Productivity and schematicity in constructional change
Transcript of Productivity and schematicity in constructional change
Productivity and schematicity in constructional change
Florent PerekUniversity of Birmingham
Diachronic construction grammar
o New approach to language changeo Grammar = inventory of form-meaning pairs, aka constructions o E.g., the way-construction
They hacked their way through the jungle.
We pushed our way into the pub.
NPX V PossX way PPY
‘X moves along Y by V-ing’
Diachronic construction grammar
o Constructions can be defined at any level of generalityo They can be related in a taxonomic network
‘X changes Y’(change of state)
Sbj BREAK Obj Sbj MELT Obj
Sbj BREAK the ice Sbj BREAK Poss heart
SbjX V ObjY‘X creates Y’
(creation)
SbjX V ObjY
‘X affects Y’SbjX V ObjY
Sbj COOK Obj Sbj BUILD Obj
Two types of change in DCxG
o Constructionalization: creation of a new form-meaning pair, usually from instances of existing constructions
o Constructional change: change in the properties of existing constructions
o Two aspects of constructional change are often discussed: productivity and schematicity
Schematicity
o The level of generality in the meaning of a constructiono Change in schematicity: a construction takes a more
general/specific meaning
dog (ME)
† dog (ME)(~ PDE mastiff) greyhound corgi
dog (PDE)
Schematicity
o Increase in schematicity: creation or reinforcement of a node higher up the taxonomic hierarchy of constructions
o Reinforcement = the node becomes more available for categorization
Construction A’
Construction A Construction A1
Productivity
o Property of a construction to be used with new lexical items (‘extensibility’, Barðdal 2008)
o ‘Extensibility’ not measurable in earlier periodso But its implications can: diachronic variation in the range
of lexical fillers that can be used in a construction
Barðdal, J. (2008). Productivity: Evidence from Case and Argument Structure in Icelandic. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Productivity
o Productivity involves the creation of new nodes subordinate to a construction
o Changes in productivity are measured by the lexical distribution of a construction a different points in time
V one’s way PP
find one’s way PP
make one’s way PPcut one’s
way PP
Productivity and schematicity
o Commonly thought to be interrelatedo A more schematic meaning can be applied to a wider
range of situationso Hence, more items are compatible with the schemao Conversely, the occurrence of new types may contribute
to schema extensiono If a new type is not covered by the schema, the latter can
be adjusted (coercion)
Productivity and schematicity
o Schematicity = productivity?o Can the two notions be collapsed?o Can the distribution of a construction be used to make
claims about its schematicity?
NO to all of the above!
Schematicityà productivity?
o Changes in constructional meaning do not always entail changes in productivity
o At best, schematicity defines the productivity domain, i.e., the set of items that may be used in the construction
o But not all of these items are necessarily attested at any given time, and they may never be
o Subject to the communicative needs of speakerso Case in point: spend in the way-construction
Schematicityà productivity?
o First instances in the 1930s: linked to the New Deal
Is it true that we can spend our way to prosperity? (1935)
There is no recorded instance of any nation having spent its way out of a depression. (1935)
[S]uch a statement stands in clear opposition to the Administration’s philosophy of spending our way into recovery. (1939)
o Spend could have been used in the construction earlier
o But it is this socio-historical context that coined it
Schematicityà productivity?
o The literature typically reports gradual expansion of the distribution of constructions
o E.g., a lot of / lots of (Traugott & Trousdale 2013)[a lothead [ of N ] ] ‘set of N’ à [ [a lot of] Nhead] ‘many N’
o Constructionalization in the 18th century
o Initially used mostly with concrete nounsa lot of people / goods / land …
o Open to abstract nouns only from the mid-19th centurya lot of power / ideas / love …
Schematicityà productivity?
o Quantifier many a N (Hilpert 2012, Hilpert & Perek 2015)Many a sailor has suffered from scurvy.
For many a day the flowers have spread.
o Loss of types, especially in some semantic domains, e.g., body parts, emotions, ideas
o No apparent change in constructional meaning
1830 1860 1890 1920 1950 1980 2010
1020
3040
Toke
ns p
er m
illio
n w
ords
1830 1860 1890 1920 1950 1980 2010
50100150200250300
Types
Productivity à schematicity?
o Novel combinations are innovative if they are not covered by the schema abstracted over attested uses
o Hence, the relevant schema is at the level of the lexical slot, NOT the entire construction
: attested type
: new type
Cx: ... Slot1 ... Slot2 ...
Productivity à schematicity?
o If repeated, creative uses that once sounded ‘deviant’ can become conventional
: attested type
: new type
Cx: ... Slot1 ... Slot2 ...
o If repeated, creative uses that once sounded ‘deviant’ can become conventional
o This leads to increased schematicity of the lexical slot
Productivity à schematicity?
: attested type
: new type
Cx: ... Slot1 ... Slot2 ...
Productivity à schematicity?
o Productivity affects the schematicity of lexical slotso But not necessarily that of the entire constructiono This depends on how the new types relate to attested
ones AND to the constructional meaning– Certain types require/cause adjustments in the
constructional meaning, but not others– Constructional schematization cannot be assumed without
examining this relation at the level of individual instances
The case of the way-construction
o Construction initially centered on physical verbs, in line with the diachronic origin (Israel 1996, from OED data)pave, smooth, cut, etc. (17th century)bridge, hew, sheer, plough, dig, clear, etc. (18th century)
o More abstract types are attested later, especially from the 19th century onwardssmirk, spell, write (Israel 1996), joke, laugh, talk, bully (Perek 2016)
o Same findings in Perek (2016) in 19th-20th AmE (COHA)
Israel, M. (1996). The way constructions grow. In A. Goldberg (ed.), Conceptual structure, discourse and language. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications, 217-230.
Perek, F. (2016). Recent change in the productivity and schematicity of the way-construction: a distributional semantic analysis. Corpus Linguistics and Linguistic Theory, ahead-of-print.
1830−1879
coords.path[, 2]
make
take
think
findfeel work pay
open
understand
break
wear
cut
lie
eat
win
pickstrike
fight
sleep
force
push
burn
gain
press
spread
tear
fitbeg
burst
struggle
kick
dig
smell
trace
guide
crush
melt
enforce
explore
shape
squeeze
conquer
explode
shove
crashpierce
smoothcarve
spell
rip
steer
poke
fan
track
punchgrope
root
screw fumble
dispute
flapplow
leak
wrestle
shoulder
pave probe
gnaw
bribe
maneuver
wedge
marshal
ploughrend
hewburrow
fiddle
1880−1929
coords.path[, 2]
−coo
rds.
path
[, 1]
make
take
think
findfeelwork
talk
read
pay
break
wear
cut
lie
drive
buybuild
eat
win
pick
fight
shoot
sing
teach
sleep
force
guesspush
drink
hit
burn
beat
gain
press
plan
extendspread
dare
steal
tear worry
argue
dance
beg
earn
burst
bore
kickdig
purchase
smell
trace
plead
bite
crush
melt
taste
shape
crack
squeeze
reason
shove
scratch
blaze
hug
stuff
smash
lick
pierce
carve
spell
rip
steer
poke
blast
advertise
perfect
gropescrew
battle
fumbleflap
stammer
experiment
gesture
slash
forge
plowfret
wrestle
hack
hitch shoulder
trick
hustle
batter
pave probe
gnaw
bribe
prickshear
bully
sawthrash
wedge
claw
scorch
plough
simmer
jostle
scent
pilot
brew
hew
paw
burrow
butt
1930−1969
make
take
think
findfeel
work
run
live
write
talk
read
pay
play
break
wear
laugh
cut
lie
drive
kill buy
spend
smile
eat
pull
win
pick
fight
act
shoot
sing
marry
force
push
drinkburn
beat press
blow
planmanage
kiss
steal
tear
sign
argue
swing
dance
dream
beg
figure
wash
earnbore
kickdig
wrap
smell
trace
crowd
borrow
bite
crush
melt
murder
explore
tap
crack
squeeze
reason
whip
clutchshoveslam
scratch
pitch
blaze
negotiate
rattle
chew
smash
analyze
carvegrind
rip
pound
grippoke
flatter
cheat
quarrel
blast
joke
fish
punch
soak
grope
root
battle
mumble
drill
fumblekid
peel
compromise
sting
puff
hammer
flap
brood
chatter
chop
bust
slice
forgewrestle
hack
hitch
model
clip
con
shoulder
snarl
cram
batter
harvest
probe
nudge
digest
bellow
conspire
gnaw
bribe
finger
maneuver
bully
ruffle
tick
saw
wrest
thrash
rape
scribble
wedge
bawl
nibble
claw
plough
box
grate
drum
paste
foul
hew pawburrowetch
butt
1970−2009
−coo
rds.
path
[, 1]
make
take
think
findfeel
work
write
talk
read
pay
open
grow lead
play
break
wear
laugh
cut
lie
kill buy
spend
smile
build
eat
pull
explain win
pick
fight
agreeact
shoot
sing
sleepmarry
force
push
settle
drink
study
announce
imagine
burn
beat
nod
gain
press
deal
manage
kiss whisper
pray
tearworry
stretch
argue
dance
acquire
dream
paint
figure
knock
earn
strugglearrest
bore
smoke
kick
toss
dig
cling
purchase
cook
aim
smell
trace
grin
borrow
shrug
entertainhunt invest
focus
melt
contemplate
taste
consume
labor
squeeze
reason trade
shivergroan
shoveslam
scratch
negotiate
spit
blink
chew
hug
smash
lick
wheel
smoothcarve
spell
grind
rip
pound stroke
steer
will
poke
flatter
cheat
trim
sniff
blast
sue
shatter
hook
sip
rage
chat
scrape
jokepunch
grope
pump
clickwail
flip
screw
puzzle
battle
mumble
drill
charm
fumble
export
peel
dust
plot
hammer
sort
flap
twitch
chop
pry
storm
slashslice
graze
forge
plow
coaxwrestle
hack
hitchcrumble
tickle
con
scrub
shoulder
trickbrave
dial
vibrate
bargain
skate
cram
batter
pave probe
nudge
slaughter
bat
bribe
gamble
seduce
finger
fund
maneuver
bully
sawthrash
wedgewrinkle
nibble
mop
claw
tangle
navigate
jostle
seep
petition
swap
pilot
improvise
sample
stomp
inflate
ram
pawburrow
seethe
key
etch
butt
discipline
Distributional semantic plots of verbs in the path-creation sense of the way-construction (Perek 2016)
The case of the way-construction
o More semantic diversity à increase in the schematicity of the verb slot
o Is there an increase in schematicity of the rest of the constructional meaning?
o Many new verb classes correspond to unusual ways to cause motion: interaction, commerce, cognition, etc.More likely to involve abstract, metaphorical motion, e.g.:
[T]hey talk about Uncle Paul having bought his way into the Senate![She] managed to talk her way out of the ticket.
(but: [I]t took Beau more than an hour to talk his way into the Fort Morgan brig. à concrete)
1830−1879
coords.path[, 2]
make
takethink
findfeel
work
pay
open
understand
break
wear
cut
lie
eat
win
pickstrike
fight
sleep
force
push
burn
gain
press
spread
tear
fit
beg
burst
struggle
kick
dig
smell
traceguide
crush
melt
enforce
explore
shape
squeeze
conquer
explode
shove
crashpierce
smoothcarve
spell
rip
steer
poke
fan
track
punch grope
root
screw fumble
dispute
flap
plow
leak
wrestle
shoulder
pave probe
gnaw
bribe
maneuver
wedge
marshal
ploughrend
hew burrow
fiddle
1880−1929
coords.path[, 2]
−coo
rds.
path
[, 1]
make
take
think
findfeel
work
talk
read
pay
break
wear
cut
lie
drive
buybuild
eat
win
pick
fight
shoot
sing
teachsleep
force
guess
push
drink
hit
burn
beat
gain
press
plan
extendspread
dare
steal
tear
worry
argue
dance
beg
earn
burst
bore
kickdig
purchase
smell
trace
plead
bite
crush
melt
taste
shape
crack
squeeze
reason
shove
scratch
blaze
hug
stuff smash
lick
pierce
carve
spell
rip
steer
poke
blast
advertise
row
perfect
gropescrew
battle
fumbleflap
stammer
experiment
gesture
slash
forge
plowfret
wrestle
hack
hitch shoulder
trick
hustle
batter
paveprobe
gnaw
bribe
prick
shear
bully
sawthrash
wedge
claw
scorch
plough
simmer
jostle
scent
pilot
brew
hew
paw
burrow
butt
1930−1969
make
take
think
findfeelwork
run
live
write
talk
read
pay
play
break
wear
laugh
cut
lie
drive
killbuy
spend
smile
eat
pull
win
pick
fight
act
shoot
sing
marry
force
push
drink
burn
beat press
blow
plan
manage
kiss
steal
tear
sign
argue
swing
dance
dream
beg
figure
wash
earn
bore
kick
dig
wrap
smell
trace
crowd
borrow
bite
crush
melt
murder
explore
tap
crack
squeeze
reason
whip
clutch
shoveslam
scratch
pitch
blaze
negotiate
rattle
chew
smash
analyze
carvegrind
rip
pound
grippoke
flatter
cheat
quarrel
blast
joke
fish
punch
soak
grope
root
battle
mumble
drill
fumblekid
peel
compromise
sting
puff
hammer
flap
brood
chatter
chop
bust
slice
forgewrestle
hack
hitch
model
clip
con
shoulder
snarl
cram
batter
harvest
probe
nudge
digest
bellow
conspire
gnaw
bribe
finger
maneuver
bully
ruffle
tick
saw
wrest
thrash
rape
scribble
wedge
bawl
nibble
claw
plough
box
grate
drum
paste
foul
hew
pawburrow
etch
butt
1970−2009
−coo
rds.
path
[, 1]
make
take
think
findfeel
work
write
talk
read
pay
open
grow lead
play
break
wear
laugh
cut
lie
kill buy
spend
smile
build
eat
pull
explain win
pick
fightagree
act
shoot
sing
sleepmarry
force
push
settle
drink
study
announce
imagine
burn
beat
nod
gain
press
deal
manage
kisswhisper
pray
tear
worry
stretch
argue
dance
acquire
dream
paint
figure
knock
earn
struggle
arrest
bore
smoke
kick
toss
dig
cling
purchase
cook
aim
smell
trace
grin
borrow
shrug
entertain
hunt invest
focus
melt
contemplate
taste
consume
labor
squeeze
reason
trade
shiver groan
shove
slam
scratch
negotiate
spit
blink
chew
hug
smash
lick
wheel
smooth
carve
spell
grind
rip
poundstroke
steer
will
poke
flatter
cheat
trim
sniff
blast
sue
shatter
hook
sip
rage
chat
scrape
joke
punchgrope
pump
clickwail
flip
screw
puzzle
battle
mumble
drill
charm
fumble
export
peel
dust
plot
hammer
sort
flap
twitch
chop
pry
storm
slash slice
graze
forge
plow
coax
wrestle
hack
hitchcrumble
tickle
con
scrub
shoulder
trickbrave
dial
vibrate
bargain
skate
cram
batter
pave probe
nudge
slaughter
bat
bribe
gamble
seduce
finger
fund
maneuver
bully
saw
thrash
wedge
wrinkle
nibblemop
claw
tangle
navigatejostle
seep
petition
swap
pilot
improvise
sample
stomp
inflate
ram
paw
burrow
seethe
key
etch
butt
discipline
100% concrete uses 100% abstract uses50% abstract / 50% concrete
The case of the way-construction
o Does the construction become more open to more diverse metaphorical motion uses?
o Pilot study restricted to the preposition into (1296 tokens from COHA, 1830-2009)
o Categories of abstract uses were identified in the early periods: 1830s, 1840s and 1850s (139 tokens)
o 12 categories of abstract uses in 1830-1859: how well do they cover the later periods?
Metaphorical use Example
The Mind is a Container for Ideas The conception of vice has hardly found its way into Ophelia's mind.
The Heart is a Container for Feelings, Emotions, etc.
But a silent sorrow had made its way into her bosom.
Texts are Containers for Ideas, Stories, Words, etc.
The anecdote has found its way into the newspapers.
A Group of People is a Container for its Members
He has forced his way into good society.
States are Containers He fought his way into notice by a duel with one of the Rutledges.
Change of Possession I’m glad the money finds its way into the pockets of the like of him.
A Whole is a Container for Parts The black currant should always find its way into every garden.
Subject, Area of Expertise, etc. The learned pressed their way into the field of metaphysics.
Ideas are Moving Entities In 1811 this new branch of Industry made its way into France.
Sound/light/diseases are Moving Entities
… the brightest sunlight that ever found its way into a kitchen
1830 1860 1890 1920 1950 1980 2010
010
2030
4050
60Distribution of metaphors in the abstract uses of the way-construction
% o
f tok
ens
groupheartideamindmiscotherpart-wholepossessionstatetext
Metaphors in the way-construction
o Increase in the range of situations conceptualised as
motion in uses of the construction
o Some new types:
– Language is a Container for Words, Expressions, etc.
Words from that quarter have made their way into our speech.
– A Role, Job, Function, etc. is a Container
He has forced his way into top management positions at
Canal-Randolph.
– Joining an Institution is Motion
… a 39-year-old New York woman who has finally worked her way into college
…
A usage-based recent history of the way-construction
o Increase in schematicity: the creation of new abstract uses reinforces the more schematic node
o This reinforcement in turn invites the creation of more abstract uses
Theme moves into Location
Idea moves into MindMind is a Container
Idea moves into HeartHeart is a Container
Person moves into GroupGroup is a Container
X moves into Y by Ving
…Word moves into Language
Language is a ContainerPerson moves into
JobJob is a Container
Summary
o Schematicity and productivity are related o But not the same phenomenon: they should not be
collapsed, they should be kept separateo Two types of schematicity should be distinguished: at the
level of slots and at the level of the entire constructiono Productivity is directly related to the schematicity of slotso The schematicity of constructions should not be
investigated through the lexical distributiono Rather, by examining the constructs themselves
Thanks for your attention!