I

~

~

v

Prof. Scott B. NoegelChair, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and CivilizationUniversity of Washington

"Phoenicia, Phoenicians."

First Published in:Bill Arnold and H. G. M. Williamson, eds.Dictionary of the Old Testament: Historical BooksDowners Grove, IL: InterVarsity Press (2005), 792-798.

.

esramenHistoricalBooks

.

.

Editors:Bill T.Arnold

H. G.M.Williamson

~~lvp Q.,P)InterVarsity PressDowners Grove, Illinois

Inter-Varsity PressLeicester, England ;'00 S

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

--./

'liesBCEGerusalem: Israel Exploration Society,1998); B.Hesse, "Animal Use at Tel Miqne-Ekron in the Bronze Age and Iron Age," BASOR264 (1986) 17-27; S. A. Irvine, Isaiah, Ahaz, and

the Syro-Ephraimite Crisis (SBLDS 123; Atlanta:Scholars Press, 1990); G. L. KeIrn and A. Mazar,eds., Tzmnah: A Biblical City in the Sorek Valliry(Wi-nona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995); A. M.Maeir, "Notes and News: Tell e~-$afi/Gath,1996-2002," IE] 53 (2003) 237-46; idem, "Philis-terkeramik," RLA (forthcoming); A. M. Maeirand C. S. Ehrlich, "Excavating Philistine Gath:Have We Found Goliath's Hometown?" BAR

27.6 (2001) 22-31; D. M. Master, "Trade and Pol-itics: Ashkelon's Balancing Act in the SeventhCentury B.C.E.,"BASOR 330 (2003) 47-64;A. Mazar,Excavations at Tell Qasile, Part I: The PhilistineSanctuary; Architecture and Cult Objects (Qedem12;jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1980);N. Na'aman, "Ekron under the Assyrian andEgyptian Empires," BASOR 332 (2003a) 81-91;idem, "In Search of the Reality behind the Ac-count of the Philistine Assault on Ahaz in the

Book of Chronicles," Transeuphratene 26 (2003b)47-63; idem, "The Pre-Deuteronomistic Story ofKing Saul and Its Historical Significance," CBQ54 (1992) 638-58; E. Noort, Die Seevolkerin Paliis-tina (PA 8; Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1994);E. D.Oren, ed., The Sea Peoplesand Their World: A Re-assessment(University Museum Monographs 108;University Museum Symposium Series II; Phila-delphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum ofArchaeology and Anthropology, 2000); N. K.Sandars, The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the AncientMediterranean (rev. ed.; London: Thames &Hudson, 1985); C. Schafer-Lichtenberger, "TheGoddess of Ekron and the Religious-CulturalBackground of the Philistines," IE] 50 (2000) 82-91; I. Singer, "Towards the Image of Dagon,God of the Philistines," Syria 69 (1992) 431-50;L. E. Stager, Ashkelon Discovered:From Canaanitesand Philistines to Romans and Moslems (Washing-ton, DC: Biblical Archaeology Society, 1991);B. J. Stone, "The Philistines and Acculturation:Culture Change and Ethnic Continuity in theIron Age," BASOR 298 (1995) 7-35; D. Sweeneyand A. Yasur-Landau, "Following the Path of theSea Persons: The Women in the Medinet HabuReliefs," TA 26 (1999) II 6-45; S. Wachsmann,Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Agewant (College Station: Texas A&M UniversityPress; London: Chatham, 1998).

--'

C. S. Ehrlich

792

1~iidf.

PHOENICIA, PHOENICIANSThe terms Phoeniciaand Phoenicians designate thecoastal region north of ancient Israel and thepeople who inhabited it from the thirteenth celli ~

tury BCEto the first century BCE.The geographic ,.boundaries of Phoenicia are relatively clean ~

They extended from Mount *Carmel to the"Amanus Mountains Gosh 11:8, 19:28; 2 Sam 24:6-7), with the Lebanon and Anti-Lebanon rangesmarking its eastem flank (Lipinski 2003). LeS$clear, however, are the cultural and ethnic identi~; j~'~ "

ties of the peoples who dwelled in Phoenicia's;'~.most prominent city-states (e.g., Arvad, Byblos, Si-don and Tyre). In the Bible each one appearswith varying degrees of frequency that corre.spond to the level of economic, political, andtheological importance that. each held for an.,!,;cient Israel and the Bible'sjudean authors. Thus"Arvad and Byblos (Heb gebiil, "Gebal") receiveonly parenthetical treatments (Gen 10:18; Josh13:5; 1 Kings 5:13-18; Ezek 27:8-9), whereas Sidonand Tyre appear prominently. Indeed, the char.7acterizations of Sidon and Tyre, though hardlY~identical, reflect the Phoenicians' enormous eCQi- ~

nomic, political and religious influence on Israel,1. Phoenician Identity2. The Historical Context of Israelite-

Phoenician Relations

3.Judean Portraits of Phoenician City-states',"'4.Judean Polemic and Phoenician Cults'" !Ii!

1. Phoenician Identity.The cultural and ethnic contours of Phoenician

identity are something of an enigma (Rollig);, ~Most scholars see the Phoenicians asdesceIE' ~,iI'"dants of the *Canaanite populations who lived in"," "the region before them, but the migrations and f!intemational trading activities that punctuate theregion's history make this uncertain. Moreover,biblical texts apply the term Canaanite to the re--.gion later known as Phoenicia (Is 23:II; Obad20), but also to a number of diverse cultriralgroups in antiquity (Gen 10:15-20;Judg 1:31-32).

It is ironic that so little is known about the

Phoenicians. Already in antiquity they possessedenormous fame for their role in transmitting tht;alphabetic script to Greek-speaking peoples and .~for their ubiquitous maritime, mercantile andcolonial activities throughout the MediteJ'l'lli' "1nean world. But most of what is known about

them comes from non-Phoenician sources (e.g.,Assyrian, Babylonian, Egyptian, Greek and Isra-elite), many of which are tendentious, even p~ ',i~'

!~

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

~

:,1lemical, in their characterization of them

(f am). Thus we can use them only with cau-ti~

Many Phoenician inscriptions have sur-vived, as well as a few letters, but they have

yielded only limited information on Phoeni-cian identity (seeNon-Israelite Written Sources:Syro-Palestinian). An incommensurately largernumber of texts must have been composed on

papyri or leather, but they have not survived.The extant inscriptions are written in a Semiticlanguage closely related to ancient Hebrew,suggesting some degree of cultural affinity. Infact, there are a great number of parallels be-tWeen Phoenician inscriptions and Israelite lit-erary texts (Parker; Avishur). Nevertheless,phoenician inscriptions also demonstrate di-versity. Texts from Byblos, for example, arecomposed in a different dialect and employ adistinct script. Moreover, the Phoenicians' deal-ings with the Greek world and Anatolia make itlikely that those involved in international tradewere multilingual.

Etymological research is of limited help indetennining Phoenician identity. The origin ofthe term "Phoenicia" is either Egyptian (fnhw) orGreek (phoinike). The etymology of the Egyptianword is unknown, and that of the Greek word isuncertain (Muhly). The Greek term initially des-ignated a reddish color, perhaps the color ofthem'f)enicians' hair or skin or the textile dyes for

:h the traders in this region were interna-"trohally renowned. Regardless of the term's ety-

mology, by the first millennium BCE Greek-speaking peoples were applying it generally tothe inhabitants of the region.

The archaeological record sheds some lighton issues of Phoenician identity, but consideredas a totality, it is woefully incomplete. Althoughexcavations have confinned the region's activityin the large-scale production of reddish-purpledyes, none of the major Phoenician coastal siteshas ever been excavated thoroughly below theRoman layer, because many of the most promis-ing excavation sites are presently occupied or lieunder protected monuments from later periods.Byblos has yielded information mainly for theBronze Age (Markoe, 324). Thus the archaeo-logical record produces a composite and frag-mentary portrait of Phoenician civilization, onethat is particularly weak for the period of theIron Age (c. 1200-555 BCE).Even with this in-complete portrait, however, it is clear that the

tenn Phoenician implies more of a uniform cul-tural and ethnic identity than was the reality.

Indeed, the people of the region never re-ferred to themselves as Phoenician, but instead

identified with the city-states in which they lived(e.g., Tyrians from Tyre, Sidonians from Sidon),much like the Canaanites who lived in the re-

gion before them. Assyrian, Babylonian and Is-raelite texts typically refer to these peoplessimilarly (e.g.,]udg 3:3; 10:11-12; I Kings 5:1-14;11:1,5; 2 Kings 23:13; 1 Chron 22:4; Ezra 3:7).Even the gods of Phoenicia are distinguished bylocale (e.g., Baal of Tyre, Baal of Sidon), and thedivine pantheon differs considerably among itscity-states. The consistent references to localizedpersonal and divine identities similarly bespeakcultural diversity and complicate the question ofwhether Phoenicians are direct descendants ofthe Canaanites.

Phoenician settlements off the mainland

pose similar problems for ascertaining Phoeni-cian identity (Moscati). Already by the eighthcentury BCE the Phoenicians had establishedtrading and industrial colonies in a number ofplaces throughout the Mediterranean world, in-cluding Carthage, Cyprus, Sardinia, Sicily, Spainand Utica (the term Punic is used to describethese Phoenician cultures, especially after thesixth century BCE).Archaeological excavationscarried out at these settlements reveal them to

be of a very different character from one anoth-er and from those in Syria. A good deal of cul-tural exchange took place at these locationsbetween Phoenician settlers and the indigenouspopulations, but since textual and archaeologi-cal records are limited, we can only hypothesizeto what degree and on what levels such ex-change took place. In some cases Phoeniciansettlers maintained their homeland traditions,especially in matters of religion, hence the dis-covery of dedicatory inscriptions devoted to thegoddess Astarte of Sidon in Spain and Cyprus.Elsewhere, such as at Sidonian settlements inZinjirliand Karatepe or at the Tyrian city ofCarthage, Phoenicians appear to have partiallyacculturated.

The combined textual and archaeologicaldata thus demonstrate that the term Phoenician

loosely designates a number of different city-state cultures that lived in relative proximity, andthat shared a similar language, as well as an in-dustrious determination for locating new mer-cantile horizons.

793

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

2.The Historical Context of Israelite-Phoenician Relations.

The Phoenicians' mercantile horizons broughttheir city-states a great deal of wealth, but theirwealth naturally made them targets for controlby greater Near Eastern powers. Consequently,the history of Phoenicia's city-states is comprisedof oscillating periods of autonomy and vassal-age, though rarely of economic decline.

Scholars place the start of Phoenician historyafter the Sea Peoples invasions, when the loss ofdomination by *Egypt created a power vacuum.Although Ramesses III (c. 1187-1156 BCE) de-feated the Sea Peoples, his campaigns usheredin a period of gradual decline for Egypt Nolonger capable of maintaining a secure grasp inthe Levant, Egypt could not stop its vassals frombecoming independent and from reaping theeconomic benefits that they were once forced toshare. Whether Phoenician city-states.were Will-ing accomplices in the Sea Peoples' attacks is de-bated (Bikai), but it is clear that their stabilityduring this turbulent period gave them a greatereconomic advantage in the ensuing years.

The power vacuum lasted until the reign ofthe *Assyrian king Tiglath Pileser I (c. 1115-1077BCE),who marched to Arvad, Sidon and Tyreand demanded tribute. Nevertheless, Assyriandomination was short-lived, and its decline al-lowed the early Phoenician city-states to flourishand expand their international reach for nearlyfour hundred years. The decline of Assyrianpower also marks the start of Israel's monarchichistory, and thus it is during the reigns of *Davidand *Solomon that the Bible's historical texts

first report on Phoenician and Israelite rela-tions.

3.Judean Portraits of Phoenician City-States.It is only with caution that one can use the He-brew Bible as a source of information on Phoe-

nician culture and history. This is because thebiblical texts were composed primarily from aJudean theological perspective and often arepolemical in purpose, and because they werewritten and edited over a period of several hun-dred years (Zevit, 439-48). Consequently, they re-flect changing political and economic rela-tionships with cities of Phoenician power. Thus,whereas the Phoenician city of Sidon is consis-tently vilified, Tyre is transformed from a friendand ally of Israel during the period of the unitedmonarchy to an arrogant city of greedy oppor-

794

~

tunists after the kingdom is divided.

The different orientations of the two majorPhoenician city-states and the contractual rela~,tionships that formed because of them accountin part for the differences in the way they arecharacterized in biblical accounts of early Israeland the united monarchy. The twelfth to thetenth centuries BCEmark a transitional period inboth Israel and Phoenicia. During this time Isra-el was transformed from a theocratic and, semi-nomadic confederation of twelve tribes to a

sedentary monarchic nation with a capital, atJerusalem. The Phoenicians, by contrast, werewell underway with their international expan-sion efforts. Sidon, with some participation fromByblos, began to move north into Anatolia, Cili-cia, Aramea and Assyria, and west to Crete, Cy-prus, Sardinia, Sicily and Spain. Tyre, on theother hand, expanded its presence primarily in"a southern direction into Palestine and North

Africa, though Tyrian enclaves are known atCarthage and Cyprus and further north atCarchemish.

3.1. Judean Portraits ofSwon. Sidon is consis-tently given a negative portrait in the Bible'srhistorical texts. During the time of Joshua andthe Judges it appears in a list of Israel's oppres-'sors Gosh 13:2-6; Judg 1:31, 10:11), and as, apowerful regional threat Gosh 19:28; Judg18:28). The worship of Sidonian gods is cited as",a partial cause for losses incurred at the handsof *Philistines and *Ammonites. DuringfSol-omon's reign Sidonian women are blamed forthe introduction of the gods Baal and Astarte,into Judah, and thus for turning the king awayfrom worshiping Yahweh (1 Kings 11:1-5).These texts similarly connect the downfall ofKing Ahab to the princess Jezebel (1 Kings16:31-33; 2 Kings 23:13), whom the text identi-'fies as a Sidonian, even though her father was'"also the king of Tyre Gosephus Ant. 8.13.1). AI.though the Chronicler states that David reo)ceived timber from both Sidonians and Tyrianswhen gathering the raw materials for Yahweh'stemple (l Chron 22:3-4), this text was com-posed during the Persian period and may re-flect an anachronistic understanding of Israel'srelationship with Phoenician city-states, forboth Sidonians and Tyrians were employed inbuilding the second temple (Ezra 3:7).

3.2. Judean Portraits of Tyre. Tyre, on the oth-er hand, is portrayed positively in biblical textsthat describe events during the united monar-"

%

..

~chv There may be political and economic rea-t ehind this. During the united monarchyIs'hxclcontrolled the primary trade routes fromphoenicia to the Red Sea (Kuhrt, 2.408). It thusserved Tyre well to maintain good relations withits southern neighbor. Similarly, Tyre's proximi-

ty and international reach made it an ideal busi-ness partner. Since Jerusalem and Tyre benefit-ed mUtually from the relationship, the biblicaltexts that record the relationship with Tyre do so

positively.Thus Hiram, king of Tyre, is called a friend

of David (I Kings 5:1), and he is credited with as-sisting the building of David's palace by supply-ing him with cedar, carpenters and stonemasons(2 Sam 5:11-12; 1 Chron 14:1-2). Solomon simi-larly enlisted Tyrian artisans when he built thetemple of Yahweh, and he supplied Hiramwith wheat and oil in exchange for cypress andcedar logs from Lebanon (1 Kings 5:7-11; 2 Chron2:9). Tyrians supplied the bronze and artisansfor constructing the temple's two pillars and sa-cred vessels (1 Kings 7:13-47; 2 Chron 4:11-17).Solomon relied on Byblos, however, for othertimber resources and for its expert masons(1 Kings 5:13-18; Ezek 27:9). The gold, preciousstones and almug-wood used in the constructionof the temple and its liturgical instruments wereobtained by way of a joint Tyrian-Israelite expe-dition to Ophir (1 Kings 9:26-28; 10:11-12;2 Chron

'7-18). Joint expeditions to Tarshish also

~:e launched (I Kings 10:22; 2 Chron 9:21).The historicity of these expeditions, however,remains in question (Lipinski, CANE 2.1321-33).

Indeed, the characterization of Tyre duringthe reigns of David and Solomon is altogetherflattering. Biblical texts portray Solomon notsimply as an ally of Hiram, but as a quasi-Tyrianking equipped with Phoenician wisdom, wealthand fame (1 Kings 5:1-6; 15:26). The portrayal isunderscored by way of literary parallels thatdraw Solomon and Hiram into close compari-son (Peckham, 350-51).

3.3. The Changing Portrait of Tyre in Light ofPhoenicianHistory. The positive portrayal of Tyre,however, is gradually replaced with a negativeone in biblical texts that detail events after the

united monarchy. The change in characteriza-tion reflects a deteriorating relationship be-tween Israel and Tyre in the years following theunited monarchy.

The early alliance between Tyre andJerusa-

.'"

J....

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

lem and the latter's emergence as a regionalpower under David and Solomon did not go un-noticed by Egypt. Five years after Solomon'sdeath, Pharaoh Sheshonq I (c. 945-924 BCE)in-vaded the Levant (McCarter, 56-57). When hearrived at Jerusalem, King *Rehoboam paid himfrom the treasures in the royal palace and thetemple of Yahweh (1 Kings 14:25-26; 2 Chron12). The discovery at Byblos of statues of Shesh-onq I, Osorqon I (c. 999-959 BCE)and OsorqonII (c. 874-835 BCE),the former two also contain-ing Phoenician inscriptions ofthe Byblian kingsAbibaal and Elibaal (Kitchen, 292-93, 308-9),demonstrates .that Egypt and Byblos had re-sumed trading relations during this period(Pernigotti, 604). In an effort to expand its owninfluence, Egypt apparently was attempting tostrainJudean relations with Phoenicia and Isra-el. Sheshonq I also had harbored the anti-Solo monic fugitive *Jeroboam (I Kings 11:40-12:1-3). Whether Byblos or other Phoeniciancity-states played a role in Sheshonq I's invasionis unknown, but it is possible that the renewedrelations between Phoenicia and Egypt contrib-uted toJerusalem's souring relationship with Tyre.

In the ninth century BCE*Assyria began toshow an aggressive interest in Phoenicia'swealth. Heavy tribute was imposed under As-surnasirpal II (c. 883-859 BCE) and Shalman-ezer III (c. 858-823 BCE).Tilglath Pileser III (c.744-727 BCE) later enlarged Assyria's holdingsby annexing northern Phoenicia, including Si-don and Arvad, and by installing a network ofgovernors there. Although Tyre remained inde-pendent, its autonomy was always in check. Sar-gon II (c. 721-705 BCE) soon completed theannexation of Phoenicia by suppressing anumber of rebellions, fomented at times byEgypt, and ultimately by taking Tyre's holdingson Cyprus.

During the reign of Sennacherib (c. 704-681BCE) the Phoenician city-states, Sidon chiefamong them, began to test Assyrian power andwithhold their tribute. These acts bore swift and

violent repercussions. Once again Phoeniciawas brought under Assyrian domination. Theperiod of domination, from the reigns ofTiglathPileser III to Sennacherib, effectively ended Si-donian supremacy in Phoenicia, but since Tyreretained its independence, it benefited from Si-don's loss and became the leading city in Phoe-nicia.

Although Tyre was not an. Assyrian puppet,

795

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

./

some Judeans must have perceived that the Tyri-ans were acting as go-betweens in the trade be-tween Assyria and the west, and also with Egypt,and that their continued expansion was the di-rect result of Assyrian imperial growth (Fran-kenstein). Thus it is in this context that we seeJudean prophets linking Tyre to Sidon and casti-gating it for its opulence and connection to As-syria (Is 23:1-14, Amos 1:9-10, Hos 9:13 [see alsoPs 83:6-9]).

Sidon again asserted its independence dur-ing the reign of Esarhaddon (c. 680-669 BCE),but violent punishment was quick in the coming.Sidon was destroyed, its king beheaded and itsinhabitants deported. A few years later Egyptsuccessfully incited Tyre to rebel. Esarhaddonassumed direct control over it and restricted its

trade in the Mediterranean. He then punishedEgypt with an invasion and took Memphis in671 BCE.Judah too was swept up in the wave ofAssyrian control. During the reign of *Ma-nasseh (c. 687-642 BCE)Judah even appears tohave supported it (2 Kings 21:16), and archaeo~logical evidence suggests that Judah's economyprofited indirectly from Assyrian control ofPhoenicia (Elat, 246-47).

In 698 BCEEsarhaddon moved to reconsoli-

date his power in Egypt, but he died en rO1,1te.His son Assurbanipal (c. 669-627 BCE)completedthe task by taking Thebes in 664 BCE.His inten-sive focus on Egypt naturally weakened Assyria'sgrip on Phoenicia. Consequently, Tyre and sev-eral other city-states rebelled. Assurbanipal re-taliated quickly and put an end to Phoenicianautonomy. In Egypt he installed Psametik I (c.664-610 BCE),intending him to be a tool of As-syrian power, but campaigns in Elam and Baby-lon prevented him from responding whenPsametik I drove out his forces in 653 BCE.

Psametik I then established an Egyptian militarypresence in Phoenicia and Palestine.

For reasons that are unclear, relations be-

tween Egypt and Assyria appear to have become.friendly during the reign ofPsametik I's succes-sor, Necho II (c. 610-595 BCE),who maintained astrong military presence and active trading net-work in Phoenicia. The close relationship alsopermitted a joint Egyptian-Phoenician expedi-tion to circumnavigate Africa (Herodotus Rist.4.42). However, Necho II's hold in Phoeniciawas ephemeral because he spent much of his ef-forts unsuccessfully assisting the Assyriansagainst a growing Babylonian threat (2 Kings

./

796

23:29-34;Jer 46:2; 2 Chron 35:20-24; 36:34). .By the end of the seventh century BCE the~;

*Babylonians had tipped the balance of power,

and under King Nebuchadnezzar II (c. 604-5~~)BCE)they moved to establish control over Phonicia (2 Kings 24:7). Tyrt'!and Sidon alIi~d'WiIPhilistia and Egypt against him, but their alIi::'iance in the face of almost certain annihilation

was little more than wishful thinking, as -theJudean prophets asserted (Jer 25:22; 27:3,"fEzeki,

32:30). Thus it is on the eve of Babyloni~djn",trol that attitudes toward Phoenicia, particUlarly'among the prophets, become acutely negative>(Jer 47:4-5). Although Nebuchadnezzar n had;pressured Tyre and Sidon into assisting the see.ond stage of his attack and eventual destruction.'

of Jerusalem in 586 BCE(2 Kings24:10---~(}:2>I~2 Chron 36:5-19), the prophets perceived 1:he~as willing accomplices eager to remove a com::petitor and create greater opportunities for proJ>it (Ezek 26-28). Nebuchadnezzar's thirteen~year siege ofTyre (Josephus Ant. 10.228; Ag~Ap."1.21), though an ample demonstration of'TyfeIQ"iiown loathing of Babylonian control, waS' petceived as a divine punishment for its greed(Ezek 26:1-14; 29:18).

When Babylon fell to the *Persiansin 539BCE,Phoenicia again faced a new suzeraiI1.' Url:,c.like the Babylonian kings, however; the Persia~rulers realized that they stood to benefit if they;"allowed Phoenician city-states greater autono;#my. Persia even bestowed on Tyre the 'territorybetween Mount *Carmel and Zarephath, andoon Sidon the cities of Jaffa and Dor. Nevertlie!i

I~ss, Persia kept close. tabs on. Phoen~cia~;ntut~Sidon became one of Its satraples and the site olii;a key military fleet against the Greeks and Egyp-tians. As a consequence of Persian rule, Phoeni-,cian trade and industry again flourished while;the Persian Empire grew.

It is in this context that Sidonian andTyrian'merchants were granted the right to conduct'.;,~business affairs with the Judeans who had rec- ,gturned from exile. In exchange for their timbeI1' !ifthey received foodstuffs and oils (Ezra 3:7j: The ,~spread of Phoenician interests in the regionis ..~evident by the presence of a Tyrian trading en;\<clave in Judea (Neh 13:16). Despite the appii's,;'"ently good commercial relations, Tyre and Sidonwstill were remembered in Judean prophetic cirfcles as decadent and were even accused of trad,,- ,""'-ingJudean slaves abroad (Joel 3:3-8; Zech 9:34),~'Whether the latter claim is based in reality or on ~

Phoenicia, Phoenicians

a widespread mythmaking cliche among Phoe-~;cia's detractors remains a question (Mazza,

1-4g).~

4. Judean Polemic and Phoenician Cults.The changing context of Judean relations withPhoenicia and also with Israel informs biblical

polemics against Phoenician forms of religion.In texts that portray events from the time of theunited monarchy to the period in which Assyr-ian hegemony weakened Jerusalemite and Tyr-ian relations (i.e., from Tiglath-pileser III toSennacherib), Sidon stands alone among thePhoenician city-states as a target of Yahwist po-lemic. Indeed, although Solomon's constructionof Yahweh's temple adopted TyJian design (seeSolomon's Temple), this fact does not appear tohave posed any problems for Israelite polemi-cists. Although many historical factors could becited as a cause for Israel's schism, biblical texts

place the blame squarely on Solomon's toler-ance for Sidonian forms of worship (l Kings11:1-5; 16:g1-:~g).Anti-Sidonian sentiment andJudean differences with Israel also lie behindthe antagonistic accounts of *Elijah and theprophets of Baal (1 Kings 18-19:1-2), KingAhab's Sidonian wife Jezebel (2 Kings 9:g0-g7),and the brutal eradication of Baal worship byKing Jehu (2 Kings 10:18-27). .

It is possible that Judeans viewed the reli-gious practices of northern Israel as particularly

.donian. Archaeological excavations have con-\ drmed the spread of Phoenician cults in north-

ern Israel and beyond after the tenth centuryBCE(Stern). Nevertheless, it is virtually impossi-ble to delineate artifacts that represent Sidonianas opposed to TyJian influence, and it is likelythat economic and political motives also informthe Judean polemics.

Direct authoritative sources on Phoenician

religions are rare, and only a small proportionof Iron Age Phoenician sanctuaJies have everbeen excavated (Stern). This often makes it im-possible to assess the veracity of the biblicalcharacterizations. Some aspects of Phoenicianreligion do appear to be represented accurately(Zevit, 540). Baal and Astarte (biblical Asherah)were in fact prominent members of the Phoeni-cian pantheon. However, Baal (Phoenician"lord") was a generic title applied to a number oflocal mountain deities whose identities were notidentical, and Astarte was not always Baal's con-sort. At Sidon Astarte was paired with Eshmun,

at Tyre she was Melqart's wife, but at CarthageBaal-hamon was coupled with Tanir. Such localvaJiations again fit the distinctive cultural por-traits of the Phoenician city-states (Ribichini).

Archaeological work also has revealed that atleast some Phoenician cults practiced child sac-rifice in accordance with what is noted in the Bi-

ble (2 Kings 16:3; Jer 7:31; 19:5-6), but most ofthe evidence comes from non-Levan tine sites,

especially Carthage (Markoe), which has ledsome to doubt that the practice ever took placein Israel. Similarly debated is the existence of agod named Molech, to whom some of the Phoe-nicians are said to have sacrificed these children

Oer 32:35). On the other hand, child sacrificeappears to have been practiced periodically inearly Israel Oudg 11:34-40), and there seems tobe no reason to doubt the biblical accounts even

if they provide a polemical charge (Zevit, 549-53).

Despite the Bible's polemical treatments ofPhoenician forms of religion and the ideologi-cal differences that they represent, archaeolo-gists have shown that the outward forms ofPhoenician cults (e.g., temples, sacrifices, sacredutensils, divine titles, etc. [e.g., I Kings 18:1-19:2]) were very similar to those of ancientJudah, Israel, Philistia, Ammon, *Edom and*Moab (Schmitz). For some, these similaritiessuggest a common Phoenician, and ultimatelyCanaanite, ancestry (Stern). Our inability to de-fine "Phoenician" identity with precision, how-ever, only complicates the question of influence.

Seealso CANAANITEGODSANDRELIGION;SOL-OMON.

BIBLIOGRWHY.Y. Avishur, Phoenician InscriP-tions and the Bible: SelectInscriPtions and Studies inStylistic and Literary DevicesCommon to the Phoeni-cian InscriPtions and the Bible (Tel Aviv-Jaffa: Ar-chaeological Center Publications, 2000); P. M.Bikai, "The Phoenicians," in The Crisis Years:The

Twelfth Century B.C.from Beyond the Danube to theTigris, ed. W A. Ward and M. S. Joukowsky(Dubuque, IA: Kendall/Hunt, 1992) 132-41;M. Elat, 'The Impact of Tribute and Booty onCountries and People within the Assyrian Em-pire," in Vortriigegehalten auf der 28. REncontreas-syriologique internationale in Wien, 6-10. Juli 1981,ed. H. Hirsch and H. Hunger (AfOB 19; Horn:Berger, 1982) 244-51; S. Frankenstein, "ThePhoenicians in the Far West: A Function of Neo-

Assyrian Imperialism," in Power and Propaganda:A Symposium on Ancient EmPires, ed. M. T. Larsen

797

Poetry

(Mesopotamia 7; Copenhagen; Akad~IJ:lisk For-lag, 1979) 263-95; K. A. Kitchen, The Third Inter-mediate Period in Egypt (1l00-650,BC)(2d ed.;Warminster; Aris & Phillips, 19136);A. ~uhrt, TheAncient Near East, c. 3000-330BC (2 vols.; Londonand New York: Roudedge, 1995); E. Lipinski,Itineraria Phoenicia (OLA 127; ,Leuven: Peeters,

2003); idem, "The Phoenicians," CJLyE2.l321-33; G. Markoe, "Phoenicians," OEANE 4.$24-31;F. Mazza, "The Phoenicians as S~en by the An-cient World," in The Phoenicia'f!,S,~d"S. Moscati(New York: Rizzoli, 1999 [1988]) 628-53; P. K.McCarter Jr., Ancient Inscriptions: Voicesfrom theBiblical World (Washington, DC:, :8iblical Archae-ology Society, 1996); S. Moscati, "Substrata andAdstrata," in The Phoenicians,ed S. Moscati (NewYork: Rizzoli, 1999 [1988]) 580-90; J. D. Muhly,"Homer and the Phoenicians," Berytus 19 (1970)19-64; S. B. Parker, "The Composition andSources of Some Northwest Semitic Royal In-scriptions," SEL 16 (1999) 49-62; B. Peckham,"Phoenicia, History of," ABD 5.349-57; S. Perni-gotti, "Phoenicians and Egyptians," in The Phoe-nicians, ed. S. Moscati (New York: Rizzoli, 1999[1988]) 591-610; S. Ribichini, "Beliefs and Reli-gious Life," in The Phoenicians, ed. S. Moscati(New York: Rizzoli, 1999 [1988]) 120-52; W. Rol-Jig, "On the Origins of the Phoenicians," Berytus31 (1983) 79-83; P. C. Schmitz, "Phoenician Reli-gion," ABD 5.357-63; E. Stern, 'The PhoenicianSource of Palestinian Cults at the End of the

Iron Age," in Symbiosis, Symbolism, and the Powerof thePast: Canaan, Ancient Israel, and Their Neigh-bors from the Late Bronze Age through RomanPalaestina; Proceedings of the Centennial Sympo-sium, W F. Albright Institute of Archaeological Re-search and American Schools of Oriental Research,Jerusalem, May 29-31, 2000, ed. W G. Dever andS. Gitin (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2003)309-22; Z. Zevit, The Religions of Ancient Israel: ASynthesis of Parallactic Approaches (New York:Continuum, ,2001). S. B. Noegel

PILLARED HOUSE. See ARCHITECTIJRE.

PLOTS, NARRATIVE. See NARRATIVEART OF Is-RAEL'S HISTORIANS.

POETRYSongs, hymns' and poems are scattered irregu-larly within the Bible's prose stories. Their ap-pearance has prompted attempts to reconstructolder poetic epics behind the prose accounts, as

798

well as debates over the distinction'bibrew poetry and prose. Recent r~ever, increasingly has focused .011their literary and theological rol~s 'narrative contexts. These studie§, Q,<i'sized that inset hymns in P<irtiS91aearly and distinctive role in shapiIlgcal Books to function as Scriptur,

1. Poetry and Prose2. Inset Songs3. Psalms and Scripture

1. Poetry and Prose.1.1. Hebrew Prose Narrative. A,

ture of ancient Hebrew literatllre,always appear in prose. Unlike,B:Jtite, Ugaritic, Egyptian and Gfee!<,Ji(::J."..poetic epic survives from ancientJ '

prose narrative dominates theJbooks. Prose was also useq t(j:~"

Egyptian and Greek cultures".bI;17~'does it seem to have excluded'tlieleast from the surviving literaml' .

1.2. Inset Poetry. Prose's motelling did not, however, compl,etry from the Historical Boooccasionally depict characte:r;s ,~coup'lets and singing songs; uS11,<ionly excerpts, but sometimesqu(pear to be the entire pieC!~s;:(boasts, riddles, blessings andcurs~

the form of a few poetic line~,~Joshua 6:26; Judges 14:14; l!3;,,15:15:22-23,33; 2 Samuel 20:1; J 12 Chronicles 10:16; 1 Chronicles,longer oracle appears at 2.King~~i\J::,of'!..,,"

excerpts of a few lines or I~ss.lapp~'}10:12-13; 1 Samuel 18:7; 21:11;29:53:33-34; I Chronicles 16:41; 2 ChroJ7:3, 6; Ezra 3:11. But the His~oricaJincorporate one complete dirge~ i1:17-27 and five complete hymns: Jt1 Samuel 2:1-20; 2 Samuel 22:1:51; 23:icles 16:8-36.

1.3. Defining Prose and Poetry; Su'inset poetry in prose cannot be defirever, because of disagreements O\::~r'tinguish the two modes. The distincti(prose and poetry in modem EnglisJclear-cut, and ancient Hebrew was] '.

Hebrew prose can exhibit poetic tendpecially when it employs word plays,~!lelism, while poetry can incorpoj