment. It has been said of m a n y of the n e w towns that they were designed b y middle-aged middle-class planners for middle-aged middle-class families. There is n o doubt that they d o not offer an acceptable environment for the teenager of today, and, therefore, such n e w towns are not wholly successful. C a n social scientists advise t o w n planners o n the size a n d structure of a n e w town so that all age groups are satisfied?

Conclusions

W e have certainly progressed from the days of the master plan w h e n it could be said that 'the master plan concept, from its nature, does not regard planning to be a conscious process derived from the citizens t h e m selves, but it is rather a r e a d y - m a d e prescription of the expert for the patient, w h o in m a n y cases is not even consulted',1 but w e still have a long w a y to go. If a high standard of environment is to be achieved then the legislation must permit it, adequate professional staff and technical information must be available, a n d the public must both want it a n d be prepared to pay for it. This paper has s h o w n a few selected examples of w h a t has been achieved in Britain a n d elsewhere but it is not sufficient to leave everything to chance, to the individual or even to enlightened groups. A positive policy for public co-operation in a comprehensive planning process is needed if the best is to be achieved. A s President K e n n e d y said in 1961, 'only w h e n the citizens of a c o m m u n i t y have participated in selecting the goals which will shape their environment can they b e expected to support the actions necessary to accomplish these goals'.

1. Dennis Chapman, 'Social Aspects of Planning', Town and Country Planning School, 1948.

Alasdair C. Sutherland is Senior Lecturer in charge of the new Department of Town and Regional Planning at the University of Sheffield. He has served in the Department of Health for Scotland, the Staffordshire County Council and was seconded to the Ministry of Housing in Accra between 1953 and igsj. He was assistant editor and later editor of Planning Outlook between 1950 and 1965 and has published a number of articles as well as submitting papers to various conferences, especially on African planning problems.

The world

of the social sciences

Unesco's

twentieth anniversary

The twentieth anniversary of Unesco, which is being celebrated in ig66, offers an appropriate occasion to present historical and analytical accounts of the development of the Organization's programme and activities in the social sciences.

The two articles which follow are complementary in character, the first being a factual presentation to accompany the second, which examines internal dynamics and rationale, and puts forward certain views on possible improvements and modifications, not least those connected with the role to be played by the scientific community at large.

The late Professor Hochfeld''s contribution is his last important work, and reflects his views after the four years which he spent as Deputy-Director of the Social Science Department. As he wrote: 'I was a member of the Unesco Secretariat and contributed to the working out of what finally became the pattern of the current and forthcoming programme. However, such participation and common responsibility—modest as it is—for the establishment of the existing pattern will not inhibit me from taking the liberty of commenting on past events and future possibilities.' The manuscript, of course, could not take into account the decisions adopted by the General Conference of Unesco at its fourteenth session in November ig66. The other contribution, by the editor of this Journal , does not attempt to go beyond the ig6$-66 programme.

A summary of the chief features of the ig6j-68 Unesco social science programme, as adopted, will appear in the spring ig6y issue of the Journal .

T w o decades of social science at Unesco

Peter Lengyel

Unesco's Social Science Department is unique as an experiment in international scientific collaboration and promotion within the major international organizations. Other agencies, of course, contain departments or divisions dealing with social questions, m a n y of which employ the services of social scientists or m a k e use of social science techniques and findings. But the Department at Unesco is the only one concerned specifically with furthering the social sciences intellectually, organizationally and professionally, and serving as a focal point for their collective interests, aspirations and contributions at the international level. Nevertheless, it has always been, and remains today, the smallest of the five programme departments within Unesco. This compactness, often a matter of regret, since it fails to m a k e available all the desirable resources to meet an increasing variety of demands and opportunities, has also had its advantages. T h e Department has preserved considerable stability and continuity: scale has not turned it impersonal and m a n y of those w h o served it in its early years continue to do so n o w , either on the Secretariat itself or as regular consultants and well-wishers.

T h e review of the programme from 1946 to 1966 which follows is intended to give a bird's-eye view of the changes which have occurred in the past two decades. Behind them, three major forces m a y be discerned, forces in the world at large which have naturally m a d e their impact on Unesco in general and on the Social Science Department in particular. T h e first is the shifting and expanding character of Unesco's membership. In 1946 only twenty-eight countries were M e m b e r States of Unesco. By the late 1950's, when newly independent countries, particularly in Africa, started to join the Organization, the centre of gravity was displaced; with it came a great increase in the complexity of programme-designing as well as in the scope and variety of individual projects. Along with other Unesco departments, the Social Science Department was called upon to react to these changes, in part by becoming more operational, in part by making special efforts to bridge diverse ideological, academic and even administrative traditions in the interests of genuine international collaboration.

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, N o . 4, 1966

T w o decades of social science at Unesco 555

T h e altered political complexion of Unesco, of course, largely ran parallel with similar events in the United Nations family of organizations as a whole. This provided a second impulse to the Social Science Department: the flux of the relationship in which it stood to its sister agencies and the United Nations as well as its modified role within Unesco itself. In the early years, the social science programme was relatively self-contained. True, there were ramifications with other Unesco projects right from the start, and the incorporation of the Statistical Division into the Social Science Department in 1953 gave the latter the first of its Unesco-wide service responsibilities. It is also true that certain social science projects were always conceived partially with the needs of other international organizations in mind , sometimes on a collaborative basis (in questions of urbanization and demography, for example), sometimes in order to extend the intellectual purview essential to new tasks (notably in connexion with technical assistance and its cross-cultural perplexities). Over the years, however, parts of the social science programme were deliberately designed to integrate with Unesco's objectives in such broad fields as educational planning, investment in science, education and mass communications or the skilled m a n p o w e r training problems of developing countries. In turn, this led to n e w forms of co-operation with sister agencies, including not only the United Nations, the International Labour Organisation, the World Health Organization and the Food and Agricultural Organization, but also the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Development Association. O n e m a y say that such co-operation has become increasingly organic and rationalized, following its more episodic and ad hoc character in earlier years, just as the convergence of Unesco's o w n programme objectives has given the social science programme an operational and integrative task which it did not originally possess.

A third force that has impinged strongly upon the social science prog r a m m e emanates from the evolution in the structure and outlook of the profession which the Department seeks to assist and from which it draws its support. Though it was always recognized that specialization is an inevitable consequence of the proliferation of modern scientific work, it was equally believed to be one of Unesco's critical challenges to bring together scholars from various disciplines to grapple with situations calling for multi-disciplinary or interdisciplinary scrutiny. This problem-oriented approach was as yet relatively unfamiliar twenty years ago: the best that could generally be done in those days was to invite the co-operation of a number of experts in different fields in the hope that a pooling of their skills would generate the needed light. Gradually, as a wider definition began to be given to established disciplinary bounds and as a greater number of social scientists (in modest measure perhaps because of Unesco's encouragement) turned their attention to ramified field work on pressing, complicated social problems, so cross-disciplinary or multidisciplinary projects took on another shape. It became possible not only to recruit the services of specialists with wide-ranging knowledge and experience for specific assignments, but also to

556 The world of the social sciences

discuss constructively the very roots of traditional disciplinary delimitation and its continued relevance, or otherwise, in the modern environment.

Within Unesco, the separation of the social sciences from the humanities has been a recurrent subject of debate. In the report of the Preparatory Commission on the programme of the Organization (1946), the social sciences appear as the first part of a chapter headed ' H u m a n Sciences', also containing a section on philosophy and humanistic studies. Yet from the start an administrative differentiation between the Departments of Social Science and of Cultural Activities (now called Culture) within Unesco necessitated the identification of those disciplines which would lie within the competence of each. T h e differing academic structures of several M e m b e r States, where no clear distinction was m a d e — a n d in some cases still is not made—between faculties of social science, arts and letters or law, added to the general confusion. T h e same difficulty had to be faced with respect to the constellation of non-governmental professional organizations which surround Unesco and which communicate with their administratively appropriate departments within the Organization. If no entirely satisfactory or neatly logical solution has yet been found this, no doubt, reflects a state of affairs well beyond the control of Unesco.

As administrative matters stand at present, the following traditional disciplines fall within the definition of social sciences at Unesco: sociology, social and cultural anthropology, psychology, economics, law, political science, public administration, h u m a n geography, demography and statistics. Nevertheless, the current programme contains provision for interdisciplinary co-operation between philosophy, h u m a n sciences and social sciences. Further, the important international study on the main trends of research in the social and h u m a n sciences, to cover the entire spectrum from economics to history and from demography to literary criticism, is to be carried out partly under the responsibility of the Social Science Department, and partly under that of the Department of Culture. It is this same study, too, which is raising fundamental issues concerning the traditional disciplinary boundaries and their continued significance, in part exposed in articles published in this Journal (Vol. X V I , N o . 4, 1964), showing the critical attitude which social scientists are taking towards the framework in which they pursue their studies. Already to some extent mirrored in the social science programme over the last few years, the progressive restructuring of the profession and its academic organization cannot fail to m a k e its further impact on Unesco in the future.

The Programme

1946-52

Unesco's social science programme m a y be roughly divided into three phases, corresponding to the shifts in its main contents and emphasis. T h e first period runs from 1946 to about the end of 1952. It is characterized by


preoccupations arising from the needs for post-war intellectual and professional reconstruction and out of the then still very imperfect recognition of what the social sciences had to offer as well as the status which social scientists deserved in the world at large. T h e International Studies Conference, a survivor from pre-war days, founded by Unesco's predecessor, the International Institute of Intellectual Co-operation, was one of the first nongovernmental organizations to be pressed into service. It was commissioned to prepare a series of studies on ways of life in different countries which, like the concurrent projects on popular images of, and attitudes towards foreign countries, influences predisposing towards international understanding or aggressive nationalism, and the applications of psychology to attitude change, were clearly designed to heal some of the wounds left by world conflict and ideologies of hatred. At the same time, m u c h effort was directed towards setting up international professional non-governmental organizations, usually in the shape of loose federations of national disciplinary bodies. T h e World Federation of Mental Health was formed in 1948 and the International Association of Comparative L a w mooted in 1949. 1950 saw the foundation of the International Political Science Association and the International Sociological Association. T h e International Economic Association was launched at a meeting in September of the same year and the Co-ordinating Committee for Social Science Documentation (later International Committee for Social Science Documentation) at a meeting in N o v e m ber 1950. Existing bodies, such as the International Institute of Administrative Sciences and the International Statistical Institute were subsidized or commissioned to undertake tasks on Unesco's behalf. T h e capstone of this structure was the foundation of the International Social Science Council, first discussed in 1949 as an institute, again taken up in December 1951 at a meeting, provisionally set up at the end of 1952 and finally established in 1954. All these non-governmental bodies, as well as m a n y others, have continued to perform invaluable services without which the social science programme of Unesco could never have been executed. Their constant advice and professional collaboration is both a kind of multiplier and a source of inspiration to the Department which largely depends upon them for a variety of tasks. Eight of them continue to receive subsidies under the current programme, and are called upon from time to time, along with m a n y others, to participate under contract in the implementation of the Organization's programme.

T h e early phase of the programme also saw the unfolding of the 'Tensions' project, an ambitious undertaking with very broad repercussions, some of which can still be traced in the 1965-66 programme. It originally arose out of a series of suggestions put forward by the Preparatory C o m m i s sion on the Programme in 1946, amongst them the application of constructive psycho-political techniques, the study of psychological and sociological problems involved in international co-operation, the conditions governing the emergence of a living and constructive internationalism, the application of public opinion surveys on an international scale and the effects of


mechanization upon civilization. As will be seen, all these strands were sooner or later taken up in Unesco's programme. A beginning was m a d e in 1947 with a definition and survey of tensions crjjçjâLtQ-peacÊJThe following year, the ' W a y s of Life' series was launched. It was to result in the publication (by various commercial firms) of a series of books covering, amongst others, Norway, Australia, South Africa, Switzerland, Canada and the United Kingdom.

1949 saw a number of key developments: a meeting on the influence of technology on international tensions in April, a seminar on population problems and tensions, meetings on the operations of national administrations having relations with international organizations and on the technique of international conferences as well as work on attitude change through the study of prejudice amongst teachers and the measurement of prejudice, studies of leadership, national loyalties, national stereotypes (especially amongst children), and the cultural assimilation of immigrants. T o these were added, in 1950, studies of tensions arising from differences between legal systems, ethnic minorities, social tensions in India, the community sense in industrial enterprises and the relationship between education systems and the needs for trained personnel, the latter foreshadowing a trend which has since grown extremely important in the programme of Unesco as a whole. It was also in 1950 that racial problems entered fully into the social science programme following an expert meeting convened in December 1949.

T h e results of the projects undertaken between 1947 and 1952 are available in a variety of books, m a n y not brought out under the Unesco imprint. They include: H . Cantril, Tensions that Cause War (Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1950); National Administration and International Organization (Brussels, International Institute of Administrative Science, 1951); H . Cantril and W . Buchanan, Men Across Borders: how they see each other (Urbana, University of Illinois Press, 1952); A . Kahler, Education in a Technological Society (Unesco, 1952); J. Scott and R . Lynton, The Community Factor in Modern Technology (Unesco, 1952); Margaret M e a d (ed.), Cultural Patterns and Technical Change (Unesco, 1953); G . M u r p h y , In the Minds of Men ( N e w York, Basic Books, 1953); E . Beaglehole and J. R . McCreary, The Modification of International Attitudes: a Mew Zealand study (Wellington, Faculty of Psychology, Victoria University, 1953); H . E . O . James, The Teacher was Black (London, Heinemann, 1953); J. Stoetzel and F . Vos, Without the Chrysanthemum and the Sword (Columbia University Press and Unesco, 1955), and The Nature of Conflict (Unesco, 1958).

Community studies conducted in the same period resulted in the publication of, amongst others: L . Bernot and R . Blancard, Nouville, Village français (University of Paris, 1953); and O . E . Oeser, Social Structure and Personality in a Rural Community (London, Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1953), while the projects on population and tensions and the cultural assimilation of immigrants gave rise over the years to such books as: A . Sauvy, Français et émigrés (Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1953); W . D . Borrie,


Italians and Germans in Australia (Melbourne, F . W . Cheshire, 1954); F. Lori-mer, Culture and Human Fertility (Unesco, 1954); and W . D . Borrie (ed.), Cultural Integration 0/ Immigrants (Unesco, 1958).

T h e period to the end of 1952 also saw the beginning of the continuing programme on documentation and surveying of research trends which Unesco has pursued, together with the professional non-governmental organizations, without interruption ever since. A survey of methods in political science, begun in 1948, is reported in Contemporary Political Science (Unesco, 1951). T h e quarterly International Political Science Abstracts began to appear in 1951, and Current Sociology in 1952. T h e former was published by Unesco and the International Committee for Social Science D o c u m e n tation until 1954, and the latter until 1957 after which they were brought out by commercial firms. T h e International Social Science Bulletin, predecessor of this Journal, came out twice in 1949 and quarterly starting in 1950. Early topics were often taken directly from the current Unesco programme, for example 'National Stereotypes and International Understanding' (Vol. Ill, N o . 3, 1951) or 'Social Implications of Technical Change' (Vol. IV, N o . 2 , 1952). An International Repertory of Social Science Documentation Centres was published in 1952, while both the Register of Legal Documentation in the World and the first edition of the World List of Social Science Periodicals appeared in 1953.

Lastly, amongst the seeds sown before the end of 1952 which were to bear fruit over later years m a y be mentioned the meeting in November 1950 on the university teaching of the social sciences where country rapporteurs and rapporteurs-general were appointed to conduct the inquiries from which the eleven disciplinary surveys so far brought out, as well as the four country surveys on social science teaching, took their origin.

1953-62

T h e second phase of the social science programme m a y be said to open with the first of the biennial programmes, for the years 1953-54- It is characterized by increasing decentralization and the development of a field programme, by the abandonment of the 'Tensions' project as such and its gradual mutation into a series of parallel projects dealing with areas of social friction, such as race, industrialization, urbanization or underdevelopment, by a great expansion in services to social science teaching and traÍHÍtig7Í)y a decline in ideological content and by stabilityTh the internal organization of the Social Science Department. This middle period runs over about eight or nine years to 1961-62, when n e w winds again began to blow.

Following success in setting up international non-governmental organizations in the social sciences, Unesco began to address itself seriously to aiding in the establishment of research and teaching centres in various countries. T h e first decisive move came in March 1952, w h e n the Unesco Institute for Social Sciences was established in Cologne under the direc-

56o The world of the social sciences

torship of Professor J. J. Schokking (Netherlands). It was to function until 1959, later under the directorship of Professor Neis Anderson ( U . S . A . ) , and was then transferred to the Political Science Institute of the University of Cologne. With its two sister institutions, for Education in H a m b u r g and for Youth in Gauting, respectively, it formed part of the special effort m a d e in favour of intellectual reconstruction in the Federal Republic of Germany . A Research Office on Social Implications of Technological Change began to function in Paris in October 1953, under the directorship of Professor G . Balandier (France). It later came under the aegis of the International Social Science Council, with which it was formally merged in 1961. T h e Research Centre on the Social Implications of Industrialization in Southern Asia, an extension of the Unesco Secretariat itself, was inaugurated in December 1956 in Calcutta. Its first director was Professor C . N . Vakil (India). This Centre, which moved to Delhi in January 1961 to become the Research Centre on Social and Economic Development in Southern Asia, under the directorship of Professor P. Bessaignet (France) and latterly of Professor J. Ziolkowski (Poland), is to merge with the Institute of Economic Growth of Delhi University at the beginning of 1967.

In April 1957, an intergovernmental conference at Rio de Janeiro on the teaching of social sciences in South America approved the establishment of both the Latin American Social Science Faculty and the Latin American Centre for Research in the Social Sciences. T h e latter began to function in Rio de Janeiro itself in the same year, under the directorship of Professor E . Costa Pinto (Brazil) and continues its activities today under the directorship of Professor Manuel Diegues Junior (Brazil). T h e faculty opened in Santiago di Chile in April 1958 with a school of sociology, to which was added a school of public administration and political science in 1965. T h e faculty's secretary-general is Professor Rioseco (Chile) and the director of the school of sociology is Professor G . A . D . Soares (Brazil). Both the centre in Rio de Janeiro and the faculty in Santiago benefit from Unesco assistance in credits, expert services and equipment financed by Unesco, but neither of them is an extension of the Secretariat, and both also derive support from the M e m b e r States in the region, from the Organization of American States and bilateral sources.

National centres set up largely at Unesco's initiative and with its continued financial assistance are the Athens Social Science Centre which began to function in i960, under the directorship of Professor J. Peristiany (United K i n g d o m ) , the Institute for Social Studies and Research at the University of Teheran (1961), the Faculty of Sociology at the National University of Colombia (1961)—the first independent faculty of its kind in Latin America—and the Department of Sociology at the University of Dacca (Pakistan). Amongst international centres are the European Co-ordination Centre for Social Science Research and Documentation in Vienna (1963), which comes under the supervision of the International Social Science Council, and the African Centre for Administrative Training


and Research for Development in Tangiers (Morocco), which began its activities in 1965.

These varied bodies could not have been set up unless considerable innovations had occurred in the Secretariat's working methods and staff distribution. In fact, by 1953, social science officers were attached to each of the three Regional Science Co-operation Offices which had been set up particularly for the benefit of the Natural Science programme in Cairo, N e w Delhi and Havana. A social science officer was attached to the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa for two years from i960. T h e task of these officers (who were members of Unesco's Headquarters staff on assignment) was to m a k e contact with social scientists in the regions covered, stimulate local activities, determine needs and keep the Department in Paris informed of developments. With the foundation of the centres, their function was gradually superseded and they have n o w all been withdrawn, the last from Cairo in 1963.

T h e first short missions of consultants were sent to Costa Rica, Pakistan and Greece in 1954 to report on the state of social science teaching in these countries. T h e inauguration of the programme of Aid to M e m b e r States (later Participation in the Activities of M e m b e r States) in 1955 m a d e available a portion of Unesco's budget specifically for assistance to national schemes in the areas of Unesco's competence. Under this prog r a m m e , teachers of social science were sent to Costa Rica, Guatemala, Pakistan, Peru, Nicaragua and Indonesia in 1956, fellowships were granted to graduate students and a Franco-Polish social science seminar was supported. As for the programme of Technical Assistance, the first major social science activity to take place under its terms was a regional seminar on international standardization of educational statistics, in Bangkok in November 1957. Since then, the Social Science Department's share of Technical Assistance funds administered by Unesco has grown greatly, and n o w includes not only expert missions and fellowships but also regional refresher courses for junior university staff or research workers, the first of which was held for Pakistani economists in the s u m m e r of 1958, the second for sociologists, in Agra at the end of 1959. Others for African political scientists, Asian economists and Asian sociologists, for example, have followed.

Despite the expansion of field activities during the middle phase of the social science programme, the continuation of earlier concerns was not neglected. Documentation flourished: a Clearing House began to function in the Department in 1952. Its collection of material and registers has grown steadily, and the series of 'Reports and Papers in the Social Sciences' (twenty-two titles to date) is published under its aegis. Four annual disciplinary bibliographies were compiled by the International Committee for Social Documentation and other professional organizations and published by Unesco until 1961 after which they continued to appear under a different imprint. In 1953, a long-range project on the definition of social science terminology was started, which resulted in the publication, in 1964, of


A Dictionary of the Social Sciences, edited by J. Gould and W . L . Kolb (London, Tavistock Publications, and Chicago, Aldine Publishing C o . ) . W o r k on French, Spanish and Arabic terminology is still in progress. T h e International Social Science Bulletin (which became the Journal in 1959) adopted its policy of devoting each issue to a single topic as early as 1951, but it was not until 1954 that its issues regularly provided a conspectus of a given field, sometimes even a kind of trend report on research, also the province of Current Sociology within, of course, a single discipline.

T h e major publications arising out of the 'Tensions' projects have been mentioned already. Beginning in 1952, a series of booklets on race problems began to appear. It was the start of one of Unesco's most controversial but at the same time most widely-known ventures, an initiative which was amongst the reasons for the withdrawal of South Africa from m e m b e r ship in the organization and which was ably conducted, from the beginning until his retirement in 1962, by the late Dr . Alfred Métraux.

T h e race pamphlets n o w number twenty-two in three series: 'Race and Society', 'The Race Question and Modern Thought' and 'The Race Question in Modern Science'. They have been widely translated, reprinted and quoted, and m a n y of them are available also as collections in book form. Statements on race were issued by meetings of specialists convened by Unesco in 1949, 1951 and most recently at M o s c o w in 1964; they have had considerable impact on a world-wide public opinion and are often referred to as authoritative in the most diverse contexts.

The International Social Science Journal has devoted two numbers to research on racial relations (1958 and 1961), the contributions to which have been reprinted in a book (Research on Racial Relations, Unesco, 1966), and one number to biological aspects of race (1965).

A s the 'Tensions' project was dismantled after 1953, so its various constituent parts took on a dynamic of their o w n . A series of conferences on urbanization, starting with one in Abidjan in 1954, led to the publication of Social Implications of Industrialization and Urbanization in Africa South of the Sahara (Unesco, 1957; reprinted 1964), Urbanization in Asia and the Far East, edited by Philip Hauser (Unesco, 1957) and Urbanization in Latin America, edited by Philip Hauser (Unesco, 1961). A good deal of constructive research work on town problems around the world could also be financed under this programme, and other meetings, on Asian n e w towns and on African cities, for example, were organized sometimes in collaboration with the United Nations. A Handbook for Social Research in Urban Areas, edited by Philip Hauser, was published in 1965.

T h e social effects of industrialization and technological change, aside from occupying the attentions of the Research Office in Paris and the Centre in Calcutta, were the subject of a world-wide survey and assessment of existing knowledge and its applications, submitted to a North American conference in Chicago in September i960. Industrialization and Society, edited by B . F . Hoselitz and W . E . Moore (Unesco-Mouton, 1963) is one important outcome of this long-term preoccupation.


A s intellectual concern and international action focused more and more on the world-wide problems of socio-economic development, so it was inevitable that the Social Science Department would be drawn increasingly into this field. A n early volume, Social Aspects of Technical Assistance in Operation by M . Opler (Unesco, 1953) marks a beginning. Also in 1953, a project on evaluation techniques applicable to international co-operation programmes was launched, and continued, under various guises, until the early 1960's. T h e book by Samuel P. Hayes, Evaluating Development Projects (revised edition, Unesco, 1965) is one of its results. F r o m 1955, several evaluation studies of technical assistance projects in fundamental education, and other matters, such as the impact of the Delhi Public Library and of a mass education experiment in art in Limoges, were carried out. At the end of i960, a working group on social aspects of economic development in Latin America met in Mexico: the papers submitted have been brought out in two volumes (Social Aspects of Economic Development in Latin America, edited by E . de Vries and J. Medina Echevarría, Unesco, 1963). T h e attention of the Calcutta Centre began to veer away from industrialization towards broader development problems, a shift recognized by the change of n a m e when the centre moved to Delhi in 1961. Amongst the outcome of the centre's work m a y be mentioned Social Aspects of Small Industries in India (1962), The Role of Savings and Wealth in Southern Asia and the West, edited by R . D . Lambert and B . F. Hoselitz (Unesco, 1963), and Urban-Rural Differences in Southern Asia (1964). T h e earlier interest in land reform converged suitably with development problems and gave rise to Social Research and Problems of Rural Development in South-East Asia (Unesco, 1963) and Social Research and Rural Life in Central America, Mexico and the Caribbean Region (Unesco, 1966), both based on the proceedings and papers of meetings. Further, in the spring of 1963, a meeting on the social prerequisites to economic growth in Cyprus put forward important propositions on the phasing, interlocking and analysis of the development process. Even the population and migration theme was taken up in the context of development with the publication of International Migration and Economic Development, by B . T h o m a s (Unesco, 1961).

T h e attention paid to the position of w o m e n and their rights, which dates back to 1951, came to fruition in the middle period of the social science programme with the publication of M . Duverger, The Political Role of Women (1955); Afet Inan, The Emancipation of the Turkish Woman (Unesco, 1962); and, more recently, Women in the New Asia, edited by Barbara W a r d (Unesco, 1963).

T h e years between 1953 and 1961/62 formed the period during which statistics were established not simply as an ancillary service to Unesco as a whole but as a division within the Social Science Department with very positive programme responsibilities of its o w n . T h e types of statistical information needed by Unesco—figures on school enrolment, the production of books, films and translations, or literacy ratios, for example— pose fundamental problems of definition and international comparability


which have only gradually yielded to improvement, partly thanks to the painstaking work of Unesco's o w n statisticians and the co-operation of their colleagues in the several national statistical services. In addition, however, m u c h has been done to promote statistical training and teaching. In 1950, a first International Statistical Education Centre was opened in Calcutta; a second began to function in Beirut in M a r c h 1953, both aided by Unesco. Fellowships, seminars and regional training courses have been other methods used for the dissemination of recent methodological and conceptual advance. T h e series 'Statistical Reports and Studies', begun in 1955 with a booklet on film and cinema statistics, n o w comprises ten titles covering, amongst others, libraries, newspapers and periodicals, pre-school education, radio and television and the estimation of future school enrolment in developing countries. Basic Facts and Figures, a compilation of statistics relating to education, culture and mass communications, often quoted in newspapers and used as a source by m a n y authors, appeared at two-yearly intervals between 1952 and 1962. In 1964 it was enlarged into the Unesco Statistical Yearbook. Regular contributions are also m a d e to the United Nations Statistical Yearbook: indeed, collaboration with the United Nations in the statistical sphere has always been particularly close and consistent. Fellowships in statistics constituted the very first social science activity under the Technical Assistance programme in 1956.

ig62-66

T h e third phase of the social science programme runs from 1962 to the present. It is characterized by some structural changes in the department, increasing social science involvement in the practical applications of Unesco's programme as a whole, ventures in the field of comparative research datajcollection, storage and processing and the preparation of Tne vast international study on main trends of research in the social and h u m a n sciences. A shift took place away from the concern with the application of social sciences to specific areas of friction and towards the use of what the social sciences have to contribute to Unesco itself, by increasing the operational efficacity of education, science and mass communications, especially in the underdeveloped countrîësT T h e most significant index of this was the establishment, in July 1961, of the Analysis Unit (now Office) for the "role of education, science and technology and mass c o m m u nications in economic development as an organization-wide advisory group located in the Social Science Department (with a professional staff of six in 1966), as well as the Statistical Division's (now Office's) increasing responsibilities in the analysis of h u m a n resources and m a n p o w e r planning, especially since 1964.

Unesco, in c o m m o n with other members of the United Nations family, has shouldered a growing operational responsibility since the middle 1950's. Unlike some of its sister agencies, however, Unesco was originally not so well-equipped to handle the demands m a d e upon it in this connexion,


because it was originally conceived as a centre of intellectual co-operation and exchange, even as an ideological force in the cause of peace. W e have already seen h o w the Participation and Technical Assistance programmes influenced the social sciences: similar changes, sometimes on a m u c h larger scale, took place in other Unesco programme departments, especially the Departments of Education and Natural Sciences. A convergence therefore appeared appropriate in order to strengthen the Organization's internal resources and concentrate them upon the tasks to be accomplished. T h e social science programme, always widely ramified, was n o w called upon to support especially that side of Unesco's activities which touches upon investment, cost-benefit relationships, planning targets, projections, economic feasibility and financial commitments and to evolve criteria to qualify selected educational, scientific and related schemes for sizeable loans from the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development or other multilateral sources. This is the logic behind recent innovations and adjustments.

These, however, did not of course displace the traditional programme content in the social sciences, which continued to evolve. T h e interest in social science methodology, which goes back to the 1948 meeting on methods in political science, took on greater importance in the latest phase. In 1959, seminars were organized on advanced theory and methods in the social sciences as well as on data processing. These were followed up in 1962 by a meeting on the comparability of data collected by sample surveys and in 1963 by meetings on data recording centres and archive techniques and the use of quantitative social data. Four seminars on the use of mathematical methods in the social sciences have been organized with Unesco's assistance between i960 and 1966, all in Europe. The theme has been taken up in three issues of this Journal: 'Mathematics and the Social Sciences' (Vol. V I , N o . 4 , 1954), 'Opinion Surveys in Developing Countries' (Vol. X V , N o . 1, 1963), and 'Data in Comparative Research' (Vol. X V I , N o . 1, 1964). It continues to figure prominently in the 1966 programme, under the heading of improvement in the methodology of comparative research.

T h e projects concerning international understanding and peaceful co-operation, which are other offshoots of the 'Tensions' project, have ranged widely over a number of questions. T h e 1957 meeting on social, cultural and moral problems involved in the peaceful use of atomic energy, a subject which lies astride peaceful co-operation and technology, gave rise to Social Implications of the Peaceful Uses of Nuclear Energy, edited by Otto Klineberg (Unesco, 1964). Other subjects taken up in this context have included case studies of foreign aid, n e w sources of international commercial law, the comparative costs and forms of outside aid, traditional legal systems and the requirements of newly-independent countries and the economic and social consequences of disarmament. The last is a subject which is also being independently investigated in some depth by the Vienna Centre, and in which Unesco is playing its role in particularly


close liaison with the United Nations. Peace research, a fairly n e w branch of interdisciplinary inquiry, has received encouragement from Unesco in the form of support for the establishment of the International Peace Research Association, the compilation of an International Repertory of Institutions Specializing in Research on Peace and Disarmament (Unesco, 1966), an issue of this Journal (Vol. X V I I , N o . 3, 1965) and in other ways.

T h e international study on the main trends of research in the sciences of m a n , of which the first preliminaries were undertaken in 1963 and which is n o w well under way , certainly constitutes one of the most ambitious and interesting projects ever undertaken by the Department. Its object is to outline the direction of scholarship in all branches of endeavour, and to distinguish methodologies and conceptualizations not by reference to the conventional disciplinary divisions but rather by fundamental intellectual procedure and attitude. W h a t is being sought, h o w is it being sought, what results are expected, what perspectives pursued? These are some of the basic questions which the survey hopes to answer for the social and h u m a n sciences, as a similar survey, undertaken by the Natural Sciences Department, attempted to answer them for the natural sciences. T h e collaboration of the world's most eminent specialists as well as a wide range of competent organizations at all levels is evidently essential, but the part played by the Secretariat is by no means negligible. T h e first part of the survey (launched under the principal direction of the late Professor Julian Hochfeld) concerns only the so-called 'law-seeking' sciences, but an extension to other disciplines, such as philosophy, history, law and literary criticism, is foreseen at a later stage and in the programme of the Department of Culture.

T h e field programme in social sciences attained an imposing scale in the latest phase of the programme. In October 1965, for example, a total of forty-six field posts existed under the Technical Assistance, Participation and Regular programmes. O f these, fifteen posts were within the bodies supported by Unesco in other ways also: the centres in Delhi, Rio de Janeiro, Tangiers and Athens, and the faculty in Santiago. Other missions were sent to Colombia, Costa Rica, Iran, Lebanon, Nicaragua, Pakistan, Rhodesia, Senegal, Tanzania, C h a d and Zambia, while experts were also being recruited for Saudi Arabia, Ivory Coast, Chile, Madagascar, the U . A . R . , the Dominican Republic, R u a n d a , Sierra Leone, Tunisia and Turkey. T h e majority of the missions concerned the teaching of various social sciences subjects at university faculties or institutes, but there were some also for other levels of instruction, for organizational and administrative tasks.

Structure, staff and budget

As already mentioned, the Report of the Preparatory Commission on the Programme of Unesco (1946) contained a chapter on h u m a n sciences, of which the social sciences formed the first part. Three broad types of


social science activity were recommended: development of the social sciences (through international organizations, surveys of research resources, abstracting and bibliographical services and special publications such as glossaries or popularizations); practical applications of the social sciences (notably the development of 'constructive psycho-political techniques') and international co-operation and understanding (including studies of the psychological and sociological problems involved in international co-operation, the promotion of 'a living and creative internationalism', the application of public opinion survey techniques on an international scale and the effects of mechanization on civilization). Though, as has been shown, most of these themes appear in the subsequent social science programme more or less prominently in later years, it took some time before the organizational structure of the Social Science Department was worked out. Professor Hadley Cantril (U .S .A . ) and Dr . Nathan Leites (U.S .A. ) prepared the draft of the programme laid before the first Unesco General Conference in Mexico City in November 1946. They were advised by Dr . Edward Shils (U .S .A . ) , w h o gave the first impulse to the 'Tensions' project. Dr . Arvid Broderson (Norway) took over the direction of the social sciences at Unesco in 1947, working with a small staff of six. Professor Otto Klineberg (U.S .A. ) was appointed to head the 'Tensions' project somewhat later, and acted as director until the appointment, in 1949, of Dr . Arthur R a m o s (Brazil), w h o died in office only a few weeks after assuming it. Dr . Robert Angelí (U .S .A. ) succeeded Professor Klineberg both as head of the 'Tensions' project and as acting director of the Department until the directorship was taken over by M r s . Alva Myrdal (Sweden) in 1950. By this time, there were two divisions in the Department: Aid to International Collaboration (which eventually became the present Division of International Development of Social Sciences), headed by Dr . K . Szczerba-Likiernik (Poland), and Studies of International Co-operation, headed by Dr. Walter A . Sharp ( U . S . A . ) , besides the continued existence of the 'Tensions' project.

It was in 1953 that the Social Science Department's structure became firm: to the Division of Aid to International Scientific Co-operation were added the divisions of Applied Social Sciences and of Statistics, the letter a service originally established in April 1950 under Dr . B . A . Liu (China), w h o continued as the chief of the division until his retirement in 1963 when he was succeeded by Dr. J. Kappel (U .S .A . ) , w h o served until August 1966. A comparable stability was experienced by the Division of Aid to International Scientific Co-operation, which remained under Dr . Szczerba-Likiernik until his retirement in 1961. H e was succeeded first by M r . Georgi Skorov (U.S .S .R. ) and, since, 1963, by Dr. S a m y Friedman (France), the editor of this Journal from 1950 to the summer of 1963. T h e Division of Applied Social Sciences had a number of chiefs: the late Professor E . Franklin Frazier (U .S .A . ) , Professor Otto Klineberg ( U . S . A . ) , Professor Eugene Jacobson (U .S .A . ) , and M r . H . M . Phillips (United Kingdom) . In 1964, this Division, under D r . Jan Versluys (Netherlands) was trans-


ferred to the Natural Sciences Department, but returned to the Social Science Department in February 1966, and is n o w headed by Dr . George Kavadias (Greece).

T h e first Deputy Director of the Department was M r . G u y de Ladreit de Lacharrière (France), w h o served chiefly under Mrs . Alva Myrdal. In 1955 Professor T . H . Marshall (United Kingdom) became the Director of the Department and in 1957 the deputy directorship went to Professor André Bertrand (France), w h o succeeded to the directorship in 1961 and continues in office to date. The third Deputy Director of the Department was the late Professor Julian Hochfeld (Poland). This post has n o w been abolished, following agreement on the restructuring of the Department as from 1967, when it is to consist of the two traditional divisions and the Office of Economic Analysis (under the direction of M r . H . M . Phillips, since its establishment in 1961). T h e Statistical Office will, according to the Secretariat's proposals, be attached to the Assistant Director-General for Information as from 1967. M r . Mahdi Elmandjra (Morocco) was appointed Assistant Director-General for social sciences, h u m a n sciences and culture in July 1966.

T h e total number of staff members of all categories within the Department rose slowly. In 1952, there were 24, including 15 in the professional category. In 1955-56, with the Statistical Division incorporated into the Department, the staff was 48: 6 in the Office of the Director, 12 in the Division of International Co-operation, 15 in the Division of Applied Social Sciences and 15 in Statistics. The approved Programme and Budget for 1959-60 foresaw 53 established posts in the Social Science Department, which rose to 63 in 1961-62 and stands at 80 for the current programme period, of which 33 in the professional category.

As for the Social Science Department's budget, this has shown a steady but modest upward trend, similar to that of the staff. In 1949, the budget was $286,500. In 1953 it stood at $540,600 (including Statistics), in 1956 at $761,400 and it was not until 1959 that it rose to just above $1 million. In 1962, the budget was $1,466,300. For the two-year period 1963-64, $3,380,000 was set aside for the Social Science Department, and this was increased to $3,810,000 for the two-year period 1965-66.

Patterns of Unesco's social science programme

t Julian Hochfeld

I

THE PLACE OF SOCIAL SCIENCES IN THE SYSTEM OF CONSTITUTIONAL PURPOSES A N D FUNCTIONS OF UNESCO

It m a y appear trivial to state that Unesco is not a research centre nor a paymaster's office, nor yet a publishing house. Since some direct—though auxiliary—research work, m a n y subsidies, fellowships and other financial aid expenditures, and relatively numerous publications most easily catch the eye of the outside observer and really belong to the arsenal of Unesco action instruments, m a n y bodies and individuals, including researchers and their organizations, are inclined to entertain this more 'practical' idea of Unesco rather than to conceive of it in terms of the realization of purposes and the fulfillment of functions through programmes. Very little can be understood, however, if Unesco is viewed that way .

The Constitution of Unesco defines the general purpose of the Organization as: ' . . . to contribute to peace and security by promoting collaboration a m o n g the nations through education, science and culture in order to further universal respect for justice, for the rule of law and for the h u m a n rights and fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for the peoples of the world, without distinction of race, sex, language or religion by the Charter of the United Nations'.

While this declaration states that Unesco is a m e m b e r of the United Nations family, it also formulates the supreme values of an ideological system which is that of the whole family. These values must inspire the work of Unesco and provide for some kind of yardstick with which to assess the orientation of all its efforts. However, two other elements of the ideological system are also emphasized: first, that the aspirations related to the supreme values of the system should be achieved through collaboration a m o n g nations. This makes Unesco an organization of international co-operation, but still does not differentiate it from other members of



the United Nations family. Second, the specificity of Unesco is defined as contributing to peace and security by promoting collaboration a m o n g the nations through education, science and culture. These are therefore both the object and the means of collaboration.

T h e mandate of Unesco is then developed in a list of 'functions' forming a framework according to which the activity of the Organization is to be programmed and structured.

In order to obtain a clearer idea of the constitutional place of social sciences in Unesco, it is worth recalling these functions, as described in paragraph 2 of Article I. T h e Organization shall advance 'the mutual knowledge and understanding of peoples, through all means of mass c o m munication' and promote 'the free flow of ideas by word and image'; 'give fresh impulse to popular education and to the spread of culture' by developing, at the request of M e m b e r States, educational activities, by advancing 'the ideal of equality of educational opportunity', 'by suggesting educational methods best suited to prepare the children of the world for the responsibility of freedom'; 'maintain, increase and diffuse knowledge by assuring the conservation and protection of the world's inheritance of books, works of art and monuments of history and science', 'by encouraging co-operation a m o n g the nations in all branches of intellectual activity, including the international exchange of persons active in the field of education, science and culture and the exchange of publications, objects of artistic or scientific interest and other materials of information', 'by initiating methods of international co-operation calculated to give the people of all countries access to the printed and published materials produced by any of them'.

W h a t emerges clearly from such a list is the emphasis on communication, popular education and diffusion of knowledge, conservation and protection of the world's cultural heritage, exchange of cultural values, and, finally, the encouragement of international co-operation in all branches of intellectual activity, which m a y include not only assistance to the appropriate organizations of scholars and researchers, but also promotion of training and research in scientific disciplines. This last but not least important component of the pattern has been shared unequally by the more mature Natural Sciences and the more recent Social Sciences, although it should be noted that the gap was not enormous so long as the weight of underdeveloped countries and the consequent extension of the United Nations Development Programme did not impose a self-evident priority for natural sciences and technology.

A n analysis of annual budgetary allocations also shows that education, mass communication and culture emerge as basic priorities within Unesco. T h e span between priority and non-priority sectors as well as that between fields of direct and indirect competence of Unesco remains moderate so long as Technical Assistance and the Special Fund—the extension of which is connected with the United Nations Development Programme—do not enter the picture; w h e n they do, however, they must be considered as an integral part of the financial means of the Organization, especially with

Patterns of Unesco's social science programme 57"

respect to its operational activities. T h e new opportunities created by Technical Assistance and the Special F u n d are unequally met by different sectors for two reasons: first, because the United Nations Development Programme increasingly emphasizes the significance of the educational and technological infrastructure a m o n g the priorities of the Organization; and, second, because education, natural sciences and technology seem to be better adapted than other fields within Unesco's competence to the requirements of operational activities.

Both the description of the constitutional functions of Unesco, and the dynamics of the main components of Unesco programmes, as expressed in terms of budgetary allocations, show that the place the social sciences occupy in the Organization's system of purposes and functions is not identical with that of education, culture, mass communication and natural sciences. T o be sure, the activities of the social science sector could include —and have actually included—such items as the encouragement of international co-operation, assistance to the appropriate organizations of scholars and researchers, promotion of teaching and training (which proved to be particularly well adapted to the requirements of the operational development programme and was later complemented by various forms of help intended to set up or to reinforce national and regional social science training and research institutions), some promotion of basic research in social sciences, some effort to collect and publish specialized information and documentation material, certain initiatives to evolve a policy with respect to the sciences of m a n . But neither direct applied social research nor large-scale 'field-induced' (policy or problem-oriented) social research has so far been included in the Unesco social science sector.

However, the mandate of the Unesco social science sector from the very beginning covered research and advisory activities, the aim of which could be defined as scientific support for projects relating to the examination of the constitutional purposes and functions of Unesco, to the study of techniques and organizational structures of intellectual co-operation, to the evaluation or assessment of results of Unesco action, and to the appropriate social and economic conditions for the implementation of the priority sectors' programmes and projects. In other words, the mandate of the Unesco social sciences sector includes some applied social research specific to Unesco's sphere, and advice both 'ideological' and 'technical'. Evidence that this was really the original idea can be found in the suggestions put forward in 1946 by the Preparatory Commission on the Programme as well as in a series of projects undertaken and implemented in accordance with these suggestions.

T h e place of social sciences in the system of Unesco purposes and functions is shown diagrammatically in Figure 1.

O n e important observation remains to be m a d e in this connexion: for several reasons which have since become rather obsolete, social sciences as situated in the organizational structure of Unesco have been, so to speak, cut off not only from linguistics, but also from history; in addition,

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Patterns of Unesco's social science programme 573

it has never been clear where anthropological and ethnological sciences, psychology, experimental pedagogy, and h u m a n geography should be placed. Nor did the administrative framework m a k e it easy to accommodate n e w fields of study on h u m a n behaviour—such as information theory, cybernetics, semiotics, game- and decision-making theory, value inquiry, general systems theory, or scientific epistemology. Logic has been linked, somewhat artificially, with the traditional field of philosophy, although its real place is either with mathematics (but without any specific connexion between this extensive domain of logic and mathematics and the natural sciences) or within the comprehensive domain of all the sciences of m a n and his behaviour. History, linguistics and ethnography fall within the competence of the Department of Culture because they were seen as a part of the world's cultural inheritance to be better known , protected, diffused and exchanged; in other words, their function in Unesco has become largely 'ideological'. Consequently, the scientific role of these disciplines and their growing integration within the over-all domain of the sciences of m a n (or behavioural sciences) has not found an appropriate reflection in Unesco programmes.

CONTINUITIES A N D DISCONTINUITIES IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNESCO SOCIAL SCIENCE SECTOR

T h e development of Unesco programmes was characterized quite normally both by continuities and discontinuities. I have no intention of systematically examining them. I believe, however, that a few examples are necessary to obtain a general idea of the problem.

T h e initial phase of Unesco's activities (covering the first five to seven years of the Organization's existence) was characterized by post-war intellectual and moral preoccupations and by a relatively strong awareness of purposes and functions as formulated in the Constitution. T h e place and structure of the social science programme during this phase includes the inception of the well-structured co-operation with, and assistance to, international social science organizations, the first endeavours to set up specialized information and documentation as well as elements of a rough science policy relating to the role and status of social sciences. Neither the direct operational promotion of teaching and training nor the promotion of basic research could properly be developed at this time: the understanding of basic research problems in social sciences was not yet ripe, and teaching problems were dealt with in the form of country surveys which m a y be considered as social science policy research rather than as an introduction to operational teaching and training activities. T h e applied social research activities were planned and developed with m u c h dynamism and imagination; they were, however, conceived in exact accordance with the role ascribed to social sciences by the constitutional purposes and functions of the Organization, i.e., as supporting activities—partly 'technical' and partly 'ideological'. T h e best examples of this programme pattern


are offered by the vast 'Tensions' project, the ' W a y s of Life' series, the successful development of certain research and m u c h popularizing on the racial question and h u m a n rights, the study of various aspects of international co-operation, including technical ones, and so on.

Thus a considerable degree of concordance between the constitutional and the real pattern characterized the place of social sciences in the prog r a m m e of the Organization during the initial phase. Continuity was also a feature of the budgetary evolution of the period. Social sciences not only continued to occupy the same (fifth) place in the ranking of annual allocations for the basic programme sectors of Unesco—which has not changed since—but, in addition, the rate of increase of the allocations for social sciences was not very different from that for the other sectors (with the exception of education). For example, in 1949 the budgetary allocations for natural sciences were 2.2 times greater than for social sciences; in 1950, the factor was 2; in 1951, 2.2; in 1952, 3; in 1957-58, again 2; but in 1965-66 it jumped to 8.3 times.

T h e separation of statistical services from the Department of Social Sciences was not altogether logical. Unesco statistics are clearly social statistics relating to the Unesco field of competence; and even the statistical training which appeared later in the operational programme of the Statistical Division is training in methods and standards of collection and processing of social data relating to the area of Unesco competence. In other words, the statistical services m a y be conceived as social statistics support, very m u c h in the same sense as other 'technical' supporting activities of the Department of Social Sciences. Statistics were brought into the Department of Social Sciences in 1953; but the proposed programme for 1967-68 again separates the Statistical Office from the Department of Social Sciences in order to integrate it into a special Communication Sector.

T h e middle phase of Unesco's activities runs over seven to eight years and is followed by a short intermediary period of two biennial budgetary exercises (1961-64) during which several inconsistencies between the n e w situation and somewhat outdated programme concepts became so evident as clearly to require major reforms. T w o main features are characteristic of the middle phase. First, the nature of changes in the membership of Unesco, as compared with the preceding and succeeding periods. Between 1946 and 1948 membership increased by 57 per cent (from 28 to 44), which is entirely normal for new organizations. Between 1948 and 1952 membership increased by 48 per cent (from 44 to 65), which was still considerable. Between 1952 and 1959 membership increased by only 25 per cent (from 65 to 81), which could be interpreted as relative stabilization if it had not been accompanied by a slow but continuous increase in the number of developing countries and by the return of the socialist States to Unesco. Between 1959 and 1965, membership again increased by 48 per cent (from 81 to 120) and in a single year—between 1959 and i960—it jumped by 22 per cent (from 81 to 99). This quantitative change was due essentially to the access to independence of new, mainly African,


countries. It eventually cumulated into a qualitative change. Thus, the basic preoccupations of the Organization began to turn from problems of post-war moral and intellectual renewal to problems of development. In budgetary terms this meant a continuous increase in the role of technical assistance; in organizational terms it had to be translated into closer cooperation with the whole United Nations family; and in terms of the prog r a m m e orientation it induced m u c h interest in what was then considered as the touchstone of development: industrialization and urbanization.

For social sciences the new situation resulted in several discontinuities interfering with remaining continuities. T h e gap between budgetary allocations for social sciences and those for other basic sectors of Unesco, especially for education, widened rapidly. It could not have been otherwise: for the developing countries' need for national social science teaching and research structures could not—at least at that time—have the same priority as education, natural sciences, communication or even culture. In addition, ideological and cultural differences in the very concept, role and function of social sciences appeared with the expansion of Unesco's membership and did not make the position of the Department of Social Sciences any easier. O n the contrary, the relative weight of several 'internally oriented' activities—co-operation with social sciences organizations, promotion of social science teaching and training, development of social science documentation—gained m o m e n t u m in the programme of the Department. Science policy and basic research elements experienced the opposite trend. Certain 'ideological' activities concerning racial questions and h u m a n rights developed very well, but this success—due mainly to the extraordinary personal qualities of the late Alfred Métraux—was relatively little connected with the needs of other sectors; in fact, they lost their 'supporting' character and became somewhat autonomous. Other 'ideological' supporting activities began to disappear. Promotion of research on problems of peaceful co-operation had to face both political distrust and conceptual difficulties. The 'technical' supporting activities changed their orientation and increasingly pursued industrialization and urbanization problems; this severed them from other sectors of Unesco and brought them closer to certain important programme activities of the social and economic sector of the United Nations and of other Specialized Agencies. Certain research on evaluation techniques m a y be considered as an exception to this rule, although even this should be qualified. Statistics were developing on solid bases of a programme related directly and exclusively to the Unesco field of competence; consequently statistical services maintained and strengthened their 'technical' support function.

As already mentioned, inconsistencies between requirements as they began to emerge after i960 and the actual place of the Department of Social Sciences of Unesco became particularly evident during the two intermediary biennia 1961-62 and 1963-64. In 1961-62 the Department comprised three divisions (and two social science liaison officers in Cairo and Addis Ababa) . T h e Division for the International Development of


Social Sciences as well as the Statistical Division were well established and integrated, and had a relatively well-structured programme. T h e first was essentially 'internally oriented'; its activities referred precisely to the development of social sciences as such. T h e Division of Applied Social Sciences was first a kind of loose conglomeration of heterogeneous prog r a m m e sections; it had neither conceptual unity nor organizational leadership. O n e programme section was that on h u m a n rights and racial questions. Another was that on international understanding and peaceful co-operation. Its content was rather poor and hardly identifiable either as an 'ideological' or a 'technical' support to specific Unesco purposes and functions. It had to avoid any trace of sincerely ideological orientation and m u c h effort was m a d e to conceive and present it as a purely scientific and 'technical' approach to facts. In scope it covered economic, juridical, sociological, and other areas; it was concerned with problems of economic and social development, with foreign aid, with relations—mainly economic and legal—between countries of varying social and economic structures or differing in their degree of development or in culture, but it had no connexion with educational problems nor with those of interest to other sectors of Unesco.

T h e third, but major, programme section of the Division of Applied Social Sciences was called 'Application of Social Sciences to the Problems of Economic and Social Development'. T h e 1961-62 Programme and Budget clearly defines its orientation: promoting research on various economic and social problems of development, in collaboration with the United Nations and other Specialized Agencies. T h e specific role of Unesco in this collaboration consisted in ensuring the application of established social science to this field. In other words, Unesco functioned here as a kind of scientific research organizer and adviser, the other m e m bers of the United Nations family being considered as action organizations rather than scientific ones.

This programme was very fragmented in 1961-62; it is clear that the section had no means of covering the excessively comprehensive field it claimed and that, further, this field itself underwent profound changes which resulted in the progressive erosion of the related programme.

T h e discontinuities and later inconsistencies of a part of the Unesco social sciences programme should not be interpreted as the simple results of errors and misapprehensions. O n the contrary, one might say that to a certain extent they were unavoidable in the context of the period and explicable in the light of concepts prevailing, concerning social and economic development policy. Roughly, these concepts were based on a one-sided interpretation of the European and North American experience of industrial revolution and on a certain construction of the history of transition from feudal (pre-industrial) to industrial society in European terms.

By the end of the second phase of Unesco's activities and particularly during the intermediary period 1960-64, an awareness arose of the fact


that the programme was unsuited to the real situation. The initiative of launching the economic and social analysis of Unesco's role in development and shifting the activities of the Division of Applied Social Sciences in this direction was taken by T . H . Marshall, at that time director of the Department. It m a y be true—and understandable—that he did not envisage abandoning the earlier programme pattern forthwith. As far as I know, it also seems that T . H . Marshall did not dissociate economic analysis from social analysis and did not plan for a special unit, independent of the Division of Applied Social Sciences.

THE EMERGING PATTERN: ITS RATIONALE A N D STRUCTURE

The story of the reorganization of the Department and of the reformulation of its programme constitutes a minor part of a big chapter on important reforms relating to the whole Organization and initiated by René M a h e u , the Acting Director-General of Unesco from 1961 and Director-General from the end of 1962. André Bertrand was director of the Department of Social Sciences during this difficult and critical period which brought about a modified programme pattern, better adapted to the purposes and functions of Unesco as well as to the requirements of the new situation. Thanks to the Director-General's initiatives and under André Bertrand's leadership, the members of the Department were able to contribute to this intellectual and organizational effort.

Roughly, six elements seem to impinge upon the rationale of the emerging programme pattern, as follows.

1. Changes in the structure of the Unesco membership. O n 1 January 1966,73 per cent of the M e m b e r States belonged to the developing countries; 27.5 per cent were African countries, of which only 5.8 per cent joined Unesco before i960; 30 per cent of all M e m b e r States joined Unesco after i960 and a m o n g them only 1 per cent can be counted amongst developed countries. The pressure of the urgent needs of underdeveloped countries were qualitatively modified after i960, and it is clear that it resulted in a concentration on educational and technological activities even more intensive than before, as well as emphasizing the utility of various supporting activities.

2. Increasing awareness of the importance of infrastructural factors in, and barriers to, economic growth. While industrialization and urbanization were considered as classic key problems to be studied in connexion with social and economic development, paradoxically enough this led to the notion of integrated development, the socio-cultural components of which were not to be dissociated from the economic ones. Moreover, certain economists began to emphasize that the socio-cultural factors, previously seen as a rather vague and undiversified parameter of economic growth, must be defined as a set of strategic variables to be taken into account and


examined in close co-operation with historians, anthropologists, psychologists, sociologists, and political scientists, otherwise the absence of certain essential infrastructural conditions or the neglect of certain resistances become barriers to growth. Most infrastructural conditions of, and several problems of resistance to growth are situated directly in the field of Unesco's constitutional competence. This is the case of education in its relationship both with skilled m a n p o w e r requirements and with the general need for knowledge and enlightenment. It is also the case of natural sciences in their relationship both with technological requirements and with the need for the rapid familiarization of entire populations with the scientific and technological phenomena of the modern world. Finally, it is the case of communication and information and international exchange of persons which constitute both a necessary infrastructural condition for development and a means of implanting knowledge. It m a y be added, however, that cultural and ideological problems should not be excluded from this list. M o r e and m o r e specialists draw attention to the fact that m a n y attempts at rapid modernization failed just because inherited societal cultural characteristics and the transmitted ideological framework have been neglected. ' H u m a n resources' must be considered not only as numbers and skills, but also qualitatively, i.e., as shaped by the history, culture and ideology of communities. These qualitative features, if studied, taken into account and 'manipulated', can serve the needs of development. Consequently, this important element again falls within Unesco's constitutional competence.

3. O n e of the fields of Unesco competence which gained a n e w status as a fundamental infrastructural condition of development in the last decade is natural sciences and technology. This is not only due to its m a n y spectacular achievements but also to the role played by the complex of less spectacular, everyday activities of scientific research, application and education, contributing to the emergence and establishment of rational and anti-dogmatic thinking, efficiency, open-mindedness, administrative efficacity, etc. A modernizing and developing society can hardly be conceived without accelerated assimilation of this type of habit; and quite apart from the legitimate ambitions to possess national scientific research and teaching structures, the idea of basing national economic growth entirely on already developed foreign scientific research and teaching is false, as can easily be proven by the whole history of the growth of modern societies in Europe and North America. T h e United Nations Conference on the Application of Science and Technology for the Benefit of Less Developed Areas, which took place in 1963 at Geneva, became a turning point in the approach to the role of natural sciences and technology. Since then, Unesco's responsibilities in this field have been considerably extended.

4. T h e new situation necessarily and almost automatically stimulated the orientation of the programme towards the 'sources', towards the original


purposes and functions of Unesco. Certainly, this did not appear as an entirely automatic reaction to the n e w situation. T h e Organization was approaching its twentieth anniversary; and anniversaries usually call for retrospective thinking, for evaluation of the ideas of the 'founding fathers'. But the implications of the constitutional pattern of purposes and functions of the Organization, the increasing awareness of the primary responsibility of Unesco for several essential infrastructural factors of development, and the pressure of urgent needs from newly independent countries which joined Unesco after 1960, must have induced a new—or an old—approach to the tasks of the social sciences. T h e hour of social science supporting and advisory activities had struck again. Initially, they were conceived rather narrowly: as analysis, mainly economic, of the role of education in development; later they were extended to the analysis of the role of science and technology; still later, to a limited analysis of the role of communication. Awareness of the importance of cultural problems was growing, but neither concepts nor projects were clear in this field. Statistical supporting activities gained m o m e n t u m . A n d some feeling for the need to reformulate and reorganize other applied or 'field-induced' social research as support —both 'technical' and 'ideological'—for the basic programme sectors or for the critical reflection on purposes and functions led to various suggestions and organizational arrangements.

5. However, in view of the increasing needs of the basic programme sectors, allocations to the social sciences remained modest and stabilized; and even their increase, as proposed for 1967-68, is not impressive. This element of the situation, along with the preceding ones, called for rethinking the whole structure of the activities of the Department, so as to adapt them to the meagre available means and concentrate them on what seems to be most essential either for the social sciences themselves or for the other programme sectors. Thus, even the well-established Division of International Development of Social Sciences had to review its programme, to examine the particular role which might be played by the social sciences of Unesco, to select and concentrate projects on certain specific and promising problems. This became an additional stimulus to look back to the 'sources' of the Organization.

6. T h e final impulse came from the Director-General. As far as its theoretical aspects are concerned, it underwent a close—and relatively mature— examination by the Department and considerably influenced prospective programme thinking. However, for the time being, convergence between the organizational measures and related theoretical thinking has not been achieved. T h e issue is twofold. First, it concerns the relationship of what are traditionally called the 'social sciences' to what are called in French sciences humaines (the equivalent English ' h u m a n sciences' is entirely misleading) . Sciences humaines belonged to the competence of the sector of culture and—as already indicated—their place in Unesco was conceived in

58o The world of the social sciences

terms of the world's cultural inheritance to be better known , protected, diffused and exchanged. T h e Director-General rightly asserted that there exists a basic unity of all sciences dealing with m a n and his culture and that the separation of social sciences and sciences humaines seemed both artificial and out of date. Hence the proposal to give the two domains a c o m m o n h o m e . With regard to the second problem, that of the role and the place of philosophy in Unesco, it was suggested that a set of special activities be devoted to a consolidated critical reflection on Unesco's purposes, functions and programmes as well as the problem of establishing a proper balance a m o n g these activities. In other words, certain supporting activities of an 'ideological' character which in the original pattern of Unesco belonged— rightly or wrongly—to the sector of social sciences were detached from it and organized as a separate unit (Division of Philosophy). O n the other hand, it was not clear whether this unit was to assume the additional responsibility of providing the link between social sciences and sciences humaines (or even the whole field of humanities). That was w h y the suggested reform aroused such suspicion a m o n g certain scholars during the discussion of the Prog r a m m e and Budget proposed for 1965-66; they did not believe that the unity of the sciences of m a n and his culture is to be found in their special philosophical background and they were afraid that Unesco's reforms might harm the modern empirical orientation of the sciences of m a n . If such was really the fear, one must say that it was groundless—at least for the time being. However, the whole issue, as submitted by the Director-General, exerted an extremely benign influence on the work of theoretical clarification inside the Department of Social Sciences. T h e real unity of the sciences of m a n (or behavioural sciences), their interdisciplinary connexions, their historical and—why not admit frankly?—philosophical dimensions, the problems of their classification, their n e w branches, their links with other sciences and fields of h u m a n erudition—have been finally examined inside Unesco from the point of view of possible science policies and organizational rearrangements. It would be wrong to claim that this effort at clarification has already reached perfection or that it has already brought about the desirable reform of organizational structures. W h a t counts most, h o w ever, is the dynamic perspective and not the still defective present.

W h a t then is the structure of the activities of the Department of Social Sciences which has emerged from the rationalization described?

II

ORGANIZATION A N D FIELD OF COMPETENCE

T h e programme operations and services of Unesco have been organized into four major sectors. T h e first—Education—has been divided into four departments: Advancement of Education, Educational Methods and Techniques, Educational Planning and Administration, Adult Education


and Youth Activities. T h e second sector—Science (namely natural science and including technology)—has been divided into two departments and one autonomous division: Advancement of Science, Application of Science to Development, and Science Policy (Division). The third sector—Social Sciences, ' H u m a n ' Sciences (in fact, Sciences of M a n ) , and Culture— has been divided into two departments and one autonomous division: Social Sciences, Culture, Interdisciplinary Co-operation and Philosophy (Division). T h e fourth sector—Communication—embraces two departments and four autonomous offices: Mass Communication, Documentation, Free Flow of Information (Office), Public Information (Office), Training Abroad and Fellowship Administration (Office), Statistics (Office). Apparently, the Department of Culture, n o w placed under the same heading and the authority of the same Assistant Director-General as the Department of Social Sciences, is supposed to deal with two different domains: that of a number of sciences humaines (or rather of humanistic studies) and that of artistic creation, protection of the cultural heritage and diffusion and exchange of cultural values. In fact, however, the programme of the Department of Culture does not contain—as in the case of the Department of Social Sciences—any direct promotion of research and training relating to a gamut of philosophical, historical and linguistic disciplines. Sciences humaines are conceived mainly as the promotion of certain cultural studies in the perspective of development, protection, diffusion and exchange of cultural values. T h e clarification of the problem of unity of all sciences of m a n has not yet been reflected in a clear delimitation of competences. It is true, however, that the Department of Social Sciences has been encouraged to develop and deepen its theoretical thinking and even its practical action with reference to this problem. Already, it has been m a d e clear that, of m a n y old and new fields of the sciences humaines, only philosophical, historical and linguistic disciplines remain in the Department of Culture, while such traditional disciplines as psychology, demography, h u m a n geography and of course anthropology, and practically all n e w fields of research on h u m a n behaviour—such as information theory, cybernetics, sign-behaviour, g a m e and decision-making theory, value-inquiry and general systems theory— m a y be dealt with by the Department of Social Sciences, as far as this proves possible with available financial, staff and intellectual resources. The Department of Social Sciences is responsible for the first part of the international study on the main trends of research in the sciences of m a n , both for general reflection on the whole field as well as such specific 'law-seeking' disciplines as linguistics. T h e internal dynamics of the present place and programme of the Department of Social Sciences m a y lead to some future place and programme for a department—or a sector—of the sciences of m a n .

O n e might argue that culture, as conceived in the mandate of Unesco, represents a separate and specific sector, the relationships of which with other sectors of the Organization are not less important nor less emphasized than relations with the social sciences (or perhaps in the future: with the


sciences of m a n ) . This might constitute another element of the internal dynamics of the present situation.

Another problem lies in the place and role of the Division of Interdisciplinary Co-operation and Philosophy. T h e two parts of the mandate of this division imply two completely different issues. Does interdisciplinary co-operation m e a n that the 'philosophical dimension' or ideological orientation is the basic c o m m o n denominator of the sciences of m a n and his culture? It would not be difficult to prove (though with several important qualifications) that in actual fact the whole domain of research, erudition, critical reflection and artistic creation where m a n is both the subject and the object of activity is value-loaded and so in some w a y different from natural sciences. But this is not the only, nor the most essential, nor a specifically limited, argument in favour of interdisciplinary co-operation, which is connected rather with the growing unity of science, the development of c o m m o n methods, and the discovery of c o m m o n mechanisms, as well as with the appearance of n e w fields of research cutting across the traditional divisions into disciplines.

Concerning the second part of the mandate of the division, it consists in a separation of a few activities of 'ideological' support which were initially accommodated within the programme of the Department of Social Sciences. T h e long-term programme of the division is centred on the idea of the h u m a n implications of development and concerned both with 'means' and 'ends'; as regards the 'means', the starting point and the scientific basis of the programme bears on the socio-cultural and economic factors of development within the Organization's orbit; and this type of study is closely connected with certain supporting activities still left to the Department of Social Sciences. T h e division of labour between the division responsible directly for critical reflection on 'ends' and the Department of Social Sciences responsible at least for the co-ordination of supporting research on 'means' will not be easy.

T h e field of competence of the reorganized Department of Social Sciences m a y be characterized again as covering two main aims: the international development of a number of sciences of m a n , and social science support for other basic programme sectors of Unesco as well as critical reflection on the Organization's purposes, functions and programme activities. T h e first of these aims is the responsibility of the Division for the International Development of Social Sciences. As to the 'roster' of scientific disciplines to be dealt with, one should distinguish between the formal situation and the practical one. Social and cultural anthropology, sociology, economics, political science, legal science, psychology, h u m a n geography and demography have been explicitly attributed to the Department's field of competence which already goes beyond the sciences traditionally called 'social'. However, the Department can take certain initiatives concerning either n e w domains of research on h u m a n behaviour or even certain aspects of historical and linguistic research; this depends on the character of the proposed activities as well as on possibilities of implementation—of course, in co-operation with


the Department of Culture. T h e second programme activity of the Department of Social Sciences was, in 1966, still the responsibility of three units: the Division of Applied Social Sciences, the Economic Analysis Office, and the Statistical Office. T h e existence and the development of the Economic A n a lysis Office as a unit separated from the Division of Applied Social Sciences is due to several circumstances: to the fact that, w h e n the need for reorientation of the applied social science programme of Unesco and for the creation of some organizational framework to provide for an analytical and advisory support to the basic sectors of the Organization was recognized, the Division of Applied Social Sciences was unable to jettison its current projects; to the impression that economic analysis and advice can be based on certain well-established techniques and serve practical needs relatively rapidly, while socio-cultural and psychological analysis has not yet achieved the necessary level of scientific maturity and reliability; and probably to other fortuitous events. It should, however, be emphasized that the terms of reference of the Analysis Office were not conceived as exclusively covering economic analysis only; and that, on the contrary, what had to be launched or reinforced was precisely analysis of the role of social factors in economic development, or in other words, social and economic analysis arising out of the combined social and economic character of development. This did not materialize and what actually came into being was a unit responsible for economic advice and operational research assistance to other programme sectors (in the beginning mainly to education), as well as for limited promotion of such research. T h e separation—if not isolation—of economic from socio-cultural support m a y be regretted as contrary both to the state of theoretical thinking and to existing doctrine.

STRUCTURE OF P R O G R A M M E ACTIVITIES

T h e structure of programme activities as analysed here will follow the pattern of Figure 1, where various projects are included independently of their place in the official documents. Projects in the 1967-68 Proposed Programme and Budget illustrate the content of the structure. Figures intended to illustrate the relative importance of various elements of the structure include Technical Assistance; but expenses of the Office of the Director of the Department, the cost of document and publication services and Headquarters staff, as well as any kind of attribution of an appropriate percentage of the budget of the Office of the Assistant Director-General are excluded. However, the subsidy to the International Social Science Council, though administered outside the Department, is included and a part of the allocations for two projects in the Division of Philosophy—'Society and Education', and ' H u m a n Rights and the Identification of Universal H u m a n Values'—are attributed to the Division of Applied Social Sciences responsible for research connected with these projects.

5«4 The world of the social sciences

Division for the International Development of Social Sciences

Here, aid to M e m b e r States under the Technical Assistance, Participation Programmes, and even the 'planned aid' outside the normal Participation P r o g r a m m e is very often utilized for applied and 'field-induced' research on problems not necessarily connected with the Unesco field of competence; it m a y include some basic research, or serve certain needs of training, or disguise a certain connexion with another element of the programme structure. Consequently, a n e w element of the p rogramme structure has been introduced into the schema: promotion of 'field-induced' research. Thus the structure emerges as follows:

Percentage of proposed IQ6J~68 budgetary allocations

1. Policy for the sciences of m a n 3.9 2. Information and documentation 3.9 3. Co-operation with international non-governmental

organizations (including subsidies) 13.7 4. Promotion of basic research 4.9 5. Promotion of 'field-induced' research (aid to Member

States, Rio, Vienna, and Delhi Centres) 21.0 6. Promotion of teaching and training (regional centres,

training courses, teaching aids) 52.6

Of the allocated Technical Assistance funds, 20.9 per cent are earmarked for activities under 5 above, and 79.1 per cent for activities under 6.

Division of Applied Social Sciences

T h e reformulated p rog ramme of this division is far from mature. Neither the available financial and staff resources nor the novelty of the present pattern m a d e it possible to do more than merely mark the beginning of certain n e w activities and to rethink the traditional ones. Broadly speaking, the p rog ramme could be subdivided into two main areas: 'technical' support to the programme sectors of Unesco and equally 'technical' support of critical reflection on problems of adequacy between purposes, mechanisms of action and the functions of the Organization. T h e 'technical' support to the programme sectors is not always sufficiently specific, nor does it systematically cover the whole of these p rogramme sectors. It is consequently somewhat haphazardly oriented. T h e 'technical' support of critical reflection is more systematic, but one could easily overlook the excessively fine distinction between its orientation towards the programme sectors and towards critical reflection as well as that between its existing 'technical' and potentially 'ideological' character. These unavoidable consequences of a difficult process of p rog ramme reform should be examined in terms of appropriate allocation breakdowns between the basic areas of the division's activity.

T h e structure of the p r o g r a m m e of the division m a y be presented as follows:


Percentage of proposed 1967-68 allocations

Technical support to programme sectors 61.6 Access of women to education; demography; socio-cultural problems of contemporany science and technology; human rights; apartheid; problems of newly-independent countries; economic and social consequences of disarmament.

Technical support to critical reflection 38.4 Eradication of racial prejudice; values in the development of newly-independent countries; peace research; educational systems and motivational patterns (philosophy); analysis of human rights in various socio-cultural traditions (philosophy).

Economic Analysis Office

T h e structure of the programme of the office m a y be presented as follows:

Percentage of proposed IÇ67-68 allocations

Role of education 55.6 Patterns of educational expansion; educational investment and finance; literacy; regional seminars on investment in education; operational advice and research support to other sectors.

Role of science, technology and information 44.4 Economics of science and technology; formulation and evaluation of operational work in the economics of information; operational advice and research support to other sectors.

T w o remarks m a y be added here.

First, the programme of the Statistical Office includes regular activities

relating to the collection, analysis and publication of statistical information,

and also several special projects (analysis of h u m a n resources, demographic

aspects of educational needs, development of statistical methodology and

comparability, statistics of scientific research, etc.), as well as m a n y training

activities; 57 per cent of its budget falls under Technical Assistance.

Second, the relative budgetary weights of divisions and offices in the

Department: Division for the International Development of Social Sciences,

70 per cent; Division of Applied Social Sciences, 15 per cent; Statistical

Office, 11 per cent; Economic Analysis Office, 4 per cent.

These percentages m a y , however, be misleading, since they do not take

staff costs into account. The Economic Analysis Office and the Statistical

Office are m u c h better staffed than the two other units—the former to

deal with advisory requirements, the latter to deal with considerable

clerical statistical tasks—but it is nonetheless clear that the Division for

International Development of Social Sciences is the basic division of the

Department, even to a somewhat unbalanced extent.


THE MARGIN FOR IMPROVEMENTS AND THE ROLE OF THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY

Quite apart from certain organizational measures which should be discussed separately and m a y call for some criticism, I believe that the general idea underlying shifts in the programme orientation of the Department of Social Sciences is basically sound. I a m also persuaded that these shifts— though on the whole not extensive in comparison with the preceding period —have their internal dynamic logic and that it would be neither desirable nor even possible to disregard this logic without running the risk of reviving a number of difficulties. O n the contrary, improvements and modifications are both possible and necessary, provided they are conceived as progressive adjustments to activities, their rationale and the dynamic logic of the pattern.

Let us take a few examples. i. O n e of the premises of the emerging pattern was the assumption that

the applied and 'field-induced' social research sponsored by Unesco should be limited in principle to Unesco's major areas of competence. That is w h y the schema in Figure I does not show any box labelled 'applied social sciences'. But the picture for the Division of International Development of Social Sciences is different. Here the promotion of 'field-induced' research consitutes 21 per cent of the proposed budget. This research, subsidized at the request of the M e m b e r States, in practice escapes any reasonable control and assessment by the Organization. W h a t would be needed is m u c h more advice and orientation of those responsible for requests in the M e m b e r States themselves so as to concentrate Unesco's very modest means on research connected with Unesco's competence or on field activities destined to strengthen and test the basic research projects.

2. Neither the promotion of basic research nor the science policy efforts are sufficiently strong in the Department. These elements of the prog r a m m e should be strengthened both intellectually and financially. But what counts even more is that they must be strengthened in terms of the staff. T h e current administration of hundreds of routine business items relating to the promotion of teaching and training and of 'field-induced' research prevents the division otherwise responsible for certain very important intellectual efforts from devoting the necessary time and reflection to them. Specialized information and documentation might also be closely connected with science policy so as to form one sub-unit.

3. It is admissible to allow some provisional confusion and illogicality in the division of labour between various units. But in the long run the existing confusions will lead to n e w ones and m a k e current work and intellectual reflection more and more difficult. A serious effort to bring about a logical solution of the coverage by two departments and one autonomous division is necessary; and the principles of the solution are precisely those which originally stimulated the emerging pattern.


4. T h e structure of activities of the Division of Applied Social Sciences might be modified and improved considerably, again in line with the original rationale of the emerging pattern. It should not be forgotten that these activities are intended to be supporting ones; yet in the majority of cases the knowledge already accumulated could permit projects to be conceived not in terms of n e w and costly field research, but as synthesized studies based on existing literature and executed by the appropriate specialists. T h e division might not need any increase in its financial means; but it will certainly need some reinforcement of its staff so as to face the growing advice requirements and participation in the activities of other sectors.

5. T h e study of problems of the newly independent countries could be conceived in terms of the qualitative analysis of h u m a n resources to a m u c h greater extent than at present. In that case its connexion with research on the socio-cultural aspects of science and technology and, generally speaking, with the current work of other sectors of the Organization could not only be closer, but also lead to the development of useful advisory activities and even to certain projects for which Technical Assistance and Special Fund support would be available.

It would be futile to continue with examples; what matters is not a few suggestions from a single person but continuous participation by the professional community in the working out, improvement—and, of course, implementation—of Unesco programmes.

While this is apparently self-evident, it can hardly be put into effect so long as communication between the Department and the professional community remains unsatisfactory. Planning for new programmes is continuous; it is also closely connected with the actual implementation of current programmes. W h e n the international professional non-governmental organizations are officially invited to comment on prepared draft programmes it is already too late to effect significant modifications. T h e position of national professional communities is still worse; they obtain information either through the international bodies to which they are affiliated or through the Unesco National Commissions, after which transmission from organizations to individuals must take place. In spite of existing liaison between the Unesco Secretariat and the major international professional organizations, the influence of the professional c o m m u nity on Unesco's programmes remains unsatisfactory.

Paradoxically enough, w e are living in a period of growing scepticism about the purely formal appearances of democracy. There is increasing reliance on special arrangements to ensure real control by interested and competent persons over the functioning of political and industrial institutions. Formal arrangements for eliciting comments from international professional organizations on proposed Unesco programmes are insufficient. They should be extended and complemented by some form of current participation by the professional community in the continuous process of Unesco programme formation.


T h e prerequisite for such an arrangement is a flow of information about what is being done, thought and planned in a specific programme sector, the extending of invitations to comment and to submit suggestions, and purposeful processing of all proposals.

This seems to be particularly needed by the Department of Social Sciences. Since social sciences do not belong to the priority domain of operational activities of the Organization, the share of attention given to them in such publications as the Unesco Courier, Unesco Chronicle, Unesco Features—and, consequently, in national publications based on them—is amazingly small and sometimes nil. M o r e and more often complaints can be heard that the national professional communities k n o w very little about what is being done, and thought, and planned in and by the Unesco Department of Social Sciences. S o m e time ago it emerged that the not very numerous national social science councils and similar bodies k n o w very little about Unesco, and that their communication with both the International Social Science Council and the Unesco National Commissions is not satisfactory. Another curious phenomenon is the lack of proper communication between the Unesco Department of Social Sciences and several European communities of social scientists—for example, the British one.

I have no intention of suggesting any specific measures to alter this unfortunate situation. However, any measures of this kind should take into consideration both organizations and individuals; they should supply sufficiently frequent and detailed information to a relatively large group including, for example, an extended roster of international non-governmental organizations, members of executive and research committees of these organizations, national professional disciplinary and multidisciplinary organizations, all present and former consultants and experts and other specialists having co-operated or co-operating with the Department, former staff members, etc. A well-conceived information bulletin distributed among a large but selective group might be of some help. The work and expense would after all be rewarding since the result would be an appropriate instrument of communication and of progressive programme improvement.

But the crux does not lie with particular measures which m a y be good or bad. It lies with clarification of the notion of M e m b e r States and that of intergovernmental organizations. States and other organizations are, after all, always individuals and groups of individuals. In our epoch individuals and groups of individuals known as 'specialists' must play a key role in the development of international and national communities. They cannot do this in isolation; they must be informed and they must c o m m u nicate with the various institutions in the different circles to which they belong and to the development of which they must contribute.

Research and training centres

and professional bodies1

Contributions to this section are invited. Statements, not exceeding 1,500 words, should be submitted in two double-spaced typewritten copies, in English, French, Spanish, Russian, German or Italian. Particular emphasis on current or planned research activities is desirable.

N e w institutions and changes of address

N e w institutions

Austria Institut für Arbeitsrecht und Sozialrecht, Universität Salzburg, Weisenstrasse 60, Salzburg.

United States of America Latin American Studies Association Inc., c/o K a i m a n Silvert, Dartmouth College, Hanover, N e w Hampshire.

Changes of name and address

International European Co-ordination Centre for Research and Documentation in Social Sciences, Franz Joseph Kai 3-4, Vienna I. [Formerly: Bauernmarkt 6, Vienna I.] Europees Documentatie on Studie Centrum voor Gerontologie (European Centre for Documentation and Studies in Gerontology), Chaussée de Waterloo, 363 b, Brussels 6. [Formerly: 88, rue Mercelis, Brussels 6.]

Argentina Instituto Argentino de Opinion Publica, Salta 327, Buenos Aires. [Formerly: Instituto Argentino de Investigaciones de Opinion Publica, Reconquista 331, a° Piso, Buenos Aires.]

1. For cumulative index to this section, see Vol. X V I (1964), No. i, p. 117.


590 T h e world of the social sciences

United Kingdom Social Surveys (Gallup Poll) Ltd., P . O . Box 69, 211 Regent Street, London W . i . [Formerly: British Institute of Public Opinion, 59 Brook Street, London W . i . ]

United States of America American Society of Criminology, P . O . Box 470, State College, Pennsylvania, 16801. [Formerly: American Society of Criminology, University of Louisville, Kent School of Social W o r k , Louisville, 40208.] International Affairs Center, Indiana University, 703 East Seventh Street, Bloomington, Indiana, 47405. [Formerly: International Development Center, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana, 47405.] T h e Society for Applied Anthropology, Lafferty Hall, University of Kentucky, Lexington, Kentucky, 40506. [Formerly: R a n d Hall, Cornell University, Ithaca, N e w York, 14850.]

Federal Republic of Germany

Dokumentations und Ausbildungszentrum für Theorie und Methode der Regionalforschung

(DATUM)

532 Bad Godesberg, Annaberger Strasse 148

B A C K G R O U N D

The Documentation and Training Centre for Theory and Method of Regional Research ( D A T U M ) was founded in December 1964 by a group of social scientists and public administrators w h o have been concerned with applying data bank and systems development techniques to regional planning needs.

D A T U M was incorporated as a non-profit academic institution in March 1965.

ACTIVITIES

During its first year of existence, D A T U M organized three conferences geared to the further development of its activities. Emphasis was on: co-ordinating activities with recent systems development at academic institutions, particularly in the United States; facilitating the application of empirical data in regional planning work; and preparing a post-graduate training programme for administrative personnel.

O R G A N I Z A T I O N

In line with the results of these conferences, the further activities of D A T U M will be organized under four divisions. Each division is directed by a full-time division chairman of academic standing. These divisions are: Training Programme (chairm a n to be appointed); Systems Development (chairman: Volker Hauff); Documentation (chairman: Wolfgang Eichner); Regional Research (chairman: Siegfried Pape).

Research and training centres and professional bodies 591

STAFF A N D DATA BASE

At present D A T U M employs a staff" of ten, including four with clerical assignments. By the end of 1966 this staff will have increased.

First recruitments were made from a research group working at the Institut für angewandte Sozialwissenschaft under a grant from the Stiftung Volkswagenwerk.

This institute has also m a d e available its survey data archive of several hundred regional studies.

Census data have been supplied by the Federal Bureau of the Census as well as from state and local agencies. Arrangements have been m a d e to ensure continuous co-operation with these and other data producers.

ORGANS

T h e founding members adopted a statute that provides for the establishment of the following bodies: The Board. Major responsibility rests with the Board, which is elected by the m e m

bers for a period of three years. T h e chairman of the Board is Martin Neuffer, City Manager, Hanover.

The Council. The work approved by the Board is carried out by a Council which is also elected by the members for a three-year period. T h e chairman is Gerd Albers, professor of city planning, Technische Hochschule, Munich.

Working committees. T h e Council appoints working committees that are geared to the activities of the four divisions of the D A T U M organization. Their work is co-ordinated by the secretary of the Council, H e r m a n n Brügelmann.

REPRESENTATION

Representation in these bodies is m a d e up of the three groups that have given impetus to the establishment of D A T U M : representatives from universities and other academic institutions; representatives of public management at the c o m m u nity, state and federal levels; and representatives of organizations that produce or handle data of regional relevance.

These groups are equally represented in the various bodies of D A T U M . All told, there are 17 representatives from universities, 17 from public administration, and 14 from data production and management.

FACILITIES

The research, data and training facilities of D A T U M will be open to the institutions mentioned above.

Documentation and data will be available at headquarters and at other places in Germany and through member institutions in other countries.

As D A T U M depends almost exclusively on public funds for its financial support a service fee must be charged for non-sponsoring users.

A detailed statement of research, data, training facilities and service charges will be available by the end of 1966, w h e n the services will be operative.

SYSTEMS SET-UP

Present machine operations are geared to the I B M 1620/1311 equipment of the Institut für angewandte Sozial Wissenschaft. However, D A T U M procedures are n o w being changed to the I B M / 3 6 0 , M o d . 30. By arrangement with the City of Duisburg, this equipment is now available to D A T U M until 1968.

By arrangement with the Inter-University Consortium of Political Research, A n n Arbor, and the Systems Development Corporation, Santa Monica, U . S . A . , the


regional data information system S P A N will be available to D A T U M by summer 1967.

BUDGET

The 1965 budget of D A T U M was approximately D M . 180,000, of which the Stiftung Volkswagenwerk contributed D M . 150,000. T h e 1966 budget will be considerably higher.

United States of America

Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology

and Harvard University

66 Church Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Public and scholarly interest in cities and regions, ranging from concern with practical problems to consideration of the very nature of urban culture, led to the establishment of the Joint Center for Urban Studies of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and Harvard University in 1959. T h e mission of the Joint Center is to further the educational purposes of both institutions by stimulating and facilitating basic research and applied studies in urban and regional affairs. T o this end, the Joint Center provides assistance to faculty and students at the two parent institutions, encourages an interest in urban and regional studies a m o n g scholars in Cambridge, and assists in bringing additional talent to this area to develop and strengthen urban interest in various departments and disciplines.

PURPOSE A N D ORGANIZATION

W h e n the Joint Center was established, the agreement signed by presidents Julius A . Stratton of M I T , and Nathan M . Pusey of Harvard specified the following goals: (a) to improve fundamental knowledge about cities and regions; (b) to build a bridge between fundamental research and policy application at national, international, and local levels; (c) to enrich the teaching programmes and research opportunities at the two parent institutions.

The policies of the Joint Center are set by a Faculty Committee, consisting of six members from each institution and the director of the Joint Center, ex officio. This group reports to an Administrative Committee of deans which represents the presidents of M I T and Harvard. The director and the chairman of the Faculty Committee must be professors of M I T or Harvard, but both m a y not come from the same institution. In addition, the Joint Center has a Visiting Committee of national leaders in business, professional, and civic affairs w h o review its activities and advise h o w it can best implement its programme.

The first director of the Joint Center, Martin Meyerson, professor of city planning and urban research at Harvard University, was succeeded in July 1963 by James Q.Wilson, associate professor of government, Harvard. In July 1966 Daniel P . M o y -nihan will become director of the Joint Center and professor of Education at Harvard. Lloyd Rodwin, professor of city and regional planning at M I T , has been


chairman of the Faculty Committee since the establishment of the Joint Center. During the academic year 1965/66, while Professor Rodwin was on leave of absence, the acting chairman of the Faculty Committee was Kevin Lynch, professor of city planning, M I T .

T h e function of a centre in general, and of the Joint Center for Urban Studies in particular, is to supply a sense of c o m m o n purpose and shared interest to a group of normally unrelated scholars. It does so by providing a c o m m o n meeting ground, constructing and maintaining a formal and informal communications network a m o n g persons separated by disciplinary boundaries, supporting and encouraging basic studies not yet ripe for large-scale financing, and developing applied projects that provide an opportunity for testing theories, training students, and acquiring n e w knowledge. Above all, a centre's function is to discover and stimulate talent.

Seven years of experience with the Joint Center have convinced us that the crucial requirement for producing an intellectual ferment in urban studies is to concentrate resources so as to achieve, out of the interaction a m o n g able people from various disciplines, a scholarly 'critical mass' that produces mutual support, self-sustaining intellectual excitement, and a capacity for dealing from m a n y points of view with the questions and issues of urban life.

T o this end, faculty and students from m a n y different fields—economics, engineering, city planning, political science, law, sociology, architecture, history, and business administration—at both M I T and Harvard are associated with the Joint Center in a variety of ways. T h e Joint Center does not itself offer courses or confer degrees. In its seven years, the Joint Center has granted predoctoral fellowships to nineteen graduate students w h o were preparing dissertations in the field of urban studies, brought into its work directly more than one hundred students w h o served as research assistants to faculty members associated with the Joint Center, provided partial support of salaries for over fifty faculty members of M I T and Harvard, and m a d e available facilities and assistance for about fifteen visiting associates from the United States, Argentina, the United Kingdom, Israel, Italy, Japan, France, and Turkey.

T h e Joint Center has served as a communications centre where visitors from elsewhere as well as scholars in Cambridge could find office space, clerical and research assistance, weekly discussion meetings, and administrative support for research projects. It has held conferences and seminars for newspaper editors, historians, real estate developers, social scientists, public officials, and other groups. By maintaining a small, full-time professional staff, the Joint Center has been able to supply technical assistance and research guidance to a number of programmes elsewhere which were concerned with urban affairs but, at the time of their inception, insufficiently institutionalized to sustain themselves without such assistance. Member s of its staff also serve as advisers to a variety of local, state, and national organizations, both public and private.

T h e main general support for the Joint Center is from the Ford Foundation. In addition, it has received project grants from a variety of sources, including the Olivetti Foundation, the National Science Foundation, the Population Council, the Guayana Development Corporation of Venezuela, Resources for the Future, Inc., the New York Post Foundation, and the National Book Committee; and contract funds from a variety of government agencies.

RESEARCH PROGRAMME

During the seven years of the Joint Center's existence, its purpose has remained constant but its methods have gradually changed. At the outset, it pursued a wide-ranging, largely unfocused set of research programmes, because of (a) the need to encourage a long-range commitment to urban studies by first-rate scholars, w h o usually m a k e such a commitment only on their o w n intellectual terms; and (b) the desirability of exploring m a n y possible lines of inquiry before settling on a


few—a single major study could have consumed all the funds available to the Joint Center. T h e permissive support of basic research will always remain a principal function of the Joint Center, but the Center has reached a stage where it can, and n o w does, pursue a somewhat more focused programme.

T w o kinds of foci have emerged. T h e first has been to concentrate support behind a few key basic research projects which show promise of adding substantially to our knowledge of urban life. T h e second has been the development of major applied projects. T w o such projects have emerged which attempt to discover and apply the modern techniques of social science and planning to the problems of: (a) the development of a n e w city in an underdeveloped country (Venezuela); and (b) the solution of problems facing an old but rapidly changing American metropolitan area (Boston).

T h e areas of principal research emphasis have included the following.

Basic Research

The politics and government of American cities. A series of reports on the politics of twenty-three American cities, followed by two books analysing these data, have had a major impact on the study of local government in the United States. This work is continuing, emphasizing urban policy problems (especially the administration of criminal justice and welfare programmes) and the attitudes of citizens toward their communities.

Urban design and the image of the city. A wholly n e w approach to the study of the visual quality of a city has been pioneered. Through interviews, special photographic and mapping techniques, and experiments, the relationship between the form, image, and beauty of the city on the one hand and the citizen's use of the city on the other is being studied.

Housing and urban renewal. The nature and dynamics of the housing market, with special reference to the problem of urban renewal, have been the subject of several studies using m a n y different techniques and embodying a variety of viewpoints. These studies have emphasized the problem of'grey areas' within cities and intercity disparities in housing quality and the attendant level of community services.

Urban history. Great strides have been m a d e in developing methods for the empirical study of urban history. Books have been written or are nearing completion on social mobility in Boston and in Newburyport, Massachusetts, the political and social development of Los Angeles, the suburbanization of Boston, and the social structure of Muslim cities. A survey of urban life in eighteenth-century Russia is in progress.

Urban social structure and migration. In an era of great social mobility, the movement of people within cities, as well as in and out of cities, has become a matter of great interest, especially since such movement is profoundly affected by the race or ethnicity of those w h o m o v e . Electronic computers analysing urban data (such as census data, police lists, school records, and the like) permit one to simulate and predict migration patterns; sample surveys permit one to test such predictions and to discover the reasons for and the consequences of migration. Both methods have been used extensively at the Joint Center.

Underdeveloped countries

Venezuela. Since 1961, the Joint Center has been serving as the principal consultant to the Guayana Development Corporation, a Venezuelan Government agency responsible for developing the Guayana region and in particular the n e w city of Ciudad Guayana which has grown up around a steel mill and hydroelectric d a m and which eventually, with a population of between 250,000 and 500,000, will be a major industrial centre. T h e Joint Center has maintained in Venezuela a full-time staff of more than fifteen professional persons (including one or more economists,


planners, designers, sociologists, anthropologists, lawyers, and experts in housing and industrial development), augmented by part-time consultants drawn in part from the faculties of the two universities.

T h e Guayana effort, the largest new-town development in the Western H e m i sphere and one of the largest in the world, has provided a unique opportunity to bring together a great range of talents to attempt the co-ordinated development of the economic, physical, and social aspects of urban life. Each summer, several students and faculty members participate in the programme; each year, one or more graduate students gather materials for doctoral dissertations by working on the project. Several courses and seminars at the two universities have relied in substantial part on materials produced by this project. In addition, the contract with the Venezuelan Government permits the Joint Center to sponsor the writing and publication of a series of books and monographs on its experiences in the G u a yana. This project will be concluded during the summer of 1966.

Other countries. Studies of urban problems in other developing countries include a completed survey of housing problems in fourteen countries and three studies in progress: (a) an analysis of the problems of formulating national policy for urban and regional development; (b) a comparative study of work patterns of entrepreneurs and managers in cities in Chile, Venezuela, and Argentina; and (c) a case study of uncontrolled urban settlement in Peru, with reference to other countries in Latin America.

Metropolitan Boston

The Joint Center has organized and conducted a series of conferences and studies for the newly formed Boston Metropolitan Area Planning Council (a statutory agency representing all the cities and towns, as well as the major state departments with planning responsibilities, in the area). T h e Joint Center commissioned a set of fifteen papers on issues facing the Boston area and discussed them at a series of five conferences. During the summer of 1965 it carried out a series of research projects designed to shed further light on these issues and to contribute to the development of the M A P C ' s work programme.

Additional Boston-area studies include: the distribution of poverty in Cambridge, an economic development programme for the Boston area, the housing choices of urban renewal relocatees, characteristics of public housing residents, the administration of public welfare programmes, unemployment a m o n g Negroes, changes in occupational and ethnic segregation, youth crime in the suburbs, traffic law enforcement, voter attitudes toward the community, the visual form of the city, the impact of street routes on visual experience, an evaluation of private efforts to find desegregated housing for Negroes, and an evaluation of the efforts of Action for Boston Community Development (the city's antipoverty agency) to launch a delinquency-prevention programme.

PUBLICATIONS

T h e findings of members of the Joint Center are m a d e available in four series of publications:

Books

A B R A M S , Charles. The city is the frontier. Harper and R o w , 1965. A B R A M S , Charles. Man's struggle for shelter in an urbanizing world. M I T Press, 1964. A L O N S O , William. Location and land use. Harvard University Press, 1964. A N D E R S O N , Martin. The federal bulldozer. M I T Press, 1964. A P P L E Y A R D , Donald; L Y N C H , Kevin; M Y E R , John R . The view from the road. M I T

Press, 1964.


B A N F I E L D , Edward C ; W I L S O N , James Q _ . City politics. Harvard University Press and M I T Press, 1963.

B U R C H A R D , John E . ; H A N D L I N , Oscar (ed.). The historian and the city. M I T Press and Harvard University Press, 1963.

C O N A N T , Ralph W . (ed.). The public library and the city. M I T Press, 1965. F R I E D E N , Bernard J. The future of old neighborhoods. M I T Press, 1964. F R I E D M A N N , John. Regional development policy: a case study of Venezuela. M I T Press,

1966. G L A Z E R , Nathan; M O Y N I H A N , Daniel P . Beyond the melting pot. M I T Press and

Harvard University Press. 1963. H A A R , Charles. Law and land: Anglo-American planning practice. Harvard University

Press and M I T Press, 1964. L Y N C H , Kevin. The image of the city. M I T Press and Harvard University Press, i960. M E Y E R S O N , Martin; B A N F I E L D , Edward C . Boston: the job ahead. Harvard University

Press, 1966. R o D W i N , Lloyd. Housing and economic progress. M I T Press and Harvard University

Press, 1961. T H E R N S T R O M , Stephan. Poverty and progress. Harvard University Press, 1964. W A R N E R , S a m B . , Jr. Streetcar suburbs. Harvard University Press and M I T Press,

1962. W H I T E , Morton; W H I T E Lucia. The intellectual versus the city: from Thomas Jefferson to

Frank Lloyd Wright. Harvard University Press and M I T Press, 1962. W I L S O N , James Q \ (ed.). Urban renewal: the record and the controversy. M I T Press, 1966.

Monographs

B E S H E R S , James M . Computer methods in the analysis of large-scale social systems. Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1965.

D E L A F O N S , John. Land-use controls in the United States. Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1962.

L A N G , A . Scheffer; S O B E R M A N , Richard. Urban rail transit. M I T Press, 1964. M E I E R , Richard L . A communications theory of urban growth. M I T Press, 1962. R O D W I N , Lloyd. Urban planning in developing countries. United States Department

of Housing and Urban Development, 1965. S T E R N L I E B , George. The future of the downtown department store. Joint Center for

Urban Studies, 1962. V E R N O N , R a y m o n d . The myth and reality of our urban problems. Joint Center for Urban

Studies, 1962. W O O D S , Robert A . ; K E N N E D Y , Albert J. The zone of emergence, edited and with a

preface by S a m B . Warner, Jr. Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1962.

City Politics reports

Edward C . Banfield, series editor. These reports are mimeographed collections of raw data from twenty-three cities under the following headings: characteristics of the population, structure of government and parties, electoral behaviour, external relations, interest groups, problems and issues. Mos t are out of print; those currently available are studies of El Paso, Washington, D . C . , Philadelphia, St. Louis, San Diego, and Stockholm.

Reprints

Journal articles on urban affairs by members of the Joint Center are available as reprints.

Announcement

Seventh International Congress of Rorschach

and other Projective Techniques

London, 1968

T o be held at T h e London School of Economics from 5 to 9 August inclusive, on the theme: 'The projective approach to the study of personality'. Simultaneous interpretation is to be provided. Residential accommodation nearby will be available as required.

Papers

Dr. G . B. Barker, chairman to the Programme Committee, Tooting Bee Hospital, London S . W . 17, invites papers falling within the broad theme of the congress (e.g., projectives in diagnosis, prediction, therapy, problems of addiction; in education: child psychology, vocational guidance, family work; social and cultural studies; papers on research and theoretical issues).

General inquiries

T h e Chairman, Administrative Committee, Mrs . Celia Williams, 32 Willes Road, London N . W . 5 . A more detailed programme (and application forms) will be available shortly.

Int. Sec. Set. J., Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 1966

Documents and publications of the United Nations

and Specialized Agencies1

General, population, health., food, housing

UNITED NATIONS ACTIVITIES

Yearbook of the United Nations, 1964. 1966. 710 p. $16.50. This vo lume covers the w o r k of the United Nations and Specialized Agencies in 1964, and the proceedings of the General Assembly in January and February 1965.

Statute and initial work programme of the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR). November 1965. 15 p. ( U N / U N I T A R / E X / 2 . )

This institute is responsible for studying the problems arising in connexion with the execution of United Nations programmes, and for assisting in the training of those who help to carry them out.

POPULATION

African programme for the igyo censuses of population: draft principles and recommendations. January 1966. 31 p . ( U N / E / C N . 1 4 / C A S . 5 / C H P / 3 . )

D o c u m e n t of the E c o n o m i c Commiss ion for Africa. Basic rules. M o d e l tables.

F O O D , HEALTH

The state of food and agriculture, /505. 1965. 273 p. $7.50. ( F A O . ) [St.] This publication, covering the second post-war decade, deals with the evolution of needs, production, etc; governmental and other action; food products by country a n d region; international trade; the situation of producers, advances in food technology a n d agriculture; and planning a n d research. Future prospects.

Protein requirements. 1965. 77 p. $1.25. ( W H O technical reports series, n o . 301.) [Bl.] Report of a group of experts, convened by F A O a n d W H O , o n protein deficiency and methods of estimating protein requirements.

1. As a general rule, no mention is made of publications and documents which are issued more or less automatically—regular administrative reports, minutes of meetings, etc. Free translations have been given of the titles of some publications and documents which w e were unable to obtain in time in English. Titles thus translated are indicated by an asterisk (*). The following conventional abbreviations have been used: Bl. = Contains a particularly interesting bibliography. St. = Specially important or rare statistics.

Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 1966

Documents and publications 599

Statistical methods in malaria eradication. 1966. 164 p. ( W H O monographs, no. 51.) Measurement of the gradual disappearance of malaria, and of the signs of a renewed offensive by the disease. Relations between the statistical measurements applied to malaria and data on the population in general. Sample surveys and other methods.

W H O Expert Committee on Malaria. 1966. 48 p. $ 1. (Technical reports series, no. 324.) Consolidation of the situation in regions where malaria has been eradicated, and other medical problems.

Epidemiological and vital statistics reports. 1966. Vol. 19, no. 2, 31 p. $1. Vol. 19, no. 3, 53 p. $1.75. ( W H O . )

[St.] Parts of a continuing digest of statistics on population movement and the incidence of various diseases and causes of death throughout the world. Basic tables and special studies on different subjects, for instance, vol. 19, no. 2, contains a study on Parkinson's disease (1951-63) and another on malaria (1955-64).

T O W N PLANNING, BUILDING

Report of the United Nations Symposium on the Planning and Development of New Towns. 1966. 48 p. $0.75. ( U N / S T / T A O / S E R . C / 7 9 . )

This symposium, held in M o s c o w from 24 August to 7 September 1964, dealt with the policy of the various countries with regard to the creation of towns, planning and building, and the social aspects of these operations.

Methodology of housing censuses: International principles and recommendations and African practice. January 1966. 53 p. (UN/E/CN/14/CAS.5/CPH/4.)

Study by the Economic Commission for Africa. General review of surveys and censuses concerning housing or related problems (including all available statistical work carried out between 1954 and 1964). Scope, nature and principal results of this work.

Construction statistics. 1965. 169 p. $2. ( U N / S T / S T A T / S E R . F / I 3 . ) Account of methods. Purposes of these statistics.

Social structures, economics, social service

STATISTICS, NATIONAL ACCOUNTS

Report of the seminar on sampling methods. 1966. 48 p . $1. ( U N / S T / S T A T / S E R . M / 4 2 . ) This seminar, held in Tokyo from 30 August to 11 September 1965, dealt with the following subjects: innovations in the application of the sampling method; multi-subject studies; use of sampling methods in connexion with agricultural policy, demography, and as a means of verifying the quality of censuses.

Classification of commodities by industrial origin. 1966. 72 p. $2. ( U N / S T / S T A T / S E R . M / 4 3 . ) Relationship of the Standard International Trade Classification to the International Standard Industrial Classification.

Fourth Conference of African Statisticians (Addis Ababa, 8-17 November igßs). Summary of progress reports. October 1965. 51 p. (UN/E/CN.14/CAS.4/13.)

Development of statistical services in the following countries: Basutoland, C a m e roon, Republic of the Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, G a m b i a ,

6oo T h e world of the social sciences

Kenya, Liberia, Niger, Nigeria, Rhodesia, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Sudan, Tanzania, United Arab Republic, Zambia.

Statistical development in Africa. September 1965. 163 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/CAS.4/DEV/1/ Rev. 1.)

Document of the Economic Commission for Africa. Measures to be considered for providing the African countries with fuller statistics, having regard to local conditions. Data to be collected. Use to be m a d e of them. W o r k programme.

Handbook of national accounts for Africa. M a y 1965. 34 p. (UN/E/CN.14/NAC/17. ) [St.] This part of the publication deals with the national accounts of the Federation of Nigeria; survey of their development, their principal characteristics, methods used and degree of accuracy.

Adaptation of the proposed SNA for African countries. July 1965. 77 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14 /NAc/ 20.)

T h e 'System of National Accounts' ( S N A ) is described in document E / C N . 3 / 3 2 0 . This publication deals with the problems raised by its adaptation for use in developing countries, more especially in Africa.

Recent developments in the field of budget reclassification and management in the countries of the ECAFE region. April 1965. 41 p. including 19 tables, ( U N / E / C N . 11/L.141.)

[St.] Developments in this field from 1 January 1962 to the end of 1963 in the following countries: Cambodia , Ceylon, Republic of China, India, Iran, Japan, R e p u b lic of Korea, Malaysia, Nepal, Thailand.

Conference of European Statisticians. Report of the thirteenth plenary session (18-22 October ig6s). 1965. 61 p. (uN/E/ECE/Conf.Eur.Stats/230.)

This report deals with a series of technical problems: national accounts and balance sheets; housing censuses; classification of commodities; possibility of co-operation; statistical work of the Economic Commission for Europe.

PLANNING, FORECASTING

Administration of national development planning. 1966. 104 p. ( U N / S T / T A O / M / 2 7 . ) This report of a meeting of experts, held in Paris from 8 to 19 June 1964, deals with the following matters: planning as an instrument of economic and social deve-opment; integration of social objectives in economic planning; the public and private sectors; foreign aid; administrative operations connected with planning.

Consideration of the adequacy of the rates of growth achieved by the developing countries: problems and issues. October 1965. 21 p. (uN/TD/B/c.3/4.)

[St.] Definition of an adequate rate of growth. Mobilization of domestic resources in the developing countries. Financing arrangements. Role of international action.

Participation by workers'' and employers' organizations in planning in France, by J. J. Bon-naud. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 4, April 1966. 25 P. (ILO.)

Machinery for, and extent of, such participation. Factors causing variation in the form and intensity of participation by trade unions and economic associations in planning.

Basic principles and experience of industrial development planning in the Soviet Union. 1966. 136 p. $2.50. ( U N / S T / C I D / 3 . )

Organization of the system. Unified economic development plan. Planning of industrial production. Preliminary geological studies. Investment. M a n p o w e r .


Calculation of production cost and prices. Administrative operations required for the planning of industrial progress.

Draft outlines of long-term projections of the work programmes in the social field of the regional economic commissions. February 1966. 23 p . (uN/E/cN.5 /40o/Add.2 . )

Forecasts concerning the mobilization of labour, the development of rural life, town planning, community development and the m o v e m e n t of living standards.

Review of long-term economic projections for selected countries in the ECAFE region. 1965. 245 p. $2.50. ( U N / E / C N . I 1/674.)

[St.] Economic projections for the following countries: Ceylon, Republic of China, India, Indonesia, Republic of Korea, Malaysia, Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand. A i m s and methods of such projections. Criticism and proposals.

SOCIAL PROBLEMS, SOCIAL ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT

Reappraisal of the role of the Social Commission. February 1966. 73 p . (uN/E/cN.5/400.) T h e first part of this report sets out the aims of international action in the social field and outlines a five-year p r o g r a m m e of work for the Commission. T h e second part contains a draft p r o g r a m m e of work for 1967-68, together with a n u m b e r of suggestions for rationalization of the Commission's activities.

Reappraisal of the role of the Social Commission: replies of governments to the Secretary-General's inquiry. February 1966. 38 p. (uN/E/cN.5 /40o/Add. i . )

This a d d e n d u m contains the replies of forty-nine governments, dealing with social needs and priorities and the Commission's functions.

Report of the world social situation. February 1966. 112 p. UN/E/cN.5 /402 . ) This year the report on the world social situation deals m o r e particularly with popular participation in the implementation of development plans. After a survey of the situation with regard to the major social problems in the various categories of countries, comes an analysis of the factors affecting popular participation at the local level, media and methods of information and communication, the role of education, the influence of systems of values and of traditional institutions, and the role of the local administration in promoting development.

Report of the world social situation. M a r c h 1966. 148 p. (uN/E/cN.5/402/Add. i . ) Various types of stimulus to popular participation. T h e problem with regard to agriculture and industry.

Report of the Interregional Seminar on Social Aspects of Industrialization (Minsk, 11-25 August 1964). 1965. 80 p . $1. ( U N / S T / T A O / S E R . C / 7 4 . )

Industrial development and economic growth. Industrial development policy and social policy. Social services in industry. T h e role of non-governmental and voluntary organizations.

Social service in Latin America: functions and relationships to development. October 1965. 62 p . (UN/E/CN.12/L.9.)

Role of social service in national development. Situation in Latin America. Opera tion of the services and aims of the programmes. Proposals.

L A B O U R , W A G E S

Yearbook of labour statistics: 1963. Trilingual: English, French, Spanish. 1966. 749 p . «7- ( ILO.)

[St. BL] Principal labour statistics in 174 countries and territories over the last


ten years. There are separate chapters on the following subjects: population; employment; unemployment; duration of work; labour productivity; wages; consumer prices; household budgets; industrial accidents; labour conflicts.

Labour faces the new age. 1965. 227 p . $0.75. A handbook on present-day labour problems. Social conditions and industrial revolution. Various problems. Methods of action. International co-operation in the social field. Structure and principal activities of I L O .

The enterprise and factors affecting its operation. 1966. 197 p . $2.50. ( ILO.) This handbook sets out to survey the situation: operational activities of the enterprise; the financial framework; persons making up the enterprise; study of the various factors affecting its operation. A n annex gives an analytical classification of the characteristics of the enterprise and of their effects.

Wage differentials in developing countries: a survey of findings, by M . Koji Taira. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 3, M a r c h 1966. 21 p . (ILO.)

[St.] Differentials depending on occupation and qualification. Comparisons with the divergencies noted in industrialized countries. W a y s of increasing the stability of manual workers in the enterprise.

Fair employment practices, legislation and enforcement in the United States, by John F . M e a n s . Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 3, M a r c h 1966. 43 p . (ILO.)

Measures taken by the Federal Executive since 1941 to ensure non-discrimination in enterprises engaged on government contracts. Progress in the legislation of States and municipalities as a result of these measures. 1964 Civil Rights L a w . Attitude adopted by the Supreme Court.

Manpower and employment in Brazil, by A . B . Araoz. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 4 , April 1966. 21 p . ( ILO.)

Evolution of the labour force. Employment problems in Brazil. Supply of and d e m a n d for skilled manpower . Plan of action for 1964-66.

Payroll and employment taxation and the economics of employment in Hungary, by Sendor Balazsy. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 5, M a y 1966. 13 P- (ILO.)

Advantages of the differentiation of payroll and employment taxation. M o r e rational use of manpower and better siting of industries, without distortion of the price structure.

CHANGING JOBS AND PLACE OF RESIDENCE

International differences in factors affecting labour mobility. 1965. 210 p . (ILO.) [St.] Inter-firm, occupational and geographical mobility in Western European countries.

ECONOMIC A N D TECHNICAL CO-OPERATION

Report of the Second Ministerial Conference on Asian Economic Co-operation (Manila, sg Novembers December ig6¡). December 1965. 57 p . ( U N / E / C N . I 1/716.)

T h e conference dealt with the following subjects: Asian Development Bank; harmonization of the development plans of the countries of the region; industrialization; liberalization of trade; maritime transport and freight; and population problems.


An evaluation of the impact of the technical co-operation programme of the United Nations family of organizations in Thailand. January 1966. 67 p . (uN/E/4151/Add.i.)

A report coming under the head of research to determine what contribution this programme is making to the strengthening of the economies of various developing countries and of their political and economic independence.

ACCESS TO THE SEA

Transit problems of African land-locked States. February 1966. 117 p. ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / T R A N S / 2 8 . )

[St.] Situation of fourteen land-locked African States. Their disadvantages. C o m p a rison with countries which have access to the sea. Possibilities of co-operation with those countries.

FINANCIAL A N D M O N E T A R Y PROBLEMS

International monetary issues and the developing countries. December 1965. 33 p. ( U N / T D / B / 32 (TD/B/c.3/6).)

Problems connected with the structural imbalance of international trade. Means of co-ordinating action in this sphere. Situation of the developing countries with regard to liquid assets and measures for stabilizing trade in primary products. Problem of the reform of the international monetary system.

The adequacy of reserves in developing countries in the post-war period. November , 1965. 38 p. ( U N / T D / B / 3 4 (TD/B/c.3/9).)

T h e idea of the adequacy of financial reserves. W a y s of measuring their level. Fluctuations in exports and gross official reserves. Causes of imbalance, including the drain of capital from the developing countries. Debts resulting from borrowing abroad.

Survey of monetary institutions in Africa. January 1966. 109 p. ( U N / E / C N . I 4 / S T C / A M A / 2 / Rev. 1.)

[Bl.] T h e purpose of this document is to provide, on the basis of information obtained from the African States, a full and accurate picture of their monetary institutions and of the problems facing them. T h e survey deals separately with the various monetary zones—franc zone, sterling zone, and others.

Comparative digest of African central banking legislation. December 1965. 78 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14 /AMA/7. )

Status and activities of sixteen African central banks, covering twenty-six countries, since two of the banks are multinational.

Training facilities in banking and finance within the African region. January 1966. 55 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/AMA/9.)

Results of a survey by questionnaire concerning 111 banking and finance establishments in thirty-five African countries and territories. Needs. Training facilities for administrative personnel, accountants, cashiers, stenographers and other office employees.

Progress report on a survey of intra-African payments difficulties. November 1965. 21 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/AMA/11.)

Nature and progress of work. Extent of the problem. Annex showing the trade balances of the various African countries.

Conference of Governors of African central banks (Addis Ababa, 15-22 February ig66): final report. February 1966. 42 p.

6o4 T h e world of the social sciences

This conference dealt with co-operation a m o n g the African central banks, recruitment and training of bank staff, bank publications, current monetary and financial problems in Africa, and the African Payments Union.

External financing in Latin America. 1965. 254 p. $3. ( U N / E / C N . 12/649/REV. 1.) [St.] Role of foreign capital in Latin America up to the end of the Second World W a r . T h e post-war period. Active capital movements. Short- and long-term payments balances of the Latin American countries. Policy of the United States and of international finance centres with regard to Latin America.

The Asian Development Bank and trade liberalization. 1965. 143 p . $2. ( U N / E / C N . 11/707.) [St.] Report of a group of experts on the liberalization of trade. Dynamic effects of economic integration in Asia and the Far East. Arrangements concerning payments.

E N E R G Y

Energy development in the countries of the East African sub-region. October 1965. 143 p. ( U N / E / C N . 14/1NR/104.)

[St.] Primary energy resources, including electricity. Production, exchange and consumption between 195g and 1963. T h e survey covers Ethiopia, the Somali Republic, French Somaliland, Uganda , Kenya, Tanzania, Malawi, Zambia , Rhodesia, Madagascar, Mauritius, R w a n d a and Burundi.

Electric power in Asia and the Far East: ig6j. 1965. 94 p. $1.50. ( U N / E / C N . 11/695.) [St.] General development of electric power in the region. Statistical data on the technical and financial aspects of electric power production in the various countries.

The role and application of electric power in the industrialization of Asia and the Far East. 1965. 98 p . 81.50. ( U N / E / C N . 11/713.)

Report of an expert working group, meeting in Bangkok from 19 to 31 July 1965. Recommendations concerning the study and exploitation of electric power resources. Regional co-operation.

AGRICULTURE

Evaluation of agrarian structures and agrarian reform programmes. 1966. 55 p. Si. ( F A O . ) A study prepared for the World Land Reform Conference, to be held in R o m e in 1966. T h e idea of evaluation of agrarian structures. Programmes for their improvement. F A O experiments in the matter.

Agricultural credit through co-operatives and other institutions. 1966. 212 p. $3. ( F A O . ) T h e object of this study is to improve agricultural credit facilities in the developing countries. T h e problem of agricultural financing. Situation with regard to credit systems. Conclusions.

Agricultural commodity trade and development—prospects, problems and policies. 1965. 117 p. $1.50. ( F A O , R o m e . )

T h e primary aim of this study is to classify the problems of agricultural commodity trade. International problems concerning primary products. Diversification and promotion of exports. Regional economic groupings. Relations between agricultural commodity trade and development. Conclusions.

Trainingof the rural blind in economically less-developed areas. 1965. 115p. ( U N / S T / S O A / 6 O . ) Report based principally on experiments in Uganda at the Salama International Centre for the Training of the Rural Blind. Other experiments in Africa, Asia,


France, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United K i n g d o m , and the United States of America.

PRIMARY PRODUCTS

FAO commodity review: ig66. 1966. 226 p. $3. R o m e . Evolution of international markets in 1965 and during the early months of 1966. Operation of regional economic integration systems. International consultations and agreements. T h e situation and prospects for the principal agricultural products, including timber and fisheries.

The international organization of commodity trade—case study on selected fats and oils. January 1966. 72 p. ( U N / T D / B / A C . 2 / 5 . )

[St.] Study submitted by F A O . Principal characteristics and trends of the market in oils and other fats. M o v e m e n t of export prices. Idea of remunerative price. Methods of fixing remunerative prices.

World cocoa survey. ig66. 242 p. $4. [St. Bl.] Review of the present situation and prospects. Possibilities of concerted action by producers to solve their problems, with assistance, if required, from F A O . Country data.

The international organization of commodity trade—case study on cocoa. January 1966. 63 p. ( U N / T D / B / A C . 2 / 3 . )

[St.] Study submitted by F A O . Characteristics of the world cocoa market. Price-fixing machinery. Organization of the world cocoa market (application of a system of remunerative prices, possible consequences of a price increase up to a given remunerative level).

The international organization of commodity trade—case study of natural rubber. January :g66. 83 p. ( U N / T D / B / A C . 2 / 4 . )

Competition from synthetic products. Trend towards lower prices. Effects of these lower prices in the producing countries. Suggested measures to deal with the situation.

STEEL

Statistics of world trade in steel, iq/64. 1965. 39 p. $0.75. ( U N / S T / E C E / S T E E L / I 5 . ) [St.] Exports of finished or semi-finished steel products by region and country of destination: Australia, Austria, Belgium/Luxembourg, Canada, Czechoslovakia, France, Federal Republic of Germany, Hungary, Italy, Japan, Netherlands, Norway , Poland, South Africa, Sweden, Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, United K i n g d o m , United States of America, Yugoslavia.

INDUSTRY

Industrial planning and programming. January 1966. 13 p. ( U N / E / C . 5 / I O O . ) Conclusions of a symposium held at Prague from 11 to 29 October 1965, with participants from thirty developing countries. Preliminary measures for the establishment of industrial projects. Criteria for selection. Implementation of the projects.

Industrial technology. Textile industries in developing countries. January 1966. 151 p. (uN/E/c.5/101.)

Includes report of the United Nations inter-regional Workshop on Textile Industries in Developing Countries, held at Lodz (Poland) from 6 to 27 September 1965.


Assessment of needs. Relative volume of h o m e production and imports. Measurement of productivity in the textile industry. Vocational training. Automatic devices and automation in this industry. World trends in the textile industry.

Industrial technology. Promotion of standardization in developing countries. January 1966. 53 P- (uN/E/c.5/103.)

Report of an inter-regional seminar held at Helsingör from 4 to 25 October 1965 on the following themes: object and importance of standardization; international bodies and national institutes for standardization, and their functions; preparation, adoption and application of standards; training of engineers specializing in standardization.

Industrial technology. Second-hand equipment for developing countries. January 1966. 59 p . (uN/E/c.5/104.)

Includes the report of an expert group which m e t at N e w York from 7 to 22 D e c e m ber 1965: definition of second-hand equipment; second-hand equipment market; considerations regarding its cost and the financing of purchases.

Industrial training and management. United Nations Training Programme in Industrial Development and Planning for African Government Officials. February 1966. 35 p . (UN/E/C.5/105.)

This training course, held in Cairo from 15 February to 11 M a y 1965, covered the following points: industrial development in Africa, trends and structures; planning of industrial development in Africa; financing of industrial development; m e a n s of stimulating and guiding industrial development and inter-regional co-operation; regional planning and industrial development; and the role of foreign aid.

Small-scale industry. Activities of the centre in the promotion of small-scale industries. February 1966. 15 p . (uN/E/c.5/108.)

Co-operation of the Centre for Industrial Development in Technical Assistance and Special F u n d operations. Direct provision of advisory services to governments. Research.

Industrial planning and programming. Activities of the centre in the accumulation and evaluation of industrial programming data. M a r c h 1966. 36 p . (uN/E/c.5/109.)

T y p e of studies to be carried out in connexion with industrial establishments, industrial structure and the inter-sector balance of resources. Pilot file prepared by the Yugoslav study group annexed.

Skill requirements in manufacturing industries. M a r c h 1966. 17 p. (uN/E/c.5/112.) Skilled m a n p o w e r and productivity. Problems relating to the classification of occupations. Results of international comparisons. Application of input-output techniques to the planning of m a n p o w e r requirements for development. Data by industry. Use of employment structure tables in the various industries.

Skill requirements in manufacturing industries. February 1966. 57 p . (uN/E/c .5 /112/ A d d . 1.)

[St.] Statistics on productivity and the composition of the labour force in the manufacturing countries.

Activities of the Centre for Industrial Development. February 1966. 18 p , (UN/E/c.5/113.) Brief survey of the centre's activities over the past year with regard to industrial programming. P r o g r a m m e contemplated for the coming years.

Proceedings of the Inter-regional Seminar on Industrial Research and Development Institutes in Developing Countries. Vol . 1. 1966. 177 p . ( U N / S T / T A O / S E R . C / 7 7 / V O I . I . )


This seminar was held in Beirut from 30 N o v e m b e r to 11 December 1964. T h e objects of industrial research and of development institutes. Industrial extension services. Problems of organization.

Manual on the management of industrial research institutes in developing countries. 1966. 122 p. $2. ( U N / S T / C I D / 6 . )

Role of industrial research; services that the institutes can provide. Various types of institutes and various forms of organization. Planning and supervision of research programmes. Financial administration. Staffing. Relations between industrial research institutes and their clients.

Economic integration and industrial specialization among the member countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. 1966. 34 p. $0.50. (uN/sT/cro/7.)

Chapters on the economic integration resulting from the development of productive forces, and on the development of the international division of labour a m o n g the Socialist countries. Brief survey of economic development in the m e m b e r countries of the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance. T h e task, organs and operation of this body.

Industrial estates in Africa. 1966. 52 p . ( U N / S T / C I D / 5 . ) T h e work of a United Nations seminar on industrial estates in the region covered by the Economic Commission for Africa. Planning of the activities of industrial estates in Africa.

Conference on the harmonization of development programmes in East Africa (Lusaka, 26 Octo-ber-6 November 1965) : Development of the steel industry in East and Central Africa. October 1965. 6 p. (uN/E/cN.i4/iNR/87/Add.2.)

This a d d e n d u m concerns Rhodesia, U g a n d a , Z a m b i a , Ethiopia and Madagascar. Present production figures and forecasts for 1980.

Conference on the harmonization of development programmes in East Africa (Lusaka, 26 Octo-ber-6 November ig6¿) : Prospects of the pharmaceutical industry in East Africa. September l9&5- 53 P- (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/91.)

[St.] T h e present situation and problems of the pharmaceutical industry in East Africa.

Industrial financing in East Africa. October 1965. 26 p . (UN/E/CN.14/1NR/103.) Industrial financing institutions in K e n y a , Tanzania and U g a n d a . Contributions expected from them under these countries' development plans. Role of foreign capital.

Industrial development in Asia and the Far East. 1965. 97 p. $1.50. ( U N / E / C N . I 1/710.) [St.] Industrialization in Asia and the Far East between 1953 and 1963. Analysis of general developments in the region. Case studies of certain countries. Analysis by industrial sector. Relations between industrial and economic growth. Problems relating to the chemical industries, basic metals, textiles, machines, paper, electricity, transport, and precision instruments.

Problems and prospects of the textile industry in Latin America. July 1965. 42 p. ( U N / E / C N . 12/L.6.)

[St.] Contains twelve annotated statistical tables showing trends in per capita textile consumption, and production, prices and wages. Forecasts for 1975.


Education, science

EDUCATION

Africa prospect: progress in education, by Richard Greenough. m p. 1966. $0.50. (UNESCO/MC.65/D.61 /F.)

Progress since the first Addis Ababa Conference on the development of education in Africa (1961). Problems encountered. M o r e detailed studies of the reforms undertaken in different fields of education by nine countries visited by the author in 1965: primary and secondary schools, universities, literacy work, adult education, teaching methods.

Access of girls and women to higher education. February 1966. 74 p. (uN/E/CN.6/451.) Report based on the replies of eighty-four States and twenty non-self-governing territories to a Unesco questionnaire. Conditions of access to higher education for w o m e n students. Progress of their studies. Employment opportunities.

Access of girls and women to higher education. February 1966. 34 p. (uN/E/cN.6/451/ A d d . 1.)

[St.] This addendum has two annexes, one reproducing the Unesco questionnaire and the other giving various statistical tables: w o m e n students and teaching staff; number of w o m e n students per 100,000 inhabitants over the years 1955-63, in seventy-seven countries or territories; distribution of students and graduates by branch of study and by sex about 1957 and 1963.

The Education Corps in Iran: a survey of its social and economic aspects, by Majyar Nashat and Richard Blandy. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 5, M a y 1966. 9 p. (ILO.)

Activities of the special military corps set up in 1963 to spread education in the country districts. T h e place of this work in efforts to combat poverty. H o w it is connected with land reform.

M A N A G E M E N T TRAINING

Survey of management training needs and facilities in some African countries. 1964. 1965. 77 p. (ILO. Management training series, no. 4.)

Separate treatment of the following countries: Cameroon, Congo (Leopoldville), Ethiopia, Ghana, Ivory Coast, Malawi, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Uganda , Zambia.

SCIENCE AND PROGRESS

Guidelines for the application of science and technology to Latin American Development. 250 p. 1966. ( U N E S C O / N S / 2 0 2 . )

[Bl.] A Conference on the Application of Science and Technology to the Development of Latin America, convened by Unesco and organized with the co-operation of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America, was held at Santiago (Chile), from 13 to 2a September 1965. It was attended by representatives of twenty-two countries and observers from international and scientific institutions, and discussed the following subjects: present position with regard to the rationalization of development in Latin America; use m a d e of natural and h u m a n resources; state of industrial development and science policy; obstacles; ways of overcoming them; conclusions. A selection of working papers is given at the end of the volume.


SOCIOLOGY OF D E V E L O P M E N T

United Nations Research Institute for Social Development. February 1966. 50 p. ( U N / E / C N .

5/404-) T h e institute is carrying out research on the social and psychological factors in growth, particularly in the least favourably situated countries. Brief survey of the work done between February 1965 and February 1966.

Evaluating development projects, by S. P. Hayes. Second edition, revised. 116 p. $2.50. [Bl.] A manual dealing with the analyses and surveys by which the effects of programmes for improving living conditions can be measured. In this second edition, the author takes account of the m a n y experiments carried out since the first edition appeared in 1959.

SOCIOLOGY OF LABOUR

Automation: a discussion of research methods. Geneva. 1964. 276 p. $3. ( ILO. Labour and Automation, bulletin 1.)

Reproduces a series of documents submitted to an expert meeting on automation (March 1964, Geneva), dealing with the following points: definitions; study at the industry and at the works level; study at the national level; research techniques applicable in developing countries; conclusions and recommendations concerning methods for studying the social and economic consequences of technological change.

A tabulation of case studies on technological change. 1965. 87 p. $1. ( ILO. Labour and automation, bulletin 2.)

Analyses of 160 studies of firms representing twenty-nine branches of activity, carried out in fourteen countries. These studies concern the effects of technological change on employment, working conditions, wages and the economy in general.

Legal and political questions, h u m a n rights

INTERNATIONAL L A W

Yearbook of the International Law Commission, 1964. Vol. II. 1965. 230 p. $2.50. ( U N / A / CN.4/SER. A / 1964/Add. 1. )

Documents of the sixteenth session of the commission, including its report to the General Assembly. Submission to the commission of draft articles on the application of treaties, their interpretation and revision. T h e authors of the drafts have endeavoured to codify the modern rules of international law.

POLITICAL ADMINISTRATION

Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East: Report of the Working Group of Experts on major administrative problems of Asian Governments. October. 1965. 98 p. ( U N / E / CN.11/L.143.)

Organization of central government services. Local government. Training of staff. Administrative and financial procedure. Existing arrangements and possible solutions. Recommendations.

H U M A N RIGHTS

Round table meeting on human rights (Oxford, 11-ig November ig6¡). Final report. 17 p. April 1966. (uNEsco/ss/42.)

http://CN.11/L.143

6io T h e world of the social sciences

Twenty years after the establishment of the United Nations, and seventeen years after the proclamation of the Universal Declaration of H u m a n Rights, this meeting surveyed the major problems connected with those rights, seeking primarily to put forward practical suggestions for Unesco's Department of Social Sciences. T h e main sections of the report are as follows: the essentially Western sources of the declaration, and present trends in philosophical, political and legal thought; economic and social factors affecting the implementation of h u m a n rights; suggestions for a programme of work; proceedings of the meeting. T h e participants were chosen from a m o n g specialists representing the main trends of present-day thought.

Organizational and procedural arrangements for the implementation of conventions and recommendations in the field of human rights. January 1966. 41 p. (uN/E/4143.)

Provisions of the charter concerning h u m a n rights. Information about the conventions, protocols and resolutions at present applicable. Procedure for their implementation.

Question of punishment of war criminals and of persons who have committed crimes against humanity. February 1966. 142 p. (uN/E/cN.4/906.)

W a r crimes and crimes against peace and humanity. Information about law and practice in thirty-five States.

Periodic reports on human rights. Status of multilateral international agreements in the field of human rights. February 1966. 42 p. (uN/E/cN.4/907.)

Information available at 31 December 1965, concerning the signature and ratification of agreements in the field of h u m a n rights, and accessions thereto. Recapitulating tables.

RELIGIOUS DISCRIMINATION

Commission on Human Rights: draft declaration and draft international convention on the elimination of all forms of religious intolerance. January 1966. 30 p. (uN/E/cN.4/900.)

Preliminary draft texts. Procedure adopted for their preparation.

RACIAL EQUALITY

Equality of opportunity in multiracial society: Brazil, by R . A . Metall and M . Paranhos da Silva. Offprint from the International Labour Review, vol. 93, no. 5, M a y 1966. 32 P- (ILO.)

T h e reasons w h y Brazil has been able to build up a multiracial community in which people of different races and colours live side by side without clashes or acute conflicts. Aspects of this situation. Remaining gaps.

STATUS OF W O M E N

igßg Seminar on the Participation of Women in Public Life. Ulan Bator (Mongolia), 3-17 August 1965. 1966. 38 p. ( U N / S T / T A O / H R / 2 4 . )

Factors influencing w o m e n ' s participation in public life: legislation, education, economic situation, social and religious attitudes. Measures needed. Action desirable on the part of governments, private associations, trade unions and international organizations.

ILO activities of special interest from the standpoint of women's employment. December 1965. 34 P- (uN/E/cN.6/444.)

Status of ratifications of conventions on w o m e n ' s employment, meetings of experts, technical co-operation, research.


Draft declaration on the elimination of discrimination against women. January 1966. ao p. (uN/E/cN.6/447.)

Observations on the draft declaration on the elimination of discrimination against w o m e n , from the Republic of China, G h a n a , Hungary, Poland, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the United Arab Republic, the United K i n g d o m and the United States of America.

United Nations assistance for the advancement of women. January 1966. 6 p. ( U N / E / C N . 6 /

45°)-Co-operation in the work being done by non-governmental organizations. N e w resources. Suggestions concerning a long-term United Nations programme for the advancement of w o m e n .

United Nations assistance for the advancement of women. January 1966. 50 p. ( U N / E / C N . 6 / 450/Add.i.)

Needs of the regions where conditions are least favourable.

United Nations assistance for the advancement of women. January 1966. 26 p. ( U N / E / CN.6/450/Add.2.)

W o r k of non-governmental organizations. Aid to be given them.

United Nations assistance for the advancement of women. January 1966. 10 p. ( U N / E / CN.6/45o/Add.3.)

M o r e detailed suggestions for a unified long-term United Nations programme: objectives, determination of needs, and procedure.

Economic rights and opportunities for women. Facilities for assisting employed mothers in child-care. January 1966. 21 p. (uN/E/cN.6/455.)

Reports on the work done by the Social Commission in this matter. Studies and reports. Regional activities. Collaboration with the Specialized Agencies and with governments.

United Nations sales publications relating to the status of women. January 1966. 8 p. (uN/E/cN.6/458.)

[Bl.] List of publications dealing with the legal, economic, social and educational problems arising in connexion with the status of w o m e n .

CRIMINOLOGY

Report of the Advisory Committee of Experts on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders. January 1966. 31 p. (uN/E/CN.5/398.)

Status of the United Nations social defence programme: its components; financial aspect; functions and working methods of the Advisory Committee.

Books received

General or methodological works

B I R O U , Alain. Vocabulaire pratique des sciences sociales. Paris, Économie et H u m a n i s m e , les Éditions Ouvrières, 1966. 22 c m . , 319 p. Bibliogr. F33.15.

BouDON, R a y m o n d ; L A Z A R S F E L D , Paul (ed.). Vanalyse empirique de la causalité. Choix de textes publiés sous la direction de R a y m o n d Boudon et Paul Lazarsfeld. Paris, L a Haye , Mouton , 1966. 24 c m . , 304 p., fig., tabl. Index. (Maison des sciences de l 'homme. Méthodes de la sociologie. 2.)

H A N N A H , H . W . Resource book for rural universities in the developing countries. Urbana, London, University of Illinois Press, 1966. 24 c m . , xiv + 375 p. Bibliogr. Index. $8.50.

J A Y A S W A L , Sita R a m (ed.). Nehru on society, education and culture. Compiled and edited by Sita R a m Jayaswal. Foreword by Radhakamal Mukerjee. Agra, Vinod Pustak Mandir, 1965. 23 c m . , xii -f- 14g p., portr. Index. $1.50.

R O K K A N , Stein (ed.). Data archives for the social sciences. [Proceedings of the Paris Conference on Data Archives for the Social Sciences, 28-30 September 1964.] Paris, Mouton, 1966. 24 c m . , 215 p., tabl. (International Social Science Council. Tools and methods of comparative research. 3. École Pratique des Hautes Études. 6e section.)

History

B O X E R , C . R . Portuguese society in the Tropics. The municipal councils of Goa, Macao, Bahia, and Luanda, 1 ¡10-1800. Madison, Milwaukee, University of Wisconsin Press, 1965. 23 c m . , xvi + 240 p., pi., fac.-sim. Bibliogr. Index.

F A U V E L - R O U I F , Denise (ed.). Mouvements ouvriers et dépression économique de 192g à 1939. Étude et rapports préparés pour le VII e Colloque international de la Commission internationale d'histoire des mouvements sociaux et des structures sociales du Comité international des sciences historiques, tenu à Stockholm à l'occasion du X I e Congrès international des sciences historiques. Assen. V a n Gorcum, 1966. 25 c m . , viii + 404 p., fig. Bibliogr.

F R E Y M O N D , Jacques (ed.). Contributions à r histoire du Comintern. Publiées sous la direction de Jacques Freymond. Genève, Droz, 1965. 24 c m . , xxvi + 269 p. Index. (Publications de l'Institut Universitaire de Hautes Etudes Internationales. 45.)

Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XVIII, No. 4, 1966

Books received 613

I B A R R O L A , Jésus. Structure sociale et fortune mobilière et immobilière à Grenoble en 1847. Paris, M o u t o n , 1965. 23 c m . , x + 124 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. (Publications de la Faculté de Droit et des Sciences Economiques de Grenoble. Collection du Centre de Recherche d'Histoire Economique, Sociale et Institutionnelle. Série Histoire sociale. 1.)

Law

B A R B A G E L A T A , Hector-Hugo. Manual de derecho del trabajo. Montevideo, Universidad de la República, 1965. 24 c m . , 330 + v p . (Biblioteca de publicaciones oficiales de la Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad de la República. Sección III. 133.)

FiNKELSTEiN, André. Les activités de contrôle de l'Agence internationale de l'énergie atomique. Paris, Centre Français de Droit C o m p a r é , 1965. 27 c m . , 8 S. multigr. (Institut de Droit C o m p a r é de l'Université de Paris. Centre d'Études du Droit de l'Énergie Atomique.)

L A G O R C E , Maurice. La nouvelle législation nucléaire française. I : La responsabilité civile des exploitants de navires nucléaires. Paris, Centre Français de Droit C o m p a r é , 1966. 27 c m . , 18 ff. multigr. (Institut de Droit Comparé de l'Université de Paris. Centre d'Études du Droit de l'Énergie Atomique.)

Economies

A N K E R L , G . C . Concept de l'investissement humain comme aspect de la politique de répartition, compte tenu de la littérature spéciale de l'Europe orientale. Budapest, Kossuth, 1965. 24 c m . , vi + 231 p . (Thèse Sciences économiques. Fribourg. 1964.)

B A R U C H E T , André. La hantise de l'abondance, un mal inavouable. Paris, Éditions du Scorpion, 1964. 18 c m . , 192 p .

B E L T R A M O N E , André. La mobilité géographique d'une population. Définitions, mesures, applications à la population française. Préface de François Sellier. Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1966. 24 c m . , 300 p . , fig., m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr. (Techniques économiques modernes. Série Espace économique. 6.)

B Ö H L E R , Eugen. Der Mythus in Wirtschaft und Wissenschaft. Freiburg im Breisgau, R o m b a c h , 1965. 23 c m . , 580 p . (Beiträge zur Wirtschaftspolitik. 3.)

B O U R G E O I S - P I C H A T , Jean. Population growth and development. N e w York, Carnegie E n d o w m e n t for International Peace, 1966. 20 c m . , 81 p . , fig., tabl. (International conciliation, January 1966. 556.)

B R Y C E , Murray D . Guide pour l'industrialisation des pays en voie de développement. [Industrial development. A guide for accelerating economic growth.] N e w York, Intercontinental Editions; Paris, les Éditions d'Organisation, 1965. 23 c m . , xiv + 242 p . , tabl.

C o u R T H É o u x , Jean-Paul. Essai sur la répartition des activités économiques. Critique expérimentale de la théorie des trois secteurs d'après l'économie française. Préface de Jean Fourastié. Paris, Centre de Recherche d'Urbanisme, 1966. 21 c m . , xii + 276 p . , fig., tabl.

C U R R I E , Lauchlin. Accelerating development. The necessity and the means. N e w York, London, Sydney, Toronto, McGraw-Hill, 1966. 24 cm., xiv + 255 p., tabl. Index. $7.50. (McGraw-Hill series in international development.)

C Z E C H O S L O V A K A C A D E M Y OF SCIENCES. P R A G U E . E C O N O M I C INSTITUTE. Czechoslovak

economic papers, 5. Prague, 1965. 24 cm., 179 p., fig., tabl. Bibliogr.

/.x o » i° . )

6i4 The world of the social sciences

D A R R A S . Le partage des bénéfices. Expansion et inégalités en France. [Colloque organisé les 12 et 13 juin 1965 à Arras par le Cercle Noroît.] Préface by Claude Gruson. Paris, Éditions de Minuit, 1966. 22 c m . , v + 447 p. , flg., tabl. Index. (Collection L e sens c o m m u n . )

G A S C H E T V E Y R E T D E L A T O U R , Elisabeth. Progris et équilibre économique. Essai de doctrine sociale. Paris, Editions du Scorpion, 1965. 19 c m . , 223 p . (Collection Alternance.)

G I L B E R T , Milton. Problems of the international monetary system. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , 25 p. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international finance. 53.)

L E G E A R D , Claude. Guide de recherches documentaires en démographie. Préface d'Alfred Sauvy. Paris, Gauthier-Villars, 1966. 22 c m . , xiv + 322 p. , tabl. Bibliogr. F40. (Documentation et information.)

LiEFTiNCK, Pieter. External debt and debt-bearing capacity of developing countries. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , 28 p . (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international finance. 51.)

M A C H L U P , Fritz. International monetary systems and the free market economy. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, 1966. 25 c m . , 22 p. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Reprints in international finance. 3.)

M C K I N N O N , Ronald I.; O A T E S , Wallace E . The implications of international economic integration for monetary, fiscal and exchange-rate policy. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University, 1966. 23 c m . , 35 p . Bibliogr. (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Princeton studies in international finance. 16.)

M A S O N , Edward S. La planification économique dans les pays sous-développés. [Economie planning in underdeveloped areas.] N e w York, International Editions; Paris, Éditions d'Organisation, 1964. 20 c m . , 135 p .

M I K E S E L L , R a y m o n d F . Public foreign capital for private enterprise in developing countries. Princeton (N.J.), Princeton University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , 29 p . (Princeton University. Department of Economics. International Finance Section. Essays in international finance. 52.)

M I Y A S H I T A , Tadao. The currency and financial system of Mainland China. Translated by J. R . M c E w a n from the Japanese. Tokyo, Institute of Asian Economic Affairs, 1966. 24 c m . , x + 278 p. , pi., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $6.

S C H N I T T G E R , Lübbe. Besteuerung und wirtschaftliche Entwicklung in Ostafrika. Berlin, Heidelberg, N e w York, Springer, 1966. 23 c m . , xvi + 193 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. (Ifo-Institut für Wirtschaftsforschung. Afrikastudienstelle. 8.)

S H A P E R O , Albert; H O W E L L , Richard P . ; T O M B A U G H , James R . The structure and dynamics of the defense R and D industry. The Los Angeles and Boston complexes. Menlo Park (Calif.), Stanford Research Institute, 1965. 28 c m . , x + 125 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. $4.75. (R and D studies series. Technology management program. S R I project no. I M U - 4 3 7 0 . )

S T E P A N E K , Joseph E . La formation des dirigeants des petites et moyennes entreprises, base du développement mondial. [Managers for small industry, an international study.] N e w York, Intercontinental Editions; Paris, Editions d'Organisation, 1965. 24 c m . , xx + 231 p . , fig., pi., fac-sim., tabl. (Institut de Recherche de Stanford. Centre International de Développement Industriel.)

Y A K E M T C H O U K , Romain . Assistance économique et pénétration industrielle des pays de l'Est en Afrique. Léopoldville, 1RES, 1966. 24 cm., 104 p. (Université Lovanium. Institut de Recherches Économiques et Sociales. Collection Études économiques. 2.)

YoNSEï UNIVERSITY. C O L L E G E OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION. INDUSTRIAL M A N A G E

M E N T R E S E A R C H C E N T R E . S E O U L . The bibliography in business and economics (ig6i-1964). Seoul [1965]. 26 c m . , 213 p . [Text in Korean.]

Books received 615

Political science

B R A I B A N T I , Ralph. Research on the bureaucracy of Pakistan. A critique of sources, conditions, and issues, with appended documents. D u r h a m ( N . C . ) , D u k e University Press, 1966. 23 c m . , xxvi + 569 p . , tabl. Index. (Duke University C o m m o n w e a l t h Studies Center. 26. Program in comparative studies on Southern Asia.)

C A I D E N , Gerald E . Career service. An introduction to the history of personnel administration in the Commonwealth public service of Australia igoi-ig6i. London , N e w York, C a m bridge University Press, 1965. 24 c m . , xviii -f- 530 p. , fig., pi., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. 85s.

C L A R K , Ralph, et al. Aid in Uganda. Programmes and policies. By Ralph Clark in association with T o m Soper and Peter Williams. London, Overseas Development Institute, 1966. 22 c m . , 104 p . , tabl. Index. 15s.

C Z U D N O W S K I , M o s h e M . ; L A N D A U , Jacob M . The Israeli communist party and the elections for the fifth Knesset, ig6i. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University, 1965. 23 c m . , vi + 101 p. , tabl. Bibliogr. $1.50. (Hoover Institution on W a r , Revolution and Peace. Hoover Institution studies. 9.)

F A L K , Richard A . ; M E N D L O V I T Z , Saul H . (ed.). The strategy of world order. N e w York, World L a w Fund, 1966. 24 c m .

i. Toward a theory of war prevention. Foreword by Harold D . Lasswell, xxii + 394 p . 2. International law. Foreword by Wolfgang Friedman, xvi + 382 p . 3. The United Nations. Foreword by Oscar Schachter. xvi + 848 p . 4 . Disarmament and economic development. Foreword by J. David Singer, xvi + 672 p . ,

fig., tabl. F I J A L K O W S K I , Jürgen (ed.). Politologie und Soziologie. Otto Stammer zum 65. Geburtstag.

Köln, Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1965. 25 c m . , 388 p . , fig., portr. Bibliogr. F R I E D R I C H , Carl. J. (ed.). Revolution. N e w York, Atherton Press, 1966. 22 c m . ,

x + 246 p . {Nomos. Yearbook of the American Society for Political and Legal Philosophy. 8.)

G R Ü N E R , Erich; F R E I , Karl, et al. L'Assemblée fédérale suisse, 1848-igsolDie Schweizerische Bundesversammlung 1848-1920. Berne, A . Francke, 1966. 3 vol. Vol. I: Biographies. 1,021 p. , pi., tabl. Index. Vol. II: Sociologie et statistique. 253 p . , fig., tabl. [Suppl.] Tableaux synoptiques. (Universität Bern. Forschungszentrum für Geschichte und Soziologie der Schweizerischen Politik. Helvetia Política. Series A . )

J O H N S O N , Walter; C O L L I G A N , Francis J. The Fulbright program. A history. Wi th a foreword by J. W . Fulbright. Chicago, L o n d o n , University of Chicago Press, 1965. 24 c m . , xvi + 380 p . Bibliogr. Index. $8.50.

J O U V E N E L , Bertrand de. L'art de la conjecture. M o n a c o , Éditions d u Rocher, 1964. 20 c m . , 405 p . Index. (Futuribles. 1.)

M E Y N A U D , Jean. Les spéculations sur l'avenir (Essai bibliographique). Montréal, chez l'auteur, 26, avenue Glencoe, 1965. 21 c m . , 138 p . Bibliogr. Index. (Etudes de science politique. 12.)

M O T T E , M a x E . Soviet local and Republic elections. A description of the igßj elections in Leningrad based on official documents, press accounts, and private interviews. Stanford (Calif.), Stanford University, 1965. 23 c m . , 123 p . , fig., tabl. $2.50. (Hoover Institution on W a r , Revolution and Peace. Hoover Institution studies. 10.)

M o Y E S , Adrian. Volunteers in development. L o n d o n , Overseas Development Institute, 1966. 22 c m . , 144 p . , fig., tabl. 8s. 6d.

N E E D L E R , Martin C . Understanding foreign policy. N e w York, Chicago, San Francisco, Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1966. 23 c m . , viii + 250 p . , fig., m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr. Index.

P A S S I N , Herbert (ed.). The United States and Japan. Twenty-eighth American Assembly, Arden House, the Harriman, 28-31 October 1965. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.) , Prentice-Hall, 1966. 22 c m . , xii + 179 p . Index. $3.95. (Columbia Uni versity. T h e American Assembly.)

6i6 The world of the social sciences

Ross, Alf. The United Nations: peace and progress. Totowa (N.J.), Bedminster Press, 1965. 24 cm., xii + 443 p., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. $8.

VIRGINIA. COMMISSION O N CONSTITUTIONAL G O V E R N M E N T . The 'Full faith and credit'

clause of the United States Constitution. R i chmond (Va.), 1964. 22 c m . , 25 p. W Y N A R , L u b o m y r R . ; F Y S T R O M , Linda. Guide to reference materials in political science.

A selective bibliography, Vol. 1. Denver, Colorado Bibliographic Institute, 1966. 28 c m . , 318 p . Index.

Sociology

Boos, Ernst. Die Schweizerkolonie in England nach Berufsgruppen. Geographische Studie über die Entwicklung und den Stand von ig6o. Bern, Francke Verlag, 1966. 24 c m . , 223 p . , fig., tabl., m a p s . Bibliogr.

BouRDiEU, Pierre; D A R B E L , Alain. L'amour de l'art. Les musées et leur public. Paris, Editions de Minuit, 1966. 22 c m . , 219 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Collection L e sens c o m m u n . )

B R I M , Orville G . , Jr.; W H E E L E R , Stanton. Socialization after childhood: two essays. N e w York, London, Sydney, J. Wiley, 1966. 24 c m . , x -f 116 p . , tabl. Bibliogr.

C A R T E R , Gwendolen M . Separate development: the challenge of the Transkei. Johannesburg, 1966. 22 c m . , 17 p . (South African Institute of Race Relations. T h e nineteenth Alfred and Winifred Hoernlé memorial lecture.)

C L A E S S E N S , Dieter. Status als entwicklungs-soziologischer Begriff. D o r t m u n d , W . Ruhfus, 1965. 21 c m . , 174 p . Bibliogr. Index. (Sozialwissenschaftliche Schriftenreihe. Daten. 4.)

D E S R O C H E , Henri. Socialismes et sociologie religieuse. Textes de Friedrich Engels traduits et présentés avec le concours de G . Dunstheimer et M . L . Letendre. Paris, Éditions Cujas, 1965. 22 c m . , 455 p . , tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Genèses.)

D E S T R E M , Hugues . La vie après 50 ans. Paris, Centurion, 1966. 22 c m . , 256 p . (Socio-guides.)

G I A L L O M B A R D O , Rose. Society of women. A study of a women's prison. N e w York, L o n don, Sydney, J. Wiley, 1966. 22 c m . , x + 244 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index.

H O L M , Tor W . ; I M M O N E N , Erkki J. Bibliography of Finnish sociology, 1945-1959. With an introduction by Erik Allardt. Helsinki, Academic Bookstore, 1966. 22 c m . , 17g p . Index. (Transactions of the Westermarck Society. 13.)

H O R R E L L , Muriel (ed.). A survey of race relations in South Africa 1965. Compiled by Muriel Horrell. Johannesburg, 1966. 21 c m . , xiv + 333 p . Index. (South African Institute of Race Relations.)

H U R L E Y , Denis E . Human dignity and race relations. The presidential address delivered at the annual council meeting of the South African Institute of Race Relations at Hiddingh Hall, University of Cape Town, on January 18, 1966. Johannesburg, 1966. 22 c m . , 17 p . (South African Institute of Race Relations.)

J O H N S O N - M A R S H A L L , Percy. Rebuilding cities. Chicago (111.), Aldine, 1966. 31 c m . , viii + 374 p . , fig., fac.-sim. Index.

M O R G A N , John S. (ed.). Welfare and wisdom. Lectures delivered on the fiftieth anniversary of the School of Social Work of the University of Toronto. Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1966. 24 c m . , viii + 184 p . $5.

P E N , Jan. Harmony and conflict in modem society. [Harmonie en Conflict.] Translated from the Dutch by Trevor S . Preston. London , N e w York, Toronto, Sydney, McGraw-Hil l , 1966. 22 c m . , ix + 294 p . , fig. Index.

R E B O U L , Hélène; R O C H A S , Nicole; B O N N E T , Maurice. Etude des conditions de vie des retraités de la Caisse interprofessionnelle paritaire de retraite des Alpes. Grenoble, C I P R A , 1965. 27 c m . , n o p . , fig., m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr.

R O S E N M A Y R , Leopold, K Ö C K E I S , Eva . Umwelt und Familie alter Menschen. With an

Books received 617

English summary. Neuwied a m Rhein, Berlin, Luchterhand, 1965. 19 c m . , xii + 244 p. , fig., pi., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Soziologische Texte, ai.)

S O C I É T É D E C R I M I N O L O G I E D U Q U É B E C . 4 e Colloque de recherche sur la délinquance et la criminalité. Actes, Montréal ig64. Fourth research conference on delinquency and criminology, Proceedings. Ottawa, 1965. 22 c m . , 558 p., fig. Bibliogr. (Institut Philippe Pinel.)

SRINIVAS, Mysore Narasimhachar. Social change in modern India. Berkeley, Los Angeles, University of California Press, 1966. 21 c m . , xviii + 194 p . Bibliogr. Index.

S Z A B O , Denis. Criminologie. Montréal, les Presses de l'Université de Montréal, 1965. 28 c m . , x + 565 p. multigr., tabl. Bibliogr. (Faculté des Sciences Sociales, Économiques et Politiques. Département de Criminologie.)

V O G E L , Martin Rudolf; O E L , Peter. Gemeinde und Gemeinschafts handeln. Zur Analyse der Begriffe Community Organization und Community Development. Mit einem Vorwort von Hans Muthesius. Stuttgart, Berlin, Köln, W . Kohlhammer, 1966. 23 c m . , viii + 114 p . Bibliogr. (Schriftenreihe des Vereins für Kommunal-wissenschaften e.V. Berlin. 11.)

W I L L I A M S O N , Robert C . Marriage and family relations. N e w York, London, Sydney, J. Wiley, 1966. 24 c m . , x + 618 p . , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index.

Anthropology

A I Y A P P A N , Ayinipalli. Social revolution in a Kerala village. A study in culture change. London, Asia Publishing House, 1965. 22 c m . , xii + 183 p., pi., tabl. Index.

B U R G E L , G u y . Pobia. Etude géographique d'un village crétois. Préface de Stratis G . A n -dréadis. Athènes, Centre des Sciences Sociales d'Athènes, 1965. 24 c m . , xiv + 143 p. , fig., pi., folding maps, tabl. Bibliogr.

G A D G I L , Dhananjaya Ramchandra. Sholapur city: socio-economic studies. London, Asia Publishing House, 1965. 25 c m . , xvi + 337 P-, maps, tabl. Index. 55s. (Gokhale Institute of Politics and Economics. Gokhale Institute studies. 46.)

P E R I S T I A N Y , J. G . (ed.). Honour and shame. The values of Mediterranean society. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1965. 22 c m . , 266 p. , fig., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (The nature of h u m a n society series.)

W O L F , Eric R . Peasants. Englewood Cliffs (N.J.), Prentice-Hall, 1966. 23 c m . , xii + 116 p. , fig., fac.-sim., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Foundations of modern anthropology series.)

Philosophy, psychology

C A N T R I L , Hadley. The pattern of human concerns. N e w Brunswick (N.J.), Rutgers University Press, 1965. 24 c m . , xviii + 430 p., fig., tabl. $10.

K L E I N , Wi lma H . ; L E S H A N , Eda J.; F U R M A N , Sylvan S. Promoting mental health of older people through group methods. A practical guide. N e w York, Mental Health Materials Center, 1965. 24 c m . , 156 p. $4.50. (Manhattan Society for Mental Health.)

M A I S O N N E U V E , Jean. Psycho-sociologie des affinités. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1966. 23 c m . , 546 p., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. F36. (Bibliothèque scientifique internationale. Sciences humaines. Section Psychologie.)

PiAGET, Jean. The child's conception ofnumbet. N e w York, W . W . Norton, 1965. 20 c m . , x + 248 p. Index. $1.85. (The Norton Library.)

R O G E R S , Carl R . Le développement de la personne. [On becoming a person.] Traduit par E . L . Herbert. Préface de M . Pages. Paris, Dunod , 1966. 24 c m . , xx + 284 p. Bibliogr. Index. (Organisation et sciences humaines. 6.)

6i8 T h e world of the social sciences

Z A Z Z O , Bianka. Psychologie différentielle de l'adolescence. Étude de la représentation de soi. Préface de I. Meyerson. Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1966. 22 c m . , viii + 407 p., tabl. Bibliogr. Index. (Bibliothèque scientifique internationale. Sciences humaines. Section Psychologie.)

Education

M A T H U R , S. S. A sociological approach to Indian education. Agra, Vinod Pustak Mandir , 1966. 23 c m . , ii + 342 p. Index. Rs . 12.50.

W I L L I A M S , Peter. Aid in Uganda—Education. London, Overseas Development Institute, 1966. 22 c m . , 152 p. , tabl. Index. 20s. 6d.

Mass communication

A L L W O O D , Martin (ed.). Communication today in the family, community and nation. A series of contemporary studies. M o u n t Pleasant (Iowa), Iowa Wesleyan College; Mullsjö, Anglo-American Center, 1965. 28 c m . , 91 p. multigr. (Department of Sociology. Iowa Wesleyan College. Institute of Social Research. Anglo-American Center.)

P I G É , François. Radiodiffusion et télévision au Maghreb. Paris, 27, rue Saint-Guillaume, 1966. 27 c m . , 183 p. , m a p s , tabl. Bibliogr. F25. (Fondation Nationale des Sciences Politiques. Centre d'Étude des Relations Internationales. Études maghrébines. 6.)

S I L B E R M A N N , Alphons; M O L E S , A b r a h a m ; U N G E H E U E R , Gerold. Bildschirm und Wirklichkeit. Ueber Presse und Fernsehen in Gegenwart und Zukunft, von Alphons Silbermann unter Mitwirkung von A b r a h a m Moles und Gerold Ungeheuer. Berlin, Frankfurt (Main), Wien, Ullstein, 1966. 23 c m . , 371 p., fig., m a p s , tabl., fac.-sim.

Area studies

Annuaire de l'U.R.S.S. Droit. Economie. Sociologie. Politique. Culture. 1965. Paris, Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1965. 25 c m . , viii + 651 p. , tabl. (Université de Strasbourg. Centre de Recherches sur l ' U . R . S . S . et les pays de l'Est.)

B O R I S O V , A . A . Climates of the U.S.S.R. [Klimaty S S S R . ] Edited by Cyril A . Halstead. Translated by R . A . Ledward. Foreword by Chauncy D . Harris. Chicago, Aldine, 1965. 26 c m . , xxiv + 255 p. , maps , tabl., folding m a p . Bibliogr. Index. $10.

LÓDZKIE T o w A R Z Y S T W O N A U K O W E . L O D Z , gagadnienia Afryki Wspólczesnej. (Problems of contemporary Africa.) [Summaries in English.] Lodz , Zaklad narodowy im. ossoliñskich w e wroclawiu, 1965. 24 c m . , 319 p. (Przeglad socjologiczny. 19/1.)

T R E G E A R , T . R . A geography of China. Chicago (111.), Aldine, 1965. 22 c m . , xviii + 342 p. , fig., pi., m a p s , tabl. $7.95.

T R O U I L L O T , Henock. Les origines sociales de la littérature haïtienne. Port-au-Prince (Haïti), Imprimerie N . A . Theodore, 1962. 24 c m . , 377 p.

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Vol. VII, n° 3, juill.-sept. 1966 Sommaire

LES CHANGEMENTS EN FRANCE

L a société religieuse et le problème du changement. L a rigidité d'une institution : structure scolaire et systèmes de valeurs. L'école conservatrice. Les inégalités devant l'école et devant la culture. Fermeture régionale et différenciation culturelle. L a sociologie et ses applications. Recherche sur prog r a m m e et recherche sur contrat. M m e Isambert-Jamati, M M . Cépède, Chombart de Lauwe , Goguel, Lautman, Maître, Mendras, Poignant, Ripert.

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Discussion

Rural Sociology Vol. 31 No. 2 June 1966

Leo F. Schnore

D o m a n Apple Sweetser

Fuad Baali

Gerald Hodge Frederick F. Fliegel and Joseph E . Kivlin

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T h e rural-urban variable: an urbanite's perspective

T h e effect of industrialization on family solidarity

Relationships of m a n to the land in Iraq

D o villages grow?—some perspectives and predictions

Farmers' perceptions of farm practice attributes

Socioeconomic status within older and larger metropolitan areas

S o m e demographic correlates of economic development

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Social disorganization in Picturis Pueblo Laws of socio-cultural change Urbanism and the American frontiers A critique of the concepts of community organization and community development The dilemma of demonstrations The contribution of A . L. Kroeber to contemporary anthropology The sociology of sociology (i) Notes and News (ii) Book Reviews

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The problem of administrative secrecy

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Development Review Quarterly journal of the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics, Karachi, Pakistan Acting Editor: Professor Nurul Islam; Associate Editor: M . Ashraf Janjua

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Articles

Ghulam M o h a m m a d Development of irrigated agriculture in East Pakistan: some basic considerations

M o h a m m a d Raquibuzzaman Marketed surplus function of major agricultural commodities in Pakistan P. T . Ellsworth Import substitution in Pakistan: some comments Stephen R . Lewis, Jr., and Relative price changes and industrialization in Pakistan, 1951-1964 Syed Mushtaq Hussain Edgar M . Hoover and Measuring the effects of population control on economic development:

M a r k Perlman a case study of Pakistan

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Martin Drath Der Staat der Industriegesellschaft. Entwurf einer sozialwissenschaft

lichen Staatstheorie.

Dwight W a l d o Zur Theorie der Organisation. Ihr Stand und ihre Probleme.

Sebastian Schröcker Ungeschriebenes Verfassungsrecht im Bundesstaat. Z u m 100. Griindungs-

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Hans Barion Das Zweite Vatikanische Konzil. Kanonistischer Bericht (III).

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POPULATION REVIEW

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The problem of people

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Tome XVIII, n° 3

Économie appliquée Juillet-septembre 1965

La croissance de l'entreprise et le profit Étude internationale à l'initiative de François Bloch-Lainé et François Perroux (IV)

J. D e a n L a croissance économique et la dimension de la firme R . Marris Les théories de la croissance de l'entreprise P. de W o o t La croissance de l'entreprise R . Cyert et L . Lave Collusion, conflit et économie G . Richardson Les relations entre firmes S. Lombardini L a firme motrice dans le processus de répartition spatiale de

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revue tiers-monde Croissance [Développement! Progrès T o m e V U , n°27 (juillet-septembre 1966)

Articles Jean Rioust de Largentaye : D e la liquidité internationale. Camillo Dag u m : Base et principe pour l'élaboration de modèles en science économique : une approche éco

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pement. Séminaire « Enfance, jeunesse» et plans de développement (Paris, 7-18 février 1966). La faim dans le monde : Conférence annuelle du Salut de l'enfance (Stockolm, 25 juin 1966). Compte rendu de la Conférence de Celso Fur tad o (École pratique des hautes études, Paris, 13 mai 1966) sur

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X X X I , N . 2, Giugno 1966

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La conjoncture potentiellement instable de l'économie américaine Political Overcentralisation in a Complex Society : Three Types of Resulting Pathology A proposito délia teoria del diritto e del positivismo giuridico

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I. Faso

J. S. Roucek

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G . Reisman R . Olivati

Noie e discussioni

Industrial Disarmament of West Germany in the Perspective of Growth Theory Cronaca di una crisi di governo: il terzo governo M o r o The Politics of President Johnson's " W a r on Poverty" La pianificazione negli stati a struttura fedérale: il problema délia partecipazione Inventories and Depression Giustizia in catene

Attività degli istituti Recensioni e segnalazioni

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Sociological Review Monograph No. 10 Japanese sociological studies Monograph Editor: Paul Halmos

T h e problem of civil society in Japan Ryozo Takeda, Professor of Sociology, Waseda University; President, Japan Sociology Society

History of sociology in Japan Akio Baba, Professor of Sociology, Nihon University

T h e middle classes in Japan Kunio Qddka, Professor of Sociology, Tokyo University

Labour m a n a g e m e n t relations in Japan Shizuo Matsushima, Professor of Sociology, Tokyo University.

Recent trends of urban sociology in Japan Eiichi Isomura, Professor of Sociology, Tokyo Metropolitan University; and Michihiro Okuda, Associate Professor of Sociology, Tokyo University.

Models and theories in sociology—cousin marriage in a M u s l i m village Kazue Koda, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Osaka University

Political attitudes of the Japanese people Joji Watanuki, Associate Professor of Sociology, Tokyo University

Class differentiation of farmers and social structure of the rural communi ty in post-war Japan Otoyori Tahara, Assistant Professor of Sociology, Tohoku University

Delinquent groups and organized crime Hiroaki ¡wax. Professor of Sociology, Tokyo Metropolitan University

Social and economic development a n d education in Japan Tatsumi Makino, Professor of Educational Sociology, Tokyo University

T h e significance of relatives at the turning point of the family system in Japan Takashi Koyama, Professor of Sociology, Tokyo University

Christianity in the Japanese rural communi ty : acceptance and rejection Kiyomi Morioka, Associate Professor of Sociology, Tokyo Kyoiku University

Social organization of Li tribe in H a i n a n Island Tuzuru Okada, Professor of Sociology, Tokyo Kyoiku University

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Daniel J. Crowley A Katangese territorial post in transition

Joan P. Mencher Namboodiri Brahmins: an analysis of a traditional ¿lite in Kerala

Brian M . D u Toit Colour, class and caste in southern Africa

Stephen Fuchs Clan organization among the Korkus

J. D . N . Versluys S o m e notes on th« social and economic effects of rural electrification in

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I T A L Y : Librería Commissionaria Sansoni S.p.A., via Lamarmora 45, casella postale 552, F I R E N Z E ; Librería Internazionale Rizzoli, Largo Chighi, R O M A ; Librería Zanichelli, Piazza Gal van i i/h, B O L O G N A ; Hoepli, via Ulrico Hoepli 5, M I L A N O ; Librairie française, piazza Castello 9, T O R I N O .

I V O R Y C O A S T : Centre d'édition et de diffusion africaines, boîte postale 4541, A B I D J A N P L A T E A U .

J A M A I C A : Sangster's Book Room, 91 Harbour Street,

K I N G S T O N .

J A P A N : Maruzen Co. Ltd., 6 Tori-Nichome, Nihonbashi.

P . O . Box 605, Tokyo Central, T O K Y O .

J O R D A N : Joseph I. Bahous & Co., Dar-ul Kutub,

Salt Road. P . O . Box 66, A M M A N .

K E N Y A : ESA Bookshop, P .O . Box 30167, N A I R O B I .

K O R E A : Korean National Commission for Unesco, P .O. Box Central 64, S E O U L .

K I T W \ I T : The Kuwait Bookshop Co. Ltd., P . O . Box 2942, K U W A I T .

L E B A N O N : Librairies Antoine, A. Naubal et Frères, B . P . 656, B E Y R O U T H .

LIBERIA: Cole & Yancy Bookshops Ltd., P . O . Box 286, M O N R O V I A .

LIBYA: Orient Bookshop, P . O . Box 255, T R I P O L I .

L I E C H T E N S T E I N : Eurocan Trust Reg., P . O . B . 3 SCHAAN.

L U X E M B O U R G : Librairie Paul Brück, 22 Grand-Rue, L U X E M B O U R G .

MADAGASCAR: All publications. Commission nationale de la République malgache. Ministère de l'éducation nationale, T A N A N A R I V E . For 'The Courier' only: Service des œuvres post et péri-scolaires, Ministère de l'éducation nationale, T A N A N A R I V E .

M A L A Y S I A : Federal Publications Ltd., Times House, River Valley Road, S I N G A P O R E , Pudu Building (3rd floor), n o Jalan Pudu, K U A L A L U M P U R .

M A L T A : Sapienza's Library, 26 Kingsway, V A L L E T T A .

M A U R I T I U S : Nalanda Co. Ltd., 30 Bourbon Street, P O R T - L O U I S .

M E X I C O : Editorial Hermes, Ignacio Marisca 41, M É X I C O D . F .

M O N A C O : British Library, 30, boulevard des Moulins, M O N T E - C A R L O .

M O R O C C O : All publications. Librairie 'Aux belles images', 281, avenue Mohammed V, R A B A T (CCP 68-74). For 'The Courier' (for teachers) only: C o m mission nationale marocaine pourl'Unesco, 20, Zenkat Mourabitine, R A B A T . (CCP 307-63.)

M O Z A M B I Q U E : Salema and Carvalho Ltda., caixa postal 192, B E I R A .

N E T H E R L A N D S : N . V . Martinus Nijhoff, Lange Voorhout 9, ' S - G R A V E N H A G E .

N E T H E R L A N D S A N T I L L E S : G . C. T . Van Dorp and Co. (Ned. Ant.) N . V . , W I L L E M S T A D (Curaçao, N . A . ) .

N E W C A L E D O N I A : Reprex, avenue de la Victoire, Immeuble Painbouc, N O U M É A .

N E W Z E A L A N D : Government Printing Office, 20 Molesworth Street (Private Bag), W E L L I N G T O N ; Government Bookshops: A U C K L A N D (P.O. Box 5344); C H R I S T C H U R C H (P.O. Box 1721); D U N E D I N (P.O. Box 1104).

N I C A R A G U A : Librería Cultural Nicaragüense, calle 15 de Septiembre y avenida Bolivar, apartado n.° 807, M A N A G U A .

NIGERIA: CMS (Nigeria) Bookshops, P.O. Box 174. LAGOS.

N O R W A Y : AU publications. A.S. Bokhjornet, LUle Grensen 7, O S L O . For 'The Courier1 only: A . S . Nar-vesens Litteraturjeneste, Box 6125, O S L O .

P A K I S T A N : The West-Pak Publishing Co. Ltd., Unesco Publications House, P .O. Box 374, G . P . O . , L A H O R E . Showrooms: Urdu Bazaar, L A H O R E ; and 57-58 Murree Highway, G/6-I, I S L A M A B A D .

P A R A G U A Y : Agencia de Librerías, Nizza, S.A., Estrella no. 721, A S U N C I Ó N .

P E R U : Distribuidora INCA S.A., Emilio Althaus 470, apartado 3115» L I M A .

U N E S C O

PHILIPPINES: The Modern Book Co., 508 Riza Avenue, M A N I L A .

P O L A N D : Osrodek, Rozpowszechniania Wydawnictw Naukowych P A N , Palac Kultury i Nauki, W A R S Z A W A .

P O R T U G A L : Dias & Andra de Lda., Livraria Portugal, rua do Carmo 70, LISBOA.

P U E R T O RICO: Spanish English Publications, Eleanor Roosevelt 115, apartado 19x2, H A T O R E Y .

S O U T H E R N R H O D E S I A : Textbook Sales (PTV), Ltd., 67 Union Avenue, S A L I S B U R Y .

R O M A N I A : Cartimex, P . O . Box 134-135, 3, rue 13 Decembrie, B U C U R E S T I . (Telex: 226.)

S E N E G A L : La Maison du Livre, 13, avenue Roume, D A K A R .

SINGAPORE: See Malaysia. SOUTH AFRICA: Van Schaik's Bookstore (Pty) Ltd.,

Libri Building, Church Street, P . O . Box 724, P R E TORIA.

SPAIN: All publications. Librería Científica Medinaceli, Duque de Medinaceli 4, M A D R I D 14. For 'The Courier' only: Ediciones Iberoamericana! S.A., calle de Ofiate 15, M A D R I D .

S U D A N : Al Basbir Bookshop, P . O . Box ir 18. K H A R TOUM.

S W E D E N : All publications. A/B C. E. Fritzes Kungl Hovbokhandel, Fredsgatan 2, STOCKHOLM 16. For 'The Courier' only: The United Nations Association of Sweden, Vasagatan 15-17» S T O C K H O L M C.

S W I T Z E R L A N D : Europa Verlag, Rämistrasse 5, Z Ü R I C H ; Librairie Payot, 6, rue Grenus, 1211, G E N È V E 11.

SYRIA: Librairie internationale Avicenne, boite postale 2456, D A M A S .

T A N Z A N I A : Dar es Salaam Bookshop, P . O . Box 2775, D A R E S S A L A A M .

T H A I L A N D : Suksapan Panit, Mansion 9, Raj damnern Avenue, B A N G K O K .

TUNISIA: Société tunisienne de diffusion, 5, avenue de Carthage, T U N I S .

T U R K E Y : Librairie Hachette, 469 Istiklal Caddesi, Beyoglu, I S T A N B U L .

U G A N D A : Uganda Bookshop, P . O . Box 145, K A M P A L A .

U N I T E D A R A B R E P U B L I C : Librairie Kasr El Nil, 38, rue Kasr El Nil, C A I R O . Sub-depot: La Renais-sanee d'Egypte, 9 Sh. Adly Pasha, C A I R O (Egypt).

U N I T E D K I N G D O M : H . M . Stationery Office, P . O . Box 569, L O N D O N , S . E . I ; Government bookshops: London, Belfast, Birmingham, Cardiff, Edinburgh, Manchester.

U N I T E D S T A T E S O F A M E R I C A : Unesco Publications Center (NAIP), 317 East 34th St., N E W Y O R K , N . Y . 10016.

U R U G U A Y : Editorial Losada, Uruguaya, S.A., Colonia 1060, M O N T E V I D E O . Teléfono 8-75-71.

U.S.S.R.: Mezhdunarodnaja Kniga, M O S K V A G-200.

V E N E Z U E L A : Dipuven, avenida Libertador, Qta. 'Dipuven', Urb. Los Caobos, apartado de correos 10440, C A R A C A S .

V I E T - N A M (REPUBLIC O F ) : Librairie-papeterie Xuân-Thu, 185-193 rue Tu-Do, B .P . 283, S A I G O N .

Y U G O S L A V I A : Jugoslovenska Knjiga, Terazije 27» B E O G R A D .

C O U P O N S

Unesco Book Coupons can be used to purchase all books and periodicals of an educational, scientific or cultural character. For full information please write to: Unesco Coupon Office, place de Fontenoy, Paris-7», France. [35]

SUBJECT AND AUTHOR INDEX OF T H E

INTERNATIONAL SOCIAL SCIENCE J O U R N A L

V O L U M E XVIII (1966)

S U B J E C T S

African Training and Research Centre in Administration, Tangier, 430-4.

Aid to developing countries, comparison of forms (Vienna meeting, September 1965), 293-4.

Assimilation of scientific and technological 'message', 362-75.

Athens Centre of Ekistics and Graduate School of Ekistics, 98-101.

Center for Real Estate and Urban Economics, Berkeley, 277-9.

Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, Santa Barbara, California, 439-43.

Committee for International Co-operation in Rural Sociology, Wageningen, 95-6.

Comparative research (Paris conference, April 1965), 287-93.

Crime clinical approach to aetiology of,

151-61, research into methods of prevention,

I39-50-United Nations work in prevention

and control, 253-65. Criminology

Fifth International Congress, 280-7, mathematical methods in, 200-33, select bibliography, 224-43.

Czechoslovakia: research, development and economic growth, 378-87.

Delinquent behaviour, socio-cultural approach to, 176-93.

Delinquents, socio-therapy for, 194-9. Deutsche Gesellschaft für auswärtige

Politik, Bonn, 96-8. Deutsches Institut für Wirtschaftsfor

schung, Berlin-Dahlem, 436-8. Dokumentations und Ausbildungszen

trum für Theorie und Methode der

Regionalforschung, Bad Godesberg, 590-2.

France: research, development and economic growth, 378-87.

Graduate School of Sociology and Social Research, R o m e , 276.

H u m a n Rights and family patterns, 41-54. Hindu and Buddhist traditions, 31-40, legal protection at international level,

. 55-68, liberal Western tradition, 22-30. Marxist approach, 11-21, select bibliography, 81-7.

Indian Institute of Management, A h m e -dabad, 274-5.

Institute of Criminology, Helsinki, 273-4. Institute of Economics, Budapest, 101-3. Instituto Colombiano de Desarrollo

Social, Bogota, 269-72. International Bank for Reconstruction

and Development, Economic Development Institute, Washington, 434-6.

International Peace Research Association (inaugural conference, July 1965), 107-12.

International Society of Criminology, Paris, 266-8.

International Sociological Association, Geneva, 92-4.

Joint Center for Urban Studies of M I T and Harvard University, Cambridge, 592-6.

Land values in the United Kingdom since 1946, 513-26.

Latin America: technology and natural resources, 345-61.

Malian Institute of H u m a n Sciences, Koulouba, 104-6.

Mathematical methods in criminology, 224-43.

O m b u d s m a n ' s office in Sweden, 247-51. Penal methods, evaluation of, 162-75. Physical planning

social class in, 494-512, social scientists in, 473-93.

Private property and land reform problems, 69-80.

Research, development and economic growth Czechoslovakia, 378-87. France, 388-407. United Kingdom, 408-26.

Rural exodus and depopulation of mountainous regions (Swiss-Italian Colloquium, 1965), 117.

Science, technology and economic development, 326-44 Paris meeting, August 1965, 113-17. R o m e meeting, October 1965, 444-7.

Settlement systems, an ecological interpretation of, 527-38.

A Y M A N S , G . H . P. Technology and natural resources: the example of Latin America, 345-61.

B E R T R A N D , André. Julian Hochfeld, 1911-1966 (obituary), 319-20.

BEXELIUS, Alfred. The Ombudsman's office in Sweden, 247-51.

BouLDiNG, Elise. Inaugural conference of the International Peace Research Association, 1965. 107-12.

CHRISTIE, Nils. Research into methods of crime prevention, 139-50.

D E B U Y S T , Christian. A clinical approach to the aetiology of crime, 151-61.

G L E A N , Marion. H u m a n rights in perspective: introduction, 7-10.

G O O D E , William J. Family patterns and human rights, 41-54.

H A L L WILLIAMS, J. E . Evaluating penal methods, 162-75.

HiRszowicz, Maria. The Marxist approach to human rights, 11-21.

H O C H F E L D , Julian. Patterns of Unesco's social science programme, 568-88.

H U T C H I N S , Robert M . Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, Santa Barbara, 439-43.

IATRIDES, Demetrius. Social scientists in physical development planning: a practitioner's viewpoint, 473-93.

J U V T C N Y , Pierre. Legal protection of human rights at the international level, 55-68.

K A V A D I A S , G . The assimilation of the scientific and technological 'message', 362-75.

Social class and physical planning, 494-512-

Social science at Unesco, 554-68, patterns of programme at Unesco,

569-88. Social scientists in physical development

planning, 473-93. Technology and natural resources in

Latin America, 345-61. Town planning and the public, 539-50. Unesco

social science at, 554-68, patterns of social science programme,

569-88. United Kingdom

land values in, since 1946, 513-26. research, development and economic

growth, 408-26, United Nations: work in prevention

and control of criminality, 253-65.

K E L L E R , Suzanne. Social class in physical planning, 494-512.

L E N G Y E L , Peter. T w o decades of social science at Unesco, 554-68.

M I L L S , E . F. Land values in the United Kingdom since 1946, 513-26.

N E K O L A , Jiri. Research, development and economic growth in Czechoslovakia, 378-87.

PHILLIPS, H . M . Science and technology in economic development, 326-44.

PINATEL, Jean. Select bibliography of criminology, 224-43.

PINSON, Monique. Research, development and economic growth in France, 388-407.

PIORO, Zygmunt. A n ecological interpretation of settlement systems, 527-38.

R A P H A E L , D . D . Liberal Western tradition of human rights, 22-30.

R I H A , Ladislav. Research, development and economic growth in Czechoslovakia, 378-87.

S C H A U D I N N , Lisbeth. Role of science and technology in economic development (Rome meeting, 1965), 113-17.

SMITH, H . A . Mathematical methods in criminology, 200-33.

S U T H E R L A N D , Alasdair C . Town planning and the public, 539-50.

S Z A B O , Andras. Socio-therapy for delinquents, 194-9.

S Z A B O , Denis. Fifth international congress of criminology, 280-7.

A U T H O R S

S Z A B O , Denis. Socio-cultural approach to the aetiology of delinquent behaviour, 176-93.

T H A M B Y A H P I L L A I , George. The right to private property and problems of land reform, 69-80.

T H A P A R , Romila. Hindu and Buddhist traditions of human rights, 31-40.

V E R M E S , Miklos. Socio-therapyfor delinquents, 194-9.

W I L L I A M S , Bruce. Research, development and economic growth in the United Kingdom, 408-26.

W O L F G A N G , Marvin E . Mathematical methods in criminology, 200-23.

Ç) Unesco 1966 Printed in France by Imp. Ciété, Paris SS.66/I.74/A

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