Avo

Pr

oiding

P

reser

g the D

Figu

La

PR620 P

rving

DisplacComm

ure 1: Slum dwPhoto court

aura Ca

Preserv

Spri

g the

cemenmuniti

wellers in Mutesy of Nenad

asas Fo

vation

ing 20

“Slu

nt of Imies.

umbia, India.d Zuza.

ortuño

Colloq

12

ums”

mpove

quium

erishe

ed

2

Table of Contents

I. Introduction 4

What is a “Slum”? 6

Goals in Preserving “Slums” 10

Problem Statement 10

II. Literature Review 12

Values in Preservation 12

Pressures of Tourism 17

The Myth of the “Slum” 19

The Effects of Slum Clearance 22

III. Case Studies 23

La Perla – San Juan, Puerto Rico 23

Pom Mahakan - Bangkok, Thailand 39

Soweto East – Kibera Slum, Kenya. 41

IV. Evaluative Criteria 45

Stakeholders 46

Criteria 48

3

V. Alternatives

Global: 49

Local : 50

VI. Evaluating Alternatives

Global 52

Local 54

VII. Conclusion 55

VIII. Bibliography 56-61

4

A group of young Indian boys are playing cricket on what appears to

be an airport tarmac. The boy’s cloths are tattered, and only some have

proper shoes. It becomes apparent that they are some of the most

impoverished youth in the world. One of the boys forcefully hits the ball

towards Jamal, the main character in this story. As Jamal struggles to catch

the ball, an airplane takes off appearing to glide closely above their heads.

Suddenly, police officers appear scolding the children and chasing them on

their motorbikes. The boys take off, running through piles of trash,

scattering into different direction, as they have done a million times. Jamal,

our protagonist, and his brother continue on through the pile of trash until

they reach a wall. The trash is stacked so high that they can easily jump

onto the corrugated roofs of the settlement next door. They jump off the

roof and the pursuit continues through narrow corridors filled with trash,

flanked by shacks made out of a variety of materials such as concrete, scrap

metal and wood. The journey takes them running on sewage pipes of a

contaminated river, where local woman are doing laundry. Finally, the

boys are caught by their mother, who promptly dismisses the officer. This

is the first scene depicting Jamal’s childhood in the 2008 film Slum Dog

Millionaire, a chronicle about a young man who grew up in the Dharavi slum

of Mumbai, India. In the film Jamal, goes on to win the Indian version of

Who Wants to be a Millionaire. This scene is first thing that comes to mind

when asked to define a slum. It is great illustration of what is wrong, but

also what is right in popular cultures portrayal of slums.

T

everyda

success

horror.

Jamal?

not told

we are

getting

movie w

everyda

and Jam

and cul

slum. A

real val

The film is

ay strife t

sful of sho

What it f

How did

d why, or

shown th

g all the fa

without le

ay life of

mal is no o

lture, but

At not one

lue in Jam

FiguP

s successf

that the sl

owing glim

fails to do

he end up

what that

e dangero

acts. From

earning ab

those livin

ordinary “

we make

e moment

mal’s life a

ure 2: DharavPicture court

ful depicti

um dwelle

mpses of h

o is show J

p here? W

t means. W

ous, exciti

m one actio

bout the c

ng in Dha

“slum dog

his story

t are we al

and if ther

vi Slum in Mutesy of Mark B

ing the ho

ers of Ind

happiness

Jamal’s cu

We are tol

What is w

ng life of

on packed

ulture, he

ravi. Afte

g”. We not

principall

llowed to

re is anyth

umbai, India. B. Jacobs

orrid living

dia experie

s and com

ulture and

ld he is a “

wrong with

“slum do

d scene to

eritage and

er all this

t only ign

ly about o

stop and

hing worth

g conditio

ence. It is

mmunity in

d heritage

“slum dog

h this port

g” withou

o another w

d even the

is the mo

nore Jamal

one thing,

wonder if

h staying

ons and

s even

nside all t

. Who is

g” yet we

trayal is th

ut really

we leave t

e real

vie indus

l’s heritag

escaping

f there is a

for. Watch

5

he

are

hat

the

try

ge

g the

any

hing

from af

is not s

enterta

world-w

W

densely

housing

Incorpe

some tr

becaus

word d

exists w

time th

places

far in shoc

so simple

ainment. I

wide; inste

What do w

y populate

g, poverty

erated 201

ruth. It is

e they exi

oes not d

world-wid

he word ha

have beco

ck, we ma

to quantif

In turn Jam

ead he be

e mean by

ed, usuall

y, and soc

12) This d

s impossib

ist in vario

escribe a

e. A slum

as been ap

ome the m

East 20th SCourtesy of t

ake judgm

fy. Worst

mal is no

comes a m

y slum? W

y urban a

ial disorg

definition

ble to corr

ous forms

behavior;

m can com

pplied to v

meaning of

Figure 3: GStreet Lookinthe New York

ments and

of all, we

longer on

modern da

Webster de

rea marke

ganization

is comple

rectly put

s. It is imp

instead it

me in any s

very diffe

f the word

Gas House Dig North Towa

k Public Libra

feel guilty

e act it ou

ne of many

ay Aladdin

efines the

ed by crow

n”. (Merria

etely vagu

one label

portant to

t is a real

shape or s

rent place

d slum, fo

istrict. ards 1st Ave. ary, Digital C

y about a

t for our o

y, who liv

n.

e word slu

wding, dir

m-Webste

ue, and on

l on the w

o distingu

tangible p

size and th

es. Theref

orcing it to

1938. ollection

culture th

own

e in slum

um as “a

rty run-do

er,

nly offers

word slum,

uish that th

place that

hroughou

fore the

o ambigui

6

hat

s

own

,

he

t

t

ty.

T

perfect

Manhat

city. T

that sta

making

can see

Howeve

suburb

“bad” t

by urba

renewa

comple

existen

The two im

tly. Figure

ttan, whic

he area’s

arted appe

g the neigh

e by the pi

er in the N

an migrat

hat by 19

an domain

al sites to

ex known

nce are old

F

mages abo

e three is

h in the 1

namesake

earing in t

hborhood

icture, arc

New York

tion was u

47, it had

n and com

date. Tod

as Stuyve

d photogra

Figure 4: Doñ Rio de Jan

Courtesy

ve illustra

of the Gas

940’s was

e was give

the mid-1

unattract

chitectura

City of th

under way

d already l

mpletely d

day, it’s an

sant Town

aphs and

ña Marta Slumniero, Brazil.y of Sulekha.

ate the co

s House D

s consider

en because

9th century

tive to mo

ally this ar

he mid 194

y, it was co

abeled as

emolished

n immens

n. (Cooper

maps ava

m (Favela). . 2010 com

nundrum

District on

red one of

e of the la

y. The ga

ost, leavin

rea is not

40’s, when

onsidered

a “blight

d in one o

se former

r 1945) Th

ilable for

with the

nce located

f the wors

arge gas s

as tanks of

ng it for po

an obviou

n the Post

d one. In f

” on the c

of the larg

public ho

he only tr

those inte

word slum

d in

st slums in

torage tan

ften leake

oor. As yo

us slum.

t World Wa

fact it was

ity, cease

est urban

using

aces of its

erested in

7

m

n

nks

ed

ou

ar II

s so

d

s

n

8

nostalgia. In contrast, figure four is an example of a place that defines the

word slum today. It depicts one of Brazil’s infamous slums or favela. With

its layers of colorful concrete-block houses containing corrugated metal

roofs, it’s a big departure from the architecturally rich Gas House District.

Yet both of these images have and still define the word slum. If the word

slum does not mean a particular place, or behavior, then what does it really

describe? One of the portions of the Webster definition is lack of social

organization, but in reality no community can exist without it. Slums, just

like other communities have hierarchies and networks that are integral to

their existence. In addition, the only parts of Webster’s definition that offer

truth are density, neglect and poverty. Slums generally suffer from all three

of these symptoms no matter how architecturally rich society deems them.

They tend to be over crowded, due to low paying jobs and lack of affordable

housing. In addition, they suffer from neglect because those who live there

cannot afford improvements themselves, and the government does not

provide it. Most importantly slums are the homes of the urban poor,

although the level of poverty fluctuates from place to place.

Still, the concept of the slum is a very complicated subject. The birth

of a slum can occur to two very distinct ways. The first type is seen in

countries that are economically developed and are considered of the 1st

world. These slums are created by the fluctuation of taste and lifestyle

choices of the rich and middle classes. Neighborhoods that were once

popular to live in are abandoned and over time become housing for the

9

poor. Because the poor do not have the economic means to maintain the

housing stock, they fall to disrepair. An example of this kind of slum is the

Gas House District in New York City. While the living conditions of those in

the district was not to the standard of the time, it certainly was better most

slums. The second type appears in developing countries and describes the

majority of slums in the world. These are informal settlements that lack

urban plan and are constructed out of basic materials. They tend to lack

infrastructure and range from having illegal connections to electricity and

plumbing, to none at all. They are truly primitive in design as their main

purpose is to provide shelter. Within this second type there are

subcategories, of those settlements that are primarily filled with squatters,

or people who illegally settle in lands that do not belong to them, and

settlements of people who actually rent, or own the land. Yet, a slum can

still stratal the line of both major categories. A prime example of this is

that of the nineteenth century Pre-Law Tenements in New York City. They

were legally planned buildings in which people lived in conditions equal to

those of the informal settlements today.

Finally the word slum has a heap of associative words that one could

only begin to list. For the sake of this study we are only going to recognize

some of these words such as; caserio, barrio, shanty, favela, ghetto and

hood. What all these words have in common, is that they are used to

describe a geographic place, in which the lowest social class of a particular

10

society lives. This lowest class is usually bonded to poverty, because of lack

of formal education as well as economic opportunities.

What do we mean by “Preserving the Slums”? The idea of preserving a

slum is quite controversial, as slums are seen by outsiders as places people

should strive to escape and not keep. However, what is missed is the rich

community that develops in a slum, which has distinct customs and

traditions that deserve to be respected. This community is integral to the

survival of the indivual and should not be dismissed so easily. Yet, what

should we or should not we preserve about a slum? We cannot expect to

have the ability of preserving the physical fabric of all slums, especially

those in which people live in the worst conditions. In addition we should

not preserve the aspects of slum dwellers lives, which cause harm, such as

participation in organized crime and lack of formal education. Nevertheless

what we should preserve is the community within the slum. By preserving

the community we in turn preserve the corresponding heritage. It is

important that by trying to improve the lives of those in living in slum, we

preserve the community and the aspects that they consider important.

In 2005, it was estimated that 1 billion people worldwide were living

in slums; this was around a third of earth’s population. Due to rapid

urbanization in developing countries this amount is projected to double by

2030. (New Internationalist 2006) Governments are at odds with how to deal

with the growing slums and in turn displacement and demolition seems

eminent. In addition there is a large sector of the non-for-profit

11

organizations and non-governmental organizations that provide immense

amounts of help to slum communities. The urban poor today face eviction

in massive numbers, each year it is estimated that millions of people are

forcefully displaced, including; almost a million in 2000 out of Rainbow

Town in Port Harcourt-Nigeria, in 2004 one hundred and fifty thousand out

of Delhi and seventy seven thousand out of Kolkata in India, and three

hundred thousand people out of their Beijing homes due to the preparations

for the 2008 Olympic games. In the majority of these cases the residents of

these slums where moved to housing projects built a distance away from

their homes. The communities end up splitting up completely, causing

significant harm to the individuals who depend on the network for survival.

The twist to this narrative is the immense cost that governments take in

order to eliminate slums and provide suitable shelter. The cost on average

is ten times more than upgrading. (New Internationalist 2006)

In a combination with the effects of the destruction of the urban

poor’s community as well as their cultural heritage, slum clearance and

displacement is the wrong path for countries to take. With the increasing

number of those living in slums in the future, it is important for countries

to not devalue these communities. Just because they live poverty does not

mean they lack community, one with culture, traditions and although

organized differently than our own, is still just as rich. However, this does

not detract from the importance of improving living conditions of slums.

Instead of displacement we should promote the improvement of slum

12

communities without destroying them. As discussed earlier, slum

communities come in different sizes, shapes and living conditions

worldwide. They also vary from communities of “squatters” and

communities of legal residents. Outside of all the specifics, all these

communities face one common problem; the devaluation of their heritage

which ultimately leads to its destruction.

In the Historic Preservation/Cultural Heritage field, what was initially

protected was the finest our human culture had to give. Examples of what

was preserved include; the monuments of the ancient world, such the

Pyramids of Giza, the Coliseum and the Parthenon. Also preserved were the

castles, cathedrals and palaces of Europe. Finally in the United States we

fought to save the places associated with great historical figures and

architects. Over the years, the field has expanded beyond the Grand Central

Terminals, especially in New York City, reaching as far as the residences and

workplaces of the impoverished working class. The idea of preserving

beyond Architecture to heritage that is intangible is now at the forefront of

the field. But what happens when the culture is separated from the place?

When the architecture behind an important cultural value is in turn

devalued and the residents displaced? Surely we as a society have come to

value the importance of the working class poor historically, but what about

today? What about communities that have survived the different forms of

displacements the twentieth century brought. There seems to be no

quandary in devaluing the history, culture and sense of place a community

13

owns, to serve the greater purpose of economic development. When they

are located near tourism zones, the pressure for removal is increased. By

hiding the poor we do not solve the problem of poverty, and in turn devalue

their culture and destroy the community bond, which is integral to their

survival. This paper will attempt to review the literature related to the

“problem” of the devaluation and destruction of slum communities.

Understanding that this problem is caused by larger socio-economic,

political and historic causes, this paper will focus on following subjects: the

values in the preservation field, the pressures tourism brings to historic

areas, the myth of the “slums” and finally the effects of their clearance.

In 2000 The Getty Conservation Institute published a report

called Values and Heritage Conservation. In that report the authors, Erica

Avrami, Randall Mason and Marta de la Torre analyzed the values of the

field. The report starts by noting that it is values that are fundamental to

the assessments of what to conserve. Often during these decisions, the

what, why and how are made independent from each other. Also stated is

the importance of the contexts in which heritage objects are fixed in. This

context is the “…real source of the meaning of heritage…” (Avrami, Mason

and de la Torre 2000)

The Getty Report continues by emphasizing the importance of

focusing on the “Public Good of Conservation” and states that past research

has not covered this topic at all. In the field today, cultural context

14

increases the pressures and risk factors of conservation. Traditionally the

rubrics in qualifying heritage, albeit constant were concepts like

“masterpieces, intrinsic value and authenticity”. It argues that these

rubrics cannot be fixed within the traditional notions established, because

“culture is a set of processes, and not a collection of things” and that these

objects are selected to be heritage. This selection process, which is assigns

value to the object or place, reflects the community, individual or

institutions intent on what they want to remember about their past. It is

important to understand the why’s and the how’s of heritage conservation,

especially in relation to the whom’s, because so often those decision makers

have private agendas and “greater” interests. (Avrami, Mason and de la

Torre 2000) In relation to historically impoverished communities, often the

decision makers are not within the community and in turn their heritage

could be devalued, misinterpreted or erased. A larger societal structure

could be ashamed of the allowance of poverty, thereby easily dismissing the

culture and heritage of the community.

The report communicates how heritage is preserved in a variety

of ways because of the different motivations, such as economics, culture,

aesthetics, and politics. It confirms that conservation decision making for

cultural significance cannot be left to academia solely. Instead it should be

a negotiation between the different stakeholders that value the resource.

The report identifies the “democratization” of the field in which the

decisions become “complex negotiations”. Most importantly the report

15

recognizes that “local, place- and community bound values” are the key

impulses that drive conservation. (Avrami, Mason and de la Torre 2000) In

this respect, the drive of a slum community to preserve an area they have

existed in for generations is stronger than the economic drives behind a

possible re-development.

In his essay, Stewarding the Past in a Perplexing Present, David

Lowenthal criticized the field of artifact heritage, in which artifacts are

preserved but are no longer part of the culture. He states that it would be

better for future generations if the memories “of traditional creative skills,

institutions in good working order, and habits of resilience in coping with

the vicissitudes of existence” are preserved instead of artifacts that have

lost their functional meaning. According to Lowenthal most people value

their own heritage differently than others, and in turn it contains more

value to them. (Lowenthal 2000) Therefore, the culture and place of a

particular community has utmost value to those within the community.

Since that community is integral to its value, by relocating a community you

destroy it and its heritage.

In Cultural Heritage and Globalization, Lordes Arizpe analyzes

how cultural heritage tends to fall into the “politics of difference”, in which

by dividing cultures according to social constructs, some cultures are often

shielded. According to Arizpe these cultures tend to be treated severely by

the government and society. This severe behavior can amass to the point of

16

“cultural heritage cleansing”, which occurs in order to “forget negative

aspects of the past.” (Arizpe 2000) In the case of historically impoverished

communities “cultural heritage cleansing” can easily occur by displacement

due to a society’s effort to forget or “make right” with past offenses.

Uffe Juul Jensen in his essay Cultural Heritage, Liberal Education, and

Human Flourishing; Values and Heritage Conservation, articulates “It is we

who bestow on ourselves our own cultural heritage.” (Jensen 2000) A point

that is profoundly important in the cultural heritage of all, but especially of

the marginalized, who lack opportunities for cultural preservation. Jensen

goes on to mention the importance of experiences and insights acquired by

these groups, which are essential in conducting holistic heritage

conservation. The author references the instance of the Watts Towers, in

Los Angeles, where the community made the towers a valuable heritage

object, by not destroying them during the LA riots of 1965. (Jensen 2000)

This is a great instance of community action, albeit not with traditional

preservation motives, that conserved an object that they valued.

Instances where culture is deemed “bad” affects the judged values of

place and as well as the culture and heritage of a community. According

Susan Pearce, it is caused by clashes over population and places. (Pearce

2000) Who decides that this culture is “bad”? This clash is related to the

social divisions of class that has evolved in a particular society over time.

While the details vary with the place, this division often is about power and

17

money. Those who are financial sound tend to be in a higher class than

those who are not. Often slum communities suffer from this designation of

“bad” and because they are deemed “bad” their culture and place is easily

dismissed.

According to academia the values of Cultural heritage have not always

been centered on the interest of marginalized communities. The field of

cultural heritage has compartmentalized culture, and often heritage that is

seen as “bad” is excluded and eliminated. The cultural significance of these

communities, especially if they have survived decades of marginalization

and displacement policies, is recognized. Nevertheless so often their

culture is dismissed because of economic interest. It is recognized that the

continuation of the community is integral to its cultural conservation thus

displacement would be catastrophic.

The 2000 The Getty Conservation Institute report, Values and Heritage

Conservation also touches on the subject of tourism. The report covers

dilemmas in the creation, globally, of heritage tourism. These dilemmas are

due to the economic pressures of creating tourism as well as the fast

decisions local governments are forced to make. (Avrami, Mason and de la

Torre 2000) In making tourism the primary goal, so often cultural heritage

that is not valued locally, is eliminated.

In her essay Preserving the Historic Urban Fabric in a Context of Fast-

Paced Change; Values and Heritage Conservation, Mona Serageldin takes

18

into consideration the importance of conservation for the residents of a

community. She expresses the difficulties in the preservation field, where

so often preservation occurs for scholars and tourist rather than the

corresponding community. Consequently, what is preserved fall into three

main categories: monuments, key buildings and archeological sites.

(Serageldin 2000) By “key buildings” she means buildings associated with

religion, government and the elite. This perspective falls perfectly into the

struggled of impoverished communities living within or near a declared

historic district. Because their community does not fall into a category of

what is preserved, it is devalued.

Consideration of Historical Authenticity in Heritage Tourism by Craig

Wiles and Gail Vander Stoep, reports the benefits of collaboration to

effectively develop historic resources. The essay addresses how the

pressures of tourism, such as “providing an engaging and entertaining

experience” often create “inauthentic contexts, stories and experiences at

some sites.” The authors argue that by making heritage a commodity within

the tourism industry tensions are created over use, function and

authenticity. (Wiles and Vander Stoep 2007) These tensions are additional

to the ones that heritage conservation faces alone. The tensions of heritage

tourism for a community that is determined as “bad”, but which still

contains cultural importance, is at conflict with the preservation of that

area. If a local government interest lies with tourism, the mistake of

19

displacing a population can occur. Displacement would be destroying a

community as well as creating a false story for the sake of tourism.

Impoverished communities all over the world are called names such

as favela, shanty, ghetto and barrios. All of these words are associative with

the term slum and each other. They are used destructively and carry

negative connotations and false perceptions. All four mean different things,

but so often are grouped together without a thought on how that may

devalue a community, historically.

In The Victorian Slum: An Enduring Myth? David Ward analyzes the

perceived “myth” of slums, but specifically those that occurred during the

Victorian Era. As discussed earlier, the term slum is a not fixed. It is

universally and incorrectly used to describe the behavior of the poor. But

the poor do not have one set of behaviors and the word slum is really

referring to place. According to the author, since the early nineteenth

century till now, society has presumed the marginalized poor “live a deviant

life either by preference or cultural predisposition, or as a consequence of

their deprivation.” This perspective was often exaggerated by popular

chronicles created to expose the elite to the “unknown, foreign, threatening,

and exciting world of the slums.” What is often not noted, according to

Ward, is that residents of slums often were content with their

neighborhoods and protested displacement. In these neighborhoods,

marginalization created a strong community bound and social networks that

20

“more closely resembled the social life of the traditional and largely rural

world than that of the modern city.” Ward goes on to describe the existence

of social organizations and their importance within the community.

Criminality in a slum organizes itself and is viewed as possible paths to

“economic advancement” when marginalization is limiting. The most

important point Ward makes is that the isolation of the poor causes a

“different style of life” which “is distinctive enough to be described as a

separate culture.” (Ward 1976) This separate culture is not recognized

within the larger society, nor is it valued, but is still culturally and

historically important.

In The Park and The People; A History of Central Park, Roy Rosenzweig

and Elizabeth Blackmar write about the poor working class communities

that were displaced with the construction of Central Park. The book

highlights the decisions behind the park, masked as “democratic rhetoric”,

and being “fundamentally rotted in the interest of New York’s wealthiest

citizens”, who “advocated creating a grand public park in order to promote”

their city’s as well as their own “cosmopolitan stature.” These elites also

had interest to enhance real estate values in the part of Manhattan. The

residents of the lands where Central Park sits were considered “nuisances”

to the wealthy elites, whose goals were to create an ideal neighborhood. In

addition those within the government reference the area as “covered with

shanties and filled with the most degraded of our population.” The authors

continue to tell the story by explaining that most accounts of the citizens

have be

parks la

workin

these a

the dow

central

with in

and ult

degrad

the gre

een compl

and, some

g class at

areas was

wntown te

park high

terest of t

timate dis

ing, deval

ater socie

F

Ph

letely fals

e landown

the time.

enriching

enements.

hlights ho

the elite c

placemen

luing and

ety in a mu

Figure 5: Sene

hoto courtesy

se. In real

ners them

Furtherm

, especiall

(Rosenzw

ow ignoran

an lead to

nt therefor

displacin

ultitude o

eca Village, o by the co

y of The Park

lity those

selves, we

more the a

ly compar

weig and B

nce of mar

o the degr

re destruc

g slum co

f ways.

one of the numnstruction of

k and The Peo

citizens w

ere averag

authors de

red to the

Blackmar

rginalized

radation o

ction of “s

ommunitie

merous settlf Central Parkople; A Histo

who lived

ge citizens

escribe ho

alternativ

1992.) Th

d cultures

of cultural

slum” com

es we harm

ements displk. ry of Central

in the fut

s of the

ow living i

ve of livin

he case of

combined

significan

mmunities

m them an

laced

l Park,

21

ture

in

ng in

f

d

nce

. By

nd

22

The greatest harm to a community, displacement, is described

in Mindy Thompson Fullilove’s book Root Shock: How Tearing Up City

Neighborhoods Hurts America, and What We Can Do About It. Fullilove

describes the term of “root shock” as “the traumatic stress reaction to the

destruction of all or part of one’s emotional ecosystem.” The loss of the

community becomes a collective loss. She explains that places such as

buildings and neighborhoods are more than just “brick and mortar” and

shelter, they are places where people live, and have memories and most

importantly feelings. The effects of “root shock” are not so easily treatable,

according to the author, and they often last lifetimes and through

generations. “Root shock” causes people to “undermine trust, increases

anxiety about letting loved ones out of one’s sight, destabilizes

relationships, destroys social, emotional, and financial resources, and

increases the risk for every kind of stress-related disease, from depression

to heart attack. Root shock leaves people chronically cranky, barking a

distinctive croaky complaint that their world was abruptly taken away.” To a

community “root shock” is guilty of breaking bonds and dispersing people.

The author emphasizes that the community is forever lost, even if those

people manage to relocate to the same place. Another important aspect is

that the geography isn’t everything, and even if it is rebuilt, it won’t be

enough to fix what is lost. (Fullilove 2004) This emphasizes the harsh

effects of the displacement of a slum community; it goes beyond the

individual to the larger community and its descendants.

23

The communities that have been chosen for examination in this

paper represent only a fraction of the assortment of slum communities that

exist world-wide. It would take years of scholarship to examine each kind

of “slum” and its corresponding social economic and political strife. For

purposes of this study three very different slums where chosen. One of the

slums will be looked at carefully, while the other two will be analyzed in

relation to the main case study. This primary case is that of La Perla, a

“slum” community that has evolved outside the old city walls of San Juan,

Puerto Rico. This case, the inspiration of this topic, is extremely unique in

its location, history. The second case is of Pom Mahakan community in

Bangkok, Thailand, which is located next to Fort Mahakam, a national

treasure and a canal. Finally, this study will briefly cover Soweta East, part

of the Kibera Slums in Kenya. Soweta East is the first part of a Slum

Removal project, by the Kenyan government, in which the locals are being

relocated to new apartment’s buildings. Both the Pom Makahan and the

Soweta East cases were chosen because of certain relationships to La Perla.

Another reason these cause studies where chosen because they each

represent the three places slum occur most often; Latin America, Asia and

Africa. It is in the differences between the cases that one can find possible

alternatives for La Perla, and as well for slum communities worldwide.

La Perla is a “slum” community that developed, just north of the city

walls in the old city of San Juan, Puerto Rico. San Juan, the second Spanish

settlement on the island, was originally called Puerto Rico. Due to a

cartogr

century

contine

right aw

founde

They re

hoped,

riches.

time th

protect

fortific

known

Cristob

betwee

raphy erro

y. The Sp

ental Ame

way. In f

d that, th

ealized th

it terms o

San Juan

he Spanish

t the islan

ation to b

today. Fo

bal Fort. A

n these tw

or the nam

anish, alre

ricas poss

fact it was

ere was an

at althoug

of geograp

n, therefor

h began th

d from Br

be built wa

ollowing t

According

wo forts, c

Figu

mes were s

eady setti

sessed, di

n’t till alm

ny attemp

gh the isla

phy it was

re became

he long pro

ritish, Fren

as San Feli

the constr

to the pla

called La P

ure 6: El MorrPhoto cour

switched s

ing their s

d not inve

most thirty

pt at all to

and did no

s strategic

the “Key

ocess of b

nch and D

ipe del Mo

uction of

ans a fort

Perla. (Sep

ro,a UNESCO rtesy of Phoeb

sometime

sights on t

est in the

y years af

o being to

ot possess

c to protec

to the Ca

building fo

Dutch atta

orro, or “e

El Morro

equal in s

pulveda-Ri

World Heritabettmh Trave

in the six

the riches

young se

fter San Ju

guard the

s as many

ct their ne

aribbean.”

ortificatio

cks. The

el Morro”

was that o

size was p

ivera 1989

age site. el.

xtieth

s the

ttlement

uan was

e settleme

y riches as

ew found

During t

ons, to

first

as it is

of San

planned in

9)

24

ent.

s the

this

n

F

“fortin”

namesa

they an

today.

develop

forts. S

undesir

since th

of som

popula

F

ort La Per

” was buil

ake. What

nd the ston

During th

pment of

Spanish la

rable buil

he sevente

e of the p

tion was p

Figure 7: San

rla was ne

lt. This fo

t is impor

ne wall th

he sevente

the land n

aw require

dings be l

eenth cen

oor of San

poor white

Juan, 16th cenPhoto cour

ver built t

ortin, altho

tant to un

hat connec

eenth cen

north of th

ed that all

located ou

ntury was h

n Juan. Th

es who wo

ntury. This mtesy of the B

to this siz

ough it no

nderstand

cts them a

tury the S

he city wa

l slaughter

utside the

home to a

he accoun

orked as s

maps depicts ritish Museu

ze, instead

o longer e

about the

are the bo

Spanish M

alls betwe

r houses,

city walls

a slaughte

nts do not

servants in

the Fort La Pm.

d a smalle

xist, gives

ese two fo

undaries

ilitary allo

en the two

cemeterie

s. Therefo

er house a

t mention

n the city

Perla.

er fort, or

s the area

orts is tha

of La Perl

owed the

o mayor

es and oth

ore, this l

and housin

if this

, or slaves

25

a

a its

t

a

her

and

ng

s.

Slavery

easily b

inhabit

eightee

T

additio

a larger

destroy

of the w

cemete

place o

y is not ab

been the h

ting La Per

en bohio’s

Cour

The maps

n they de

r building

yed. Furth

walls, the

ery, reloca

of some of

bolished in

home of sl

rla, is the

s. (Sepulv

Figrtesy of the C

of this tim

pict a bui

g that coul

hermore i

Cemetery

ated from

f the islan

n Puerto R

laves. Th

1848 cen

eda-River

gure 8: Map oCorp of Milita

me also ill

lding whe

ld be the s

n 1863 an

y of Santa

the city s

ds promin

Rico till 18

e first sou

sus that r

a 1989)

of San Juan 1ary Engineers

ustrate se

ere the sla

small fort

nother imp

María Mag

outh of th

nent citize

873, and s

urce ident

records th

845 -1850. s map archiv

everal buil

aughterho

of La Per

portant fe

gdalena d

he walls, i

ens. Yet,

so the area

tifying a p

he existenc

es in Madrid

ldings on

ouse is tod

la that wa

eature was

de Pazzis.

s the fina

it is locat

a could ha

population

ce of

.

the site.

day as wel

as eventua

s built nor

The

l resting

ted next tw

26

ave

n

In

ll as

ally

rth

wo

some o

(Sepulv

T

and esp

creatin

of the islan

veda-River

Fig

The late ni

pecially La

g another

nd poores

ra 1989)

FiguIt was

By

gure 10: Cem

ineteenth

a Perla. A

r free labo

st, allowin

ure 9: Designss not built for Thomas Sed

metery of SantPhoto cour

century b

As noted b

or force on

ng tourist t

s for the Cemr another fifteno., Courtes

ta María Magdtesy of Mt Sw

brought ch

efore, in 1

n the islan

to see dir

metery. 1806.ty seven yearsy of AGPR.

dalena de Pawansea.

hange to P

1873 slav

nd. A little

ectly into

. rs.

zzis today.

Puerto Ric

ery was ab

e more th

La Perla.

o, its capi

bolished,

han a deca

27

ital

de

later in

interes

smaller

conglom

nothing

single c

side int

or craft

walls.

1898 to

thousan

n 1898, the

t, came a

r and prim

merated in

g more tha

crop, suga

to San Jua

tsmen for

The settle

o 1904 La

nd people

e United S

large inve

marily fam

nto huge h

an field h

ar. Due to

an in alarm

the wealt

ements to

Perla’s po

e. (Vivoni

Figure 1

States inva

ested on t

mily owned

haciendas

ands. Th

o this peop

ming rates

thy, could

the north

opulation

Farage 20

1: View northPhoto co

aded the i

he islands

d farms w

s. Now th

he industr

ple began

s. These p

d certainly

h and the s

increased

000)

hward towardourtesy of AG

island. W

s agrarian

ere being

hese once

ry also tur

n migrating

people, wh

y not affor

south gre

d by one h

ds La Perla. 1GPR.

ith United

n industry

bought a

land owne

rned its fo

g from th

ho worked

rd to live w

w at swift

hundred a

898.

d States

. The onc

nd

ers becau

ocus to on

e country

d as serva

within the

tly. From

nd five

28

ce

se

ne

y

ants

e

29

By 1936 the population had peaked at an alarming five thousand, five

hundred and forty nine people. The slums of Puerto Rico, especially La

Perla, became so infamous that Eleanor Roosevelt came down to see them

herself. La Perla was not the only place where “barrios” formed. Puerto de

Tierra, the area south of the city, between the walls and the piers, was

another large barrio community that formed in the early 19th century. This

community once called Miranda, is described as being populated “by

hundreds of workers who lodged in big poorly ventilated wooden houses,

the living quarters for modern slaves…” These wooden houses were often

rented out to craftsmen and service people who worked inside the walls but

could not afford to live there. (Vivoni Farage 2000) This area now contains

a series of counterfeit buildings filled with chain retail and restaurants.

They serve the purpose of greeting tourist once they disembark the cruise

ships that dock there. Financed by the New Deal, the government of Puerto

Rico, which at this point was still dominated by Americans, began a series

construction programs with attempting to eradicate the slums. They started

by building a public housing project just west of Miranda. El Falansterio a

beautiful moderne complex built in 1935, was intended to house residents

of both Miranda and La Perla. However the government miscalculated how

many people resided in these slums and only some of those living in

Miranda moved in. Miranda was significantly larger than La Perla, and since

the destruction of the southern walls, its population was not as “hidden” as

that of La Perla. According to sources, those living in La Perla had been

offered

most d

twentie

La Perla

d to move

id not. Alt

eth centur

a failed. (

to the Ele

though th

ry, there is

(Vivoni Fa

F

eanor Roos

he populat

s no doub

arage 2000

Figure 1Photograph

Figure 13: ThPhoto Co

sevelt hou

tion decre

bt as to wh

0)

2: La Perla. 1h by Edwin Ro

he Falansterioourtesy of PR

using proj

eases in ea

hy this att

937. osskam.

o in 1937. RRA.

ject in Hat

ach decad

tempt at d

to Rey, bu

de of the

demolishin

30

ut

ng

L

family

author

La Perla wa

in the cul

does not

as also the

ture of po

call the n

Figure 14Photograp

Figure 1Photogra

e subject

overty--San

eighborho

4: La Perla, 1ph by Jack De

5: La Perla, 1aph by R.J. Ho

Oscar Lew

n Juan and

ood the fa

941. elano.

947. ower.

wis’ La vid

d New Yor

amily lives

da; a Puer

rk. Althou

s in San Ju

to Rican

ugh the

uan as La

31

32

Perla, it is well known that he spent time in La Perla amidst research. In the

book Lewis made assumptions and created stereo types, which Puerto

Ricans, especially those who are poor are still fighting today. According to

Lewis the people in his book, “like most of the other Puerto Rican slum

dwellers I have studied; show a great zest for life, especially for sex, and a

need for excitement, new experiences and adventures…Theirs is an

expressive style of life. They value acting out more than thinking out,

self-expression more than self-constraint, pleasure more than productivity,

spending more than saving, personal loyalty more than impersonal justice.

They are fun-loving and enjoy parties, dancing and music. They cannot be

alone; they have an almost insatiable need for sociability and interaction."

(Lewis 1966) Instead of trying to understand a culture, Lewis exaggerates

its. He masks critique within suppose academic study and instead of

celebrating cultural differences he misinterprets them. Lewis and his

“Culture of Poverty” become another popular chronically for those above

poverty to be entertained by it. (Chicago Tribune 1998)

Today, La Perla is quite different from the crowded wooden bohio’s

which lacked toilets or access to running water of the past. Physically the

buildings have evolved from those wooden shacks to small towers of

concrete block painted an array of colors. Because these buildings have

been constructed, without any building permits or inspection, there is no

real way to know how structurally sound they are. The slaughterhouse still

exists and has been repurposed as a community center. The buildings have

electric

connec

still po

roads.

city, runni

tions are

ssesses th

ing water

illegal and

he organic

FigPho

and plum

d potentia

c plan, cre

gure 16: Viewotograph cou

Figure 17:Photograp

mbing, yet

ally hazar

eating nar

w of La Perla furtesy of Sonr

: Barriada La h by Jorge Ig

it’s most

dous. Fin

rrow and c

from above. risa Digital.

Perla. gnacio.

likely tha

nally the s

curving pa

at these

settlement

athways a

33

t

and

34

According the 2010 Census there are one hundred and ninety four

housing units of which twenty nine are vacant. What is striking is that there

is only two hundred and forty nine residents.(United States Census 2010) It

is very likely that the census takers where unable to properly count

everything who lives there, but still the numbers are incredible. The legality

of the community is the center of debate. The government claims to own

the land, and the community started to “squat” there more than a century

ago. Yet those living community claim ownership of their dwelling.

Additionally there is a family who claims ownership of a portion of the

lands. Due to the low population, and vacancy rate, the claims of the family

are suspicious. Did this family perhaps quietly “buy” from residents, in

hopes of one day making a fortune developing the land? What is interesting

is that Puerto Rico property law does have a usucapion clause. Usucapion

is a legal term that refers to the legal acquisition of an object within a

period of time. Puerto Rico’s law sets a time frame of thirty years before

that land officially passes ownership, without monetary transaction. So

theoretically, a squatter who has lived on lands for thirty years has legal

claim to that land. However, if at any point during those thirty years the

landowner submits a formal complaint to the courts against the squatter, he

or she has loses all rights to the property. There is one huge exception in

this law, which is if the land is owned by the government, whether it is city,

state or federal, the squatter can never acquire the rights to the land, no

35

matter how long they reside there. (Corretjer Hernández 2001) According

to this law, the people of La Perla do not have legal claim to their lands and

could be easily evicted.

Any person who every visited Old San Juan is asked about La Perla,

the first thing that will come to mind is drugs. La Perla is infamous for

being the biggest drug point in all of Puerto Rico. Due to limited

accessibility, especially by the authorities, drugs are sold on the streets as if

it was street fair, selling refreshment and sweets. Just a year ago, the FBI

and local police conducted one of the biggest police raid on the barrio to

date; seventy individuals were arrested. One of the biggest surprises was

the arrest of Jorge Gomez Gonzalez. Gomez-Gonzales serves as president

of the Association for the Rescue and Development of La Perla and was

charged with being the leader of the operation. While drug trafficking has

decreased significantly since the raid, La Perla’s reputation is harder to

combat. (Fox 2011)

La Perla’s location adjacent to the historic districts of Old San Juan

makes it prey to those with higher interest in the lands potential. One of

the players with the biggest interest in the potential of the lands is the city

of San Juan. In 2011, the city with the collaboration of Antonio Di Mambro

and Associates produced a compressive urban plan for the whole island of

Old San Juan. Named The Walkable City, plan tackles the problem of

transportation and a neglect which the islet contains. (Antonio Di Mambro +

Associa

district

Howeve

commu

ates, Inc. 2

ts, while m

er, what th

unity and

2011) Ad

making tou

he plan at

its heritag

FigureDiagram

FigureDiagram

ditionally

urism the

ttempts to

ge indefin

e18: Diagramm by Antonio

e19: Diagramm by Antonio

y it attemp

main obj

o do in La

nitely.

m of The Walko Di Mambro

m of The Walko Di Mambro

pts to repo

ective of

Perla, wo

kable City Pla and Associat

kable City Pla and Associat

opulate th

Old San Ju

ould destro

n. tes.

n. tes.

he differen

uan.

oy the

36

nt

A

redevel

buildin

with th

a comp

additio

residen

to keep

twenty

does no

As the plan

loped. Th

ngs and im

his concep

pletely diff

n the area

nts a clear

p any of th

four thou

ot corresp

Figure 20Renderin

n clearly i

he plan co

mprove the

pt. The im

ferent stre

a is being

indicatio

he buildin

usand, fou

pond to th

: View of La Png by Antoni

llustrates

ontradicts

e infrastru

mage above

eet grid an

designate

n that the

ngs at all. A

ur hundred

he already

Perla in The Wio Di Mambro

, La Perla

itself by s

ucture, ye

e is of La

nd signifi

ed to hold

e creators

Also the a

d and fifty

thirty fiv

Walkable Cityo and Associa

is going t

stating it

t the imag

Perla, wit

icantly lar

d an additi

of this pl

accumulat

y resident

ve thousan

y Plan ates.

to be com

wants to r

ges do no

h an expa

rger buildi

ional five

lan have n

tion of an

ts to the e

nd, five hu

pletely

reuse the

t correspo

anded bea

ings. In

hundred

no intentio

additiona

entire islet

undred an

37

ond

ch,

on

al

t

nd

38

ninety six vacant residential properties in the City of San Juan alone.

(United States Census 2010) Similarly the expectation of the majority of the

spaces not to fall within the affordable housing range is unrealistic for a

real estate market in which affordable housing is the only demand and all

other properties have experienced a significant slum in prices since 2008.

(Global Property Guide 2009) Another alarming concept is the goal to

“protect and celebrates the isletas culture and relevant history". (Antonio Di

Mambro + Associates, Inc. 2011) What does the author mean by “relevant”

and who is deciding which history is up to par with relevancy and which is

not. Another startling statement is the goal of assimilating La Perla

“socially and economically as a touristic attraction that offers visitors a

taste of the local culture." (Antonio Di Mambro + Associates, Inc. 2011) By

making La Perla a tourist attraction, aimed to give tourist glimpse of

authenticity, it actually removes the authenticity completely. It is also clear

that the author is all together denying the La Perla’s community of historic

relevancy. Finally, the expansion of the beach, which involves building an

artificial barrier aimed at preventing erosion, is an offense against the

natural environment and history of that shore. The north coast of Old San

Juan is one of the only spots in the metropolitan area were the surf is great

enough to have attracted surfers historically. The Walkable City plan has

good intentions, but its failures are so completely standard, that it is

unbelievably disappointing. By separating history into “relevancy”, it

ultimately dooms the community and its heritage into extinction.

T

Thailan

location

“beside

Bangko

majorit

contain

Thai ve

T

them se

location

The next c

nd. The fir

n adjacen

es the mai

ok, the Gra

ty of the n

n magnific

ernacular

The two h

elf the cen

n between

ase study

rst of the

t to a nati

in avenue

and Palace

new buildi

cent wood

architectu

FiguCourtesy of

hundred an

nter of an

n the old B

y is of the

minor cas

ional mon

leading d

e.” (Herzf

ing stock

den homes

ure over th

ure 21: The Whttp://www.f

nd eighty

ongoing

Bangkok r

Pom Maha

se studies

nument, Fo

down to th

feld 2010)

is “decrep

s that repr

he past tw

Wooden Housflickr.com/ph

two resid

battle wit

oyal city o

akan com

, it was ch

ort Mahak

he symbol

) In term

pit”. How

resent “m

wo centuri

ses of Pom Mahotos/msnin

dents of Po

h the loca

of Romal

munity in

hosen bec

kan. In add

lic heart o

ms of archi

wever the a

major phas

ies.” (Herz

ahakan.

na/283578450

om Mahak

al governm

and a ver

n Bangkok

cause of it

dition it s

of Old

itecture th

area does

es of cent

zfeld 2010

04/.

kan found

ment. Its

y importa

39

k,

ts

ets

he

tral

0)

ant

40

canal put it at risk of displacement. The government who refuses to deem

the community any cultural or historic relevancy has plans to turn the lands

as a recreational park. Similar to La Perla, the government was condemning

the community by denying it any significance at all. This according to

Michael Herzfeld falls within the “politics of significances orchestrated in

terms of a populist anti-intellectualism typical of the stance of the

government.”  (Herzfeld 2010) Herzfeld continues by making an excellent

point; “We should not passively accede to the assumption that small

communities are irrelevant to the future of humanity; the questions they

raise about official historiography are often a salutary reminder that

humanity has more than one narrative up its sleeve.” (Herzfeld 2010) The

Pom Mahakan community just like that of La Perla, in addition has serious

problems socio-economic problems which one can only begin to explain.

The unemployment rate in 2010 had peaked to almost seventy percent.

Furthermore, similar to La Perla it at one point suffered from a “serious

drug problem”, which by the time Herzfeld has arrived had be eradicated.

They community collaborated with the local police and were successful in

pressuring the drug pushers to leave or stop dealing all together.

Community leaders were given status of community police or “Tamruat

Chumchon.” The Tamruat Chumchon was trained by local police and were

given permission to make arrests. Another feature were educational

sessions to teach parents and children the dangers of drugs. (Herzfeld 2010)

This example of a community getting through the problem of drugs without

41

on its own, gives hope to La Perla, another slum communities in similar

situations. With threat from of eviction from a government that saw it as

only a “nuisance” the community took charge of their prospects, by leading

a publicity campaign unlike no other. They found allies with the media and

the royal family. In a manner of years Taxi driver, who once didn’t even

know about the community, started taking tourist there on a daily basis.

There is also the “Squatter” element, in which the residents lack

documentation of ownership. The “squatter element” puts a community at

even more risk. (Herzfeld 2010) This case is a prime example of how a

community can overcome the prejudices of a state. If Pom Mahakan was

able to do it, there is no doubt in my mind that La Perla can do so as well.

The final case is that of Soweto East, a section of the Kibera slum in

Kenya. This community was selected for study because its residents are

currently being displaced. The Kibera slum is located in the Nairobi, Kenya.

It is the largest slum in the world and it is said to have a million inhabitants

and is extremely overcrowded. (BBC NEWS 2009) The dwellings are

composed of “muddy iron sheet-roofed hovels” that lack proper sanitation.

Additionally there are water shortages and electricity is not easily available.

In relation to these problems residents illegally connect to electricity and

water, which has caused clashes between the guilty residents and the

companies. (NewsfromAfrica 2011) The lack of sanitary facilities in their

homes, causes them to pay three cents to use public toilets or alternatively

use “fly

thrown

N

class K

thirty y

Kenya,

demoli

Slum U

twelve

into mo

three h

dollars

ying toilet

n out. (BBC

Ninety per

enyans, w

years. As

the gover

sh the slu

pgrading

slums. (K

odest apar

hundred fa

a month

ts”, in whi

C NEWS 20

Photograph

cent of th

who began

the first p

rnment an

um. (BBC N

Program,

oross 201

rtments in

amilies of

in rent. (B

ich excrem

009)

Figure 22: K Courtesy of

he residen

n building

part of a la

nticipates

NEWS 2009

the first p

12) It is se

n the span

Soweto E

BBC NEWS

ment is pl

Kibera Slum inthe Affordab

nts of Kibe

the temp

arger plan

a timeline

9) Funded

phase is o

et to move

n of five y

ast have a

2009)

aced into

n Kenya. ble Housing In

era rent th

orary stru

n to eradic

e of ten ye

d by UN H

of Soweto

e the fifte

years. (Kor

already m

plastic ba

nstitute.

he shacks

uctures du

cate all th

ears comp

Habitat and

East, one

een hundr

ross 2012

oved in an

ags and

from mid

uring the l

he slums in

pletely

d the Keny

of Kibera

ed familie

) The firs

nd pay ten

42

dle

last

n

ya

a’s

es

st

n

T

residen

the ren

make m

Fig

There is co

nts and hig

nt will enta

monthly re

FigurPhoto

gure 24: Resi

oncern tha

gh rent. T

ail them to

ent. (News

re 23: Sowetoo courtesy of

idents of SowPhoto cou

at this pro

The reside

o have to

sfromAfric

o East in the Kf the Affordab

weto East movurtesy of the

oject will f

nts live on

save forty

ca 2011)

Kibera Slum oble Housing I

ving into thei Daily Nation

fail due to

n less tha

y percent

The high

of Kenya. Institute.

ir new apartmn.

o low inco

an a dollar

of that in

rent migh

ments.

ome of the

r a day and

n order to

ht lead to

43

e

d

44

several families sharing the two bedroom apartments. (BBC NEWS 2009) In

this case the land ownership is also disputed. More than 80 residents and

landowners have filed a law suits against the government claiming they own

the land. What is special about this cause is area is its history. Nairobi is the

ancestral lands of the Nubian ethnic group, and those in community are in

opposition. Ibrahim Diaby, a Nubian elder believes the government should

allow improvements to the structures rather than tearing the settlement

down. He states “my house has water and electricity, but I’m restricted

from putting up a permanent building because the government says the

land belongs to them… It’s a question of natural justice. We’ve lived in

Kibera long before Nairobi was Nairobi, long before Kenya was Kenya.” (BBC

NEWS 2009) How can a government claim lands belonging to community

that has existed long before the government itself? Spokesperson for the

project clarifies that the Kibera slum today, is inhabited by many other

Kenyan groups. However he makes a statement that corresponds with the

false motivations. According to the spokesperson, Kibera’s magnitude is

“not a reputation we can be proud of.” (BBC NEWS 2009) He is right to be

shameful of the living conditions of the Kibera Slum, yet his main concern

seems to be about how the country appears rather than the lives of the slum

dwellers themselves. Another concern of the Nubian community is the

design of the new dwellings. Nubians traditionally prefer to live in larger

homes, where extended families live. It is part of their culture and if they

are forced to move into small apartments, therefore separating, they will

45

lose that tradition. (NewsfromAfrica 2011) There is something that the

government is doing right here, they have created a program that promotes

the ownership of the new apartments. Saccos, short of savings and co-

operative societies, in which the dwellers themselves will utilize as a bank

for savings. The Sacco will then give loans to members to make the down

payments in order to buy new units. (Omondi 2012) While there is merit in

the program, how can one be sure that the residents, who survive on a

dollar a day, be able to accumulate money? However, programs that

promote ownership over renting form the government have proven to be

more successful. What is really important about the Soweto East example is

to illustrate the complications of displacement. It is clear that the UN and

the Kenyan government need to step in to improve the lives of the

community, but at what cost? There needs to be lines and methods to

protect the cultural rights of slum dwellers. This would provide a guide for

governments so destruction of a community and its heritage is avoided.

This study attempts to solve the problem of devaluation of a slum

community’s culture and heritage. This problem causes the community to

be subjected to displacement, which in turns destroys them and the

corresponding heritage. Because we do not care about their heritage, we

destroy it. This “problem” is realized in localized cases, yet it is a symptom

of greater global trends persuaded by false perceptions of slums.

Understand they are interconnected, this study will attempt provide

46

solutions for both the “Global” problem and the “Local”. The local is

manifested in solutions for the primary case study of La Perla.

In all these cases and with the multiple “slum” communities in

danger of extinction, there are specific stakeholders, but there are also

global stakeholders. These global stake holders include; governing bodies at

all levels because they ultimately responsible for these communities. Slum

dwellers world-wide are affected in a multitude of ways as discussed

throughout this study. In addition heritage organizations are affected

because they are missing an opportunity to help slum dwellers “save” their

heritage. Developers and those trades within the building industry have

potential financial gain by redevelopment at stake, therefore are affected.

The disputed land owners are affected because, decisions that are made will

ultimately be positive or negative financially. Finally, all of us are at risk

because, especially in the age of globalization, we are all part of the same

global community and anything that happens to one group will ultimately

affect us all. It is clear today that Urban Renewal’s slum clearance policies

of the 20th century affected more than just the people who were displaced,

it affected everyone and still affects us all today.

For our local case of La Perla, there are more particular stakeholders.

The most important stakeholders are the residents of La Perla, who live in

slum conditions and are subjected to the constant threat of displacement.

Also an important stakeholder is the government of Puerto Rico and the

municipality of San Juan, who are trying to improve the area, although these

47

attempts are misguided. Next the residents of the other fragments of Old

San Juan have a stake, especially since so often drug related violence has

spilled beyond La Perla, putting those residents in danger. In addition these

residents face the potential gentrification of their neighborhood especially

if the Walkable City Plan is followed through. The business owners and the

tourist industry of San Juan is also a stakeholder, as the threat of La Perla

often hurts business. The disputed land owners have the most to risk

financially, because the real estate value of the land is so high, that

development of those lands would turn a large profit. Developers and those

in the building industry in Puerto Rico potentially can make money if the

land were to be developed. The Association for the Rescue and

Development of La Perla is a huge stakeholder, considering their failures

will result in the displacement of the people. Additionally, heritage based

organizations such as The Institute of Culture, are stakeholders, because

although they celebrate the art and literature that personifies the poor of

the past, they fail to recognize the heritage and culture of the poor of the

present. If La Perla is lost, the Institute of Culture will have lost an

important evolving cultural resource. Furthermore residents of other

“barrios” in Puerto Rico have a huge stake in what happens in La Perla. If La

Perla, one of the oldest and culturally rich barrios on the island cannot be

saved, what chance do the other communities have? Finally, all Puerto

Ricans have a stake in this case. If we as Puerto Ricans eliminate undesirable

48

parts of our history and culture, we not only lie to ourselves, but we put all

parts of our history at risk to the creation of “relevant” history.

Before developing possible alternatives for the two problems, it is

important determine what is important to solve in both cases. Because the

local case of La Perla falls within the global problem, one set global criteria

is examined. The first criterion is that “slum” communities should no

longer be subject to displacement. This criteria is integral to the

underlining thesis of this paper, thus becomes the most important.

Secondly, the cultural heritage and history of slum communities should not

be devalued, or erased. The second criteria are integral to the first, as so

often devalued communities are displaced and thus their heritage is erased.

The third criteria, is extremely important, and is that slum communities

should no longer be subjected to substandard living conditions.

Recognizing the importance of economic development and tourism for a

local economy, it is important that slum communities are intergraded and

become economically viable. This previous criteria refers to the community

and as well as the place. Finally, slum communities are no longer seen as

blight for the greater society and government. The stigma that corresponds

to slum communities ultimately hurts community’s opportunities for

improvement, yet it cannot be the sole solution. These criteria should be

used in evaluating the possible alternatives or scenarios that can occur in

both the Global and the Local (La Perla) problems.

49

The “Global problem is integral to the final solution of this growing

problem. Four possible alternatives have been generated, not necessarily all

solving the issue, but covering all the possible global scenarios. The first

alternative, labeled as the “nothing” plan, required literally nothing to

happen at all. In this alternative the number of people living in slum

communities continues to grow globally, at alarming rates. Nothing is done

at all improve the lives of slum dwellers who are subjected to horrid living

conditions and social inequality. The “Status Quo” plan, the second

alternative, is the real do nothing scenario. In this scenario slum dwellers

continue to be displaced at the global level. They are moved into new, yet

incompatible, dwellings constructed by local governments or developers in

efforts to improve lives masked by guilt, or even worst private interest. In

some of these cases it is possible that communities are displaced and

consequently become homeless. The third alternative, named “Cultural

Heritage Advocacy”, involves a global campaign bring the problem to the

public eye. In this paper we have already established the Heritage

Preservation field’s role in the fight against community displacement. This

scenario therefore assigns the field as leaders in a global advocacy

campaign. To head the campaign UNESCO is nominated, as they are one of

the key players promoting the importance of cultural heritage that is

intangible. UNESCO creates a slum dweller branch of their Culture and

Development Committee. This alternative directly asks UNESCO to lead the

fight against displacement by advocacy and outreach. UNESCO can work

50

with the United Nations to create a “Declaration on the Rights of Slum

Dwellers” similar in concept to the 2007 “Declaration on the Rights of

Indigenous Peoples.” By leading the campaign, UNESCO would bring the

problem tot the eyes of governments and its citizens at a global scale. This

advocacy campaign would promote community upgrade and improvements

in place of displacement. Finally, the last alternative, labeled as “Aggressive

Advocacy” takes “Cultural Heritage Advocacy” one step further. This plan

would entail UNESCO, the United Nations and other participating

organizations to put pressure on nations violating the rights of the slum

dweller. Violating countries would be subjected to be revoked of financial

aid as well as membership in the UN.

It is important for this study to analyze the alternatives of the

individual slum. There is no standard slum improvement alternative, thus

the alternatives of La Perla are only serve as examples to other slums. The

first of the La Perla alternatives is the “Nothing” plan. In this scenario

nothing happens at all to La Perla. The community remains stigmatized,

marginalized and crime ridden. Due to lack of educational and economic

opportunities the drug trade in La Perla continues to flourish. In addition

the community is continuously threatened by future development, a mental

state which causes significant harm. The “Walkable City Plan” becomes the

second alternative. In this scenario, with the development of the plan, the

dwellings of the community are condemned and the community is moved to

the new public housing developments currently being built on the south

51

side of the Islet. The addition of a large population in La Perla, means that

the area is completely redeveloped to promote tourism on the island. The

only thing saved is the slaughter house which is converted to a trendy

restaurant. The unique heritage and culture of La Perla is lost forever. The

third Alternative, known as the “Public Use” plan is a circumstance could

easily occur. In this scenario The Walkable City plan is attempted. The

community of La Perla is displaced and relocated to the new public housing

mentions in the previous plan. As plans for complete redevelopment that is

geared towards tourist and local elite’s leaks, the public is outraged that

land, which is esteemed as one of the most beautiful spots in the world, is

planned to be inaccessible to the public. A combination of the outrage and

lack of demand for such a development, the government decides to give the

public what it wants and La Perla becomes a recreational park. The park

serves both tourist and locals, and holds the place for potential future

development. The only structure that is saved is the slaughterhouse, which

becomes a museum commemorating the history of La Perla. Finally the last

alternative, the “Community” plan envisions collaboration in order to

improve La Perla, without displacing the community. In this scenario a

committee involving the Institute of Culture, the University of Puerto Rico’s

school of Architecture’s Community Development Workshop, The

Merchant’s association of Old San Juan, the Association for the Rescue and

Development and the City of San Juan . They would create a comprehensive

long term plan that would improve infrastructure as well as the

commu

collabo

problem

geared

Recogn

would b

new de

In

and La

was dis

unity’s hom

orate with

m. Educat

towards t

nizing the

become o

velopmen

n order to

Perla cau

scussed ea

me. Addi

the comm

tion and a

tourism, w

need for

pen for de

nt be appr

o choose w

ses, an ev

arlier, is u

The glob

tionally th

munity lea

alternative

would be p

economic

evelopme

ropriate.

which alte

valuative p

used to tes

bal alternativ

he plan w

aders to co

e economi

promoted

vitality in

nt, althou

rnative wo

process w

st the pos

ves tested aga

ould invo

ombat the

ic opportu

d within th

n the area

ugh it wou

ould be be

as created

ssible solu

ainst the crite

lve the lo

e drug rela

unities, pe

he commu

a the vaca

uld be insu

est for bo

d. The cri

utions.

eria.

cal police

ated crime

erhaps

unity.

nt spaces

ured that

oth the Glo

iteria, whi

52

e to

e

any

obal

ich

53

Each alternative was tested with each criteria as illustrated above.

The first, of the global alternatives the “Nothing” plan, while avoids

displacement and destruction of the slum community’s heritage, it fails to

do anything else. Ultimately the living conditions of slums needs to be

improved, thus this alternative easily ruled out. Alternative number two, the

“Status Quo ” solves the living conditions of the community, yet it still

displaces them thus destroying what we are trying to preserve. This plan,

does not solve the stigma of the community. In terms of economics and

tourism, this alternative in some cases might increase the districts tourism,

but it certainly does not necessarily improve the economic vitality of the

community. Providing decent housing for a community does not solve all

the socio economic problems that doom it to poverty. Governments need to

solve bigger issues such inequality and lack of opportunities in addition to

improving living conditions. The “Cultural Heritage Advocacy” alternative,

recognizes both sides of the picture. It promotes the improvement of slums

communities and at the same time strives to protect the culture from

destruction. This alternative advices as well as provides support to

countries dealing with slums. It passes all the criteria except in the case of

stigma. Stigma is one of the hardest things to overcome and it takes

generations for it to change. The last alternative, the “Aggressive

Advocacy” plan might be too forceful. Countries are their own entities for a

reason, and putting that much pressure might cause some to ignore

campaign all together. In conclusion to the global problem, this paper

recomm

campai

commu

T

case th

are not

conditi

tourism

might b

econom

alterna

mends the

ign to brin

unities.

The La Per

he “Nothin

displaced

ons are st

m is not ad

be displac

mic and to

tive is tha

e third alte

ng awaren

The loc

la alternat

ng” alterna

d; therefo

till substa

ddressed a

ced. They

ourism goa

at the cult

ernative o

ness to the

al alternative

tives were

ative gave

re their h

andard, th

at all. In t

y would no

al would b

ture and h

of a “Cultu

e growing

es tested aga

e also test

the same

eritage is

e stigma t

the “Walk

ot live in s

be realized

heritage is

ural Herita

problem

inst the crite

ted agains

e results.

not lost.

thrives an

kable City”

substanda

d. The pr

s lost and

age Advoc

of displac

eria.

st the crite

La Perla’s

Yet, the l

nd econom

” plan the

ard condit

roblem wi

the stigm

cacy”

cements o

eria. In th

s residents

living

mics and

residents

tions, and

th this

ma will mo

54

of

his

s

s

the

st

55

likely carry on with the community. The “Public Use” plan only solves the

living conditions of community, but it does so by displacing them and

destroying their heritage. In addition since the stigma carries on the

community and not the place, it continues with them. Since this alternative

is not utilizing the land for any profit what so ever it only promotes tourism

in the area. Finally it is the “Community Plan” that passed most of the

criteria. In this plan the community and its heritage is retained, while

improving its living conditions and promoting tourism and economic

development. Recognizing that stigma is very hard to overcome, this

alternative might prove successful in that respect. This study recommends

the “Community” Plan above all in order to solve the problem of La Perla.

As highlighted by this paper the devaluation of impoverished

communities combined with economic pressures such tourism as well as

misguided attempts to “make right” causes slum communities to be

subjected to displacement. This displacement expunges them from cultural

history, destroying the community and its heritage. This causes deep

rooted psychological problems not only to the individuals but to their

descendants. It harms us as a society because we choose to only remember

what we perceive as ours, but what is not understood is that we are all

interconnected. As Mindy Fullilove eloquently states “Ask not for whom the

bell tolls: it tolls for all of us.”

56

Bibliography

AGPR . "Sector Extramujros del Norte." Coleccion de tarjetas postales. . San Juan , 1898.

Antonio Di Mambro + Associates, Inc. The Walkable City . Urban Plan , San Juan: City of San Juan , 2011.

Arizpe, Lourdes. Cultural Heritage and Globalization;Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay in Research Report, Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Trust , 2000.

Ashworth, G.J. "From History to Heritage: From Heritage to Identity: In Search of Concepts and Models. ." In Budling a New Heritage: Tourism, Culture and Identity in the New Europe. , by G.j. Ashworth and P.J. Larkham, 13-30. London: Routledge, 1994.

Avrami, Erica, Randall Mason, and Marta de la Torre. Values and Heritage Conservation. Research Report , Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Trust, 2000.

BBC NEWS. "Kenya begins huge slum clearance ." BBC NEWS. September 16, 2009. http://newsvote.bbc.co.uk/mpapps/pagetools/print/news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8258417.stm?ad=1 (accessed March 22, 2012).

Slum Dog Millionare. Directed by Danny Boyle and Loveleen. Tandan. 2008 .

Chicago Tribune . "POOR IS IN THE EYE OF THE BEHOLDER ." Latin American Studies.org. September 1, 1998. http://www.latinamericanstudies.org/puertorico/laperla.htm (accessed March 4, 2010).

Citizendia. "Citizendia.org." La Perla, San Juan,Puerto Rico. 2009. http://www.citizendia.org/La_Perla,_San_Juan,_Puerto_Rico (accessed March 4, 2012).

Cooper, Lee E. "Uprooted Thousands Starting Trek From Site for Stuyvesant Town; Vans Rumble Through Lower East Side in City's Greatest Mass Movement, With New Quarters a Problem." The New York Times., March 3, 1945.

57

Corp of Military Engineers of Spain. . "Map of San Juan 1845-1850. ." Corp of Military Engineers of Spain. , 1850 .

Corretjer Hernández, Antonio Luis. "Las invasiones de terreno: una violación de ley o una necesidad social." Revista de Derecho Puertorriqueno, 2001.

Creighton, Oliver. "Contested Townscapes: The Walled City as World Heritage." World Archaeology, Vol. 39, No. 3, 2007: 339-354.

Curtoni, Rafael P., and Gustavo G. Politis. "Race and Racism in South American Archaeology." World Archaeology, Vol. 38, No. 1, 2006: 93-108.

Daily Nation. "Residents of Soweto East moving into their new apartments. ." photographs. 2012.

Delano, Jack. "La Perla." Photograph. San Juan , 1941.

Fox, Ben. "Raid opens window into notorious Puerto Rico slum." Newsvine.com. June 29, 2011. http://www.newsvine.com/_news/2011/06/29/6976458-raid-opens-window-into-notorious-puerto-rico-slum (accessed March 4 , 2012 ).

Fullilove, Mindy Thompson. Root shock : how tearing up city neighborhoods hurts America, and what we can do about it. New York: One World/Ballantine Books, 2004.

Global Property Guide. Economic slump drags down Puerto Rico real estate. June 15, 2009. http://www.globalpropertyguide.com/Caribbean/Puerto-Rico/Price-History (accessed March 22, 2012).

Hayden, Dolores. The power of place: urban landscapes as public history. Cambridge, Mass. : MIT Press, 1995.

Herzfeld, Michael. "Engagement, Gentrification, and the Neoliberal Hijacking of History." Current Anthropology, 2010: S259-S267.

How Stuff Works Inc. . "History of Puerto Rico ." How Stuff Works. 1998-2012. How Stuff Works (accessed March 4, 2012).

Hower, R.J. "La Perla ." Photograph. San Juan, 1947.

58

Iggers, g. Historiography in the Twentieth Century: From Scientific Objectivity to the Postmodern Challenge. Middletown, CT. : Wesleyan University Press, 1997.

Ignacio, Jorge. "Barriada La Perla." World Photography Organization. San Juan , 2010.

Jacobs, Mark B. "Dharavi." memestreamblog.wordpress.com. Mumbai: Photograph. , Febrary 21, 2009.

Jensen, Uffe Juul. Cultural Heritage, Liberal Education, and Human Flourishing; Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay in Research Report., Los Angelos: The J. Paul Getty Trust, 2000.

Koross, Kibiwott. "Kibera slum dwellers move to new houses." Sunday Nation. May 6, 2012. http://www.nation.co.ke/News/-/1056/659228/-/umw0ll/-/index.html (accessed April 24, 2012).

Lewis, Oscar. La vida; a Puerto Rican family in the culture of poverty--San Juan and New York. New York: Random House , 1966.

Lowenthal, David. Stewarding the Past in a Perplexing Present;Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay in a Research Report. , Los Angeles. : The J. Paul Getty Trust, 2000.

Lowenthan, D. The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. . New York: Free Press, 1998.

Martínez Diez, Mary T. "presuntos implicados pactos sociales higiene social y olvido." prensa comunitaria. July 1, 2011. http://prensacomunitaria.com/opinion/889-presuntos-implicados-pactos-sociales-higiene-social-y-olvido (accessed March 4, 2012).

Merriam-Webster, Incorperated. Slum . 2012. http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/slum (accessed May 1, 2012).

Milligan, Melinda J. "Buildings as History: The Place of Collective Memory in the Study of Historic Preservation." Symbolic Interaction, Vol. 30, No. 1, 2007: 105-123.

Moscoso Candelas, Laura. "prensa comunitaria." La Perla ya tenía su plan de desarrollo. Julio 8, 2011 . http://prensacomunitaria.com/pobreza-y-desigualdad/autogestion/902-la-perla-ya-tenia-su-plan-de-desarrollo (accessed March 4, 2012).

59

National Park Services. A Historical Overview of Colonial Puerto Rico: The Importance of San Juan as a Military Outpost. National Parks Service, n.d.

New Internationalist. "Urban Explosion: the facts." http://www.newint.org. 1 1, 2006. http://www.newint.org/features/2006/01/01/facts/ (accessed April 1, 2012).

NewsfromAfrica . "New Life for Kibera Residents as Slum Upgrading Takes Off." News from Africa. November 11, 2011. http://www.newsfromafrica.org/newsfromafrica/articles/art_11670.html (accessed April 25, 2012).

Omondi, George. "Kibera residents form Saccos to buy new houses ." Buisness Daily Africa. March 6 , 2012. http://www.businessdailyafrica.com/Corporate+News/-/539550/1360772/-/srjjp2/-/index.html (accessed April 24, 2012).

Oyola Torres, Jorge L. "TODOS SOMOS LA PERLA ." El Nuevo Dia . July 11, 2011. http://www.elnuevodia.com/columna-todossomoslaperla-1013541.html (accessed March 4, 2011).

Pearce, Susan M. The Making of Cultural Heritage; Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay in Research Report. , Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Trust. , 2000.

Phoebettmh Travel. "El Morro." Photograph. PhoebettmhTravel.blogspot, 2011.

Phua, Giok Ling Ooi and Kai Hong. Urbanization and Slum Formation. March 27, 2007 . http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC1891640/ (accessed April 1, 2012).

PRRA. "The Falansterio in 1937." Coleccion de fotografias digitalizadas de la PRRA. San Juan, 1937.

Puerto Rico State Historic Preservation Office . Historic Preservation State Plan . Goverment Report, San Juan : Puerto Rico State Historic Preservation Office , 2006-2010 .

Rosenzweig, Roy, and Elizabeth Blackmar. The Park and the People : A History of Central Park. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1992.

Rosskam, Edwin. "La Perla." Photograph. San Juan , 1937.

60

Sedeno, Thomas. "Design of Cementary." San Juan, Puerto Rico, 1806.

Sepulveda-Rivera, Anibal. San Juan: historia ilustrada de su dessarrollo urbano, 1508-1898. . San Juan, Puerto Rico: Carimar, 1989.

Serageldin, Mona. Preserving the Historic Urban Fabric in a Context of Fast-Paced Change; Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay; Research Report., Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Trust., 2000.

Sonrisa Digital. "La Perla ." Photograph. San Juan , 2011.

Soto, David. "San Juan to Ban Cars, Make "Walkable City"." Planetizen.com. July 26, 2010. http://www.planetizen.com/node/45271 (accessed March 4, 2012 ).

Swansea, Mt Swansea. "Santa Maria Magdalena de Pazzis Cemetery." Panoramio.com. 2009.

The Affordable Housing Institute. "Kibera Slum in Kenya." Photograph. 2011.

—. "Soweto East." Photographs. 2012.

Throsby, David. Economic and Cultural Value in the Work of Creative Artists;Values and Heritage Conservation. Essay in Research Report., Los Angeles: The J. Paul Getty Trust, 2000.

Uknown. "Gas House District ." New York Public Library Digital Collection. New York: New York Public Library, 1938.

United States Census . Fiancial Characteristics of Households . Data , San Juan : United States Census , 2010 .

United States Census. Demographic data. Data , San Juan: United States Census, 2010.

United States Census. Occupancy Status. Data , San Juan Puerto Rico : American Fact Finder, 2010.

United States Census. Vancancy Status. Data , San Juan: United States Census, 2010.

Unknown. "Pom Mahakan Community." Flicker. 2009. http://www.flickr.com/photos/msnina/2835784504/. (accessed April 23, 2012).

61

—. "San Juan during the 16th Century." British Museum Map Collection. London: The Brittish Museum. , n.d.

Vivoni Farage, Enrique. Ever New San Juan; Architecture and Modernization in the 20th Century. San Juan, Puerto rico: AACUPR , 2000.

Ward, David. "The Victorian Slum: An Enduring Myth?" Annals of the Association of American Geographers,Vol. 66, No. 2, 1976: 323-336.

Wiles, Craig, and Gail Vander Stoep. "CONSIDERATION OF HISTORICAL AUTHENTICITY IN HERITAGE TOURISM." Proceedings of the 2007 Northeastern Recreation Research Symposium. Northeastern University, 2007. 291-298.

Zuza, Nenad. "Slum dog's happiness." Photograph. Mumbai: Trekearth.com , 09 08, 2009.