Practical Insights from Interviews with Day Laborers

Journal of Ethnic & Cultural Diversity in Social Work, 20:77–92, 2011Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLCISSN: 1531-3204 print/1531-3212 onlineDOI: 10.1080/15313204.2010.499326

Practical Insights from Interviews with DayLaborers

MONIT CHEUNG, ELENA DELAVEGA, IRMA CASTILLO, andCORRINE WALIJARVI

Graduate College of Social Work, University of Houston, Houston, Texas,United States

The purpose of this exploratory, qualitative study was to identifykey issues in the daily lives of day laborers and to ascertain theperceptions laborers had of day labor centers. Semi-structuredinterviews were conducted with 25 day laborers at two establishedday labor centers in Houston, Texas. Grounded theory and open-coding qualitative methods were used to identify key themes. Threemain themes emerged from the interviews. The first theme was thatthe day laborers’ lives were filled with both practical difficulties dueto lack of resources and emotional pain due to the separation fromtheir families. The second theme was that day laborers frequentlyencountered injustice, in the form of lower pay or unfair treatmenton the job, due to their illegal status. The third theme was that daylaborers found day labor centers to be safe places where not onlyjobs but also other resources could be accessed to help ease the dif-ficulties of their daily lives. This study provides social workers andother service providers with an improved understanding of the per-ceptions and needs of day laborers. Implications: Insights from thisstudy indicate that day laborers benefit from services provided bystable day labor centers.

KEYWORDS undocumented immigrants, Mexican immigrants,discrimination, injustice, job hunting, language barriers, housingneeds

Address correspondence to Dr. Monit Cheung, Graduate College of Social Work,University of Houston, 110HA Social Work Building, Houston, TX 77204-4013, USA. E-mail:[email protected]

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INTRODUCTION

A considerable amount of research exists that addresses the nature of theday labor market, the characteristics of individuals who participate in it,the conditions generally faced by day laborers, and the broad economicand social consequences of day labor work (Kerr & Dole, 2005; Purser,2007; Roberts & Bartley, 2004; Strayhorn, 2006; Theodore, 2003; Valenzuela,2001, 2003;Valenzuela & Melendez, 2003; Valenzuela, Theodore, Melendez,& Gonzalez, 2006; Walter, Bourgois, Loinaz, & Schillinger, 2002). Much ofthe existing research highlights the legal and policy issues and implicationsassociated with the day labor market and the fact that a significant majorityof day laborers are men who have immigrated to the United States withoutfollowing legal immigration channels (Passel, 2006). Most discussions havefocused on the impact of day labor on labor markets, employment prac-tices, and macroeconomic effects (Valenzuela et al., 2006). Few researchers,however, have focused on the individual experiences and perceptions ofday laborers. The purpose of this qualitative study was to obtain insightsinto the experiences of day laborers in order to clarify their motivations,concerns, and coping strategies. The insights gained through this study maycontribute to culturally sensitive social work education and practice.

Day Labor

A survey published in 2006 (Valenzuela et al., 2006) estimated that 117,600workers gather each day at 400 day labor sites across the United States.It is known that up to 75% of day laborers are undocumented workers(Valenzuela et al., 2006). It is also known that day laborers are often victimsof abuse and exploitation, including the non-payment of wages, and the lackof benefits and health care (Kalleberg, Reskin, & Hudson, 2000; Purser, 2007;Skerry, 2008; Smith, 2008; Valenzuela et al., 2006; Valenzuela, 2001). A grow-ing body of research has provided insights on the labor market mechanicsof day labor sites, but little is known about the daily experiences of daylaborers, or about the ways in which they interpret their experiences andtheir place in the world (Purser, 2009). Walter, Bourgois, and Loinaz (2004)studied the perceptions of injured day laborers, who have few options. Asmost day laborers are men, Purser (2009) has focused on the day laborer’sperception of himself as agent of his own destiny, as well as on the genderedaspects of day labor. Crotty and Bosco (2008) analyzed through observationand semi-structured interviews the role of race in the social geography ofday labor, and the relevance of perception to the usefulness of formalizedday labor centers.

Day Labor Sites

The gathering of work seekers—nearly all of whom are male—on cornersand storefronts has raised numerous questions within many cities regarding

Practical Insights from Day Laborers 79

how the local government ought to respond. Should these sites be supportedor discouraged? Different local governments have reacted in different ways;some have attempted to discourage the gatherings, others have turned ablind eye, while others have actively supported the development of daylabor sites (Valenzuela, 2003). Day labor sites are considered by some tobe a “promising” policy response to the problem of unregulated day labormarkets (Valenzuela et al., 2006). However, how the workers perceive theexperience of day labor obtained through formalized day labor centers,and whether benefits to such an arrangement exist have not been suf-ficiently studied (Crotty & Bosco, 2008). The perception by the laborersof the benefits provided by formal day labor centers may be an essen-tial element in determining whether established centers are utilized (Purser,2009).

Houston, Texas, is one city that has allowed the growth of day laborsites. Houston is the fourth largest city in the United States, with a metropoli-tan area population of 4.4 million (U.S. Census Bureau, 2003). Data fromthe U.S. Census Bureau indicate that 26% of Houston residents are for-eign born (U.S. Census Bureau, 2010). This figure includes estimates forthe foreign-born residents who are illegal as well as legal. Houston has avery diverse population, with individuals of Hispanic origin representing anestimated 37% of the population. Houston has hosted both formal and infor-mal day labor sites for years, and the presence of day laborers in the cityhas been covered in the local press. However, formal research on day laborin Houston has been scarce.

The estimated number of formal and informal day labor sites in Houstonranges from 30 (Juarez, 2008) to 57 (Pinkerton, 2007). Most of these sitesare informal and fluid, with fluctuating levels of job seekers and providers.Nationwide, however, the number of formalized labor centers has beenincreasing (Purser, 2009). In 2007, the authors identified two regulated, sta-ble day labor centers in Houston that were staffed with service providerson a daily basis. These centers were established by the city of Houstonand sponsored by local social service agencies in order to provide a safeplace for laborers to meet contractors. In addition, the city used the sitesto provide referrals to social service agencies for the day laborers. Socialservice referrals made at the sites included referrals for legal and medicalservices.

The purpose of this study was to develop an understanding ofthe experiences and perceptions of the day laborers who frequentedthe centers. Insights into day labor experiences can help improve theunderstanding and cultural competence of social service providers whointeract with the immigrant population. Social work educators can alsobenefit from improved cultural competence resulting from greater under-standing of the experiences of day laborers and the use of theseexperiences in teaching practice that focuses on working with immigrantpopulations.

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METHODS

This study was designed as an exploratory field study using qualitative meth-ods based on the grounded theory approach developed by Corbin andStrauss (2008). The study was approved by the University of Houston’sCommittee for the Protection of Human Subjects. During summer 2007, aresearcher in this team who speaks fluent Spanish visited the two regulatedday labor centers in Houston and interviewed day laborers. These two daylabor centers were chosen because of their stable presence over time, andbecause they were staffed by workers from a variety of social service agen-cies. Permission to interview the day laborers at the centers was obtainedfrom the social service agency coordinators at the centers. To protect per-sonal identities of the respondents, the names of these labor centers are notprovided in this report.

Sample

The first chosen research site has been in operation since 1980, provid-ing support for new immigrants and other laborers in the community. Tenmale laborers were interviewed at the first site. Nine of the 10 stated thatthey had recently arrived in Houston. The second research site has been inoperation in Houston since 1994. This center has the capacity to accommo-date between 50 and 100 workers at one time. Fifteen male laborers wereinterviewed at the second site.

The study had 25 respondents, though not every respondent providedanswers to every question. Most of the respondents (17; 68%) came fromMexico, 4 (16%) came from Honduras, 3 (12%) came from Guatemala, and1 (4%) came from El Salvador. The mean age of the respondents was 38.6years, with 7 (28%) in their mid twenties, 8 (32%) in their late thirties andearly forties, 5 (20%) in their late forties and early fifties, 3 (12%) in theirlate fifties, and 2 (8%) in their sixties. Most (20; 80%) of the respondentsstated that their wives, children, parents, and other relatives still lived intheir countries of origin. A few respondents (5; 20%) stated that their imme-diate families were living locally in Houston and 13 (52%) respondents hadrelatives living in other parts of the United States. Six of the intervieweesstated that relatives had provided personal assistance to them.

Data Collection

A semi-structured interview was conducted with day laborers individuallyin the two research sites. The interviews were conducted by the thirdauthor. The interview guide, which focused on day laborers’ perceptionsand experiences of their daily lives, consisted of 31 questions in Spanish.


It included 6 questions relating to demographics, 10 questions relating topersonal experiences at the day labor center, 10 questions relating to pastjobs and earnings, and 5 questions relating to emotions experienced aspart of the day laborers’ daily lives. All questions were given in Spanish.Interviewees responded primarily in Spanish, although English was occa-sionally mixed with Spanish in the responses. The interviewer recordedresponses to questions in writing directly on the interview form. Someinterviews were approximately 30 minutes in duration. Other interviewsended after as little as five minutes when the interviewees either left the sitebecause of a job opportunity, or declined to respond to further questions.The interview process was closed after data saturation had been achievedwhen participants’ responses did not provide additional new information(Corbin & Strauss, 2008).

The interviewees represented a convenience sample of day laborerswho were present at the regulated day labor sites, and who were willing toparticipate in interviews. No monetary or other incentive was offered to theday laborers for their participation in the research. Prior to beginning theinterviews, the researcher explained the interview process, and informedthe interview candidate that the interview was voluntary and that the resultswould be anonymous. Initially, some prospective participants were wary andappeared worried. Some expressed concerns related to fear of retribution forparticipating in the interview, or alternatively, fear of negative consequencesfor not participating in the interview. Even after the interviewer explainedher identity and affiliation with the University of Houston, many day labor-ers still feared that the interviewer represented a government agency. Theinterview candidates’ suspicions of the researcher’s motives were reflectedin the following comments:

● ¿Para qué quiere esto? (What do you want this for?)● ¿Para qué nos va a servir? (What good is this going to do for us?)● ¿Me va a perjudicar esto si no digo nada? (Is this going to cause me

problems if I do not answer?)● Yo lo que quiero es que hagan algo por nosotros. (What I want is that they

do something for us.)

To minimize participants’ suspicions regarding the interviewer, ques-tions related to immigration status were not asked. The interviewer empha-sized that this was an anonymous survey that was part of a university study,and was not related to immigration or the labor law. Once the participantsfelt comfortable with the interviewer, most of them (80%) volunteered thefact that they were undocumented workers. After the interviewer built rap-port and offered repeated explanations of the purpose of the interview,about one-quarter of the people at each center expressed willingness to

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participate in the interview process. A few individuals, however, remainedwary through the interview and refused to answer questions about theirincome or discrimination experiences. At both sites, once the day laborersbecame convinced that the interviewer was not from the government, theywarmed up and began talking about their experiences.

Data Analysis

A grounded theory approach with a data validation process was used inthe data analysis due to the exploratory nature of this research (Corbin &Strauss, 2008). The first step in this process was to perform separate analysesof the data by asking “What does each response represent?” based on theconceptualization of immigrants’ perceptions and experiences. Separately,the second and third authors transcribed the interview notes from Spanishinto English. In addition, the interviews were back-translated by an indepen-dent bilingual person into Spanish to ensure a correct translation. Followingmethods for analyzing qualitative data described by Corbin and Strauss, andWarren and Karner (2005), the first and second authors analyzed the datawith an open-coding method; first named each response separately, thentogether compared similar phenomena, provided a coding label for eachset of the similar data, and reached three common categories that emergedfrom the labels. The third author then reviewed the categories based on herdirect interview experiences with these respondents and reached the sameconclusion that their experiences were represented by these categories. Inorder to ensure a high inter-rater reliability, the fourth author read the inter-views both in the original Spanish, and in the transcribed English, and alsoconcurred with the categories identified. Finally, all authors reviewed thecategories and refined the wording into three themes to represent the com-munication in the interviews. Trustworthiness was achieved based on thebilingual competence of the research team and the four researchers’ activeengagement in the data verification process.

RESULTS

Immigrants’ Experiences

When asked about their satisfaction with their experiences since arriving inHouston, 15 respondents (60%) said they were not satisfied. Ten respondents(40%) indicated that they felt various levels of satisfaction, or did not respondto the question. A majority of the respondents (19; 76%) reported regularlyfeeling anguish, anxiety, and desperation because of their current situationand inability to obtain stable employment. Respondents were asked aboutthe difficulties they had experienced since coming to Houston, and werealso asked about barriers or obstacles they had faced. They were prompted


to identify the specific barriers they faced, including barriers of language,transportation, and housing. Each respondent described the combinationof problems: 16 (64%) had problems with housing; 10 (40%) had problemswith language; and 8 (32%) had problems with transportation. Because somerespondents identified more than one problem, these percentages total morethan 100%.

The respondents reported having engaged in the following types ofwork in the previous six months: construction work (15; 60%), yard work(9; 36%), cleaning and general work (9; 36%), mechanical work (2; 8%),and agricultural work (1; 4%). In terms of time spent waiting for a job atthis center on the interview day, 9 (36%) had spent up to 4 hours; 8 (32%)waited longer than 4 hours; and 8 (32%) did not remember. Nine (36%)respondents reported their past highest earnings had been between $50 and$100 per day; 4 (16%) reported earning about $50 per day; 2 (8%) reportedearning more than $100 per day; and 10 (40%) respondents did not answerthis question.

Most workers (17; 68%) reported having faced injustice and discrimina-tion. Of those who said they had faced discrimination, 11 (65% of 17) saidthat they did not report their discriminatory experiences, stating that it wasfutile to report abuse and discrimination, that no one would listen to them,and that they had no rights in this country. Not all the workers reportedthe race or ethnicity of the perpetrators of discriminatory or unjust acts; butwhen the race of the perpetrator was mentioned by 4 of the workers (24%of 17), all of them said that Hispanic/Latino employers were responsible formuch of the injustice and discrimination these workers had experienced. It isnoted that the workers volunteered the information that discrimination hadbeen perpetrated by Hispanics/Latinos; the questionnaire did not requestidentification of race or ethnicity of perpetrators.

A majority (22; 88%) of the respondents reported feeling protected at theday labor center, and 11 (44%) workers mentioned feeling respected at thecenter. Seven (28%) workers volunteered without prompting that the centeroffered hope. It was perceived to be beneficial that the center offers shelter(8; 32%), coffee (7; 28%), chairs (5; 20%), food (5; 20%), television (5; 20%),protection (2; 8%), bathrooms (1; 4%), telephone (1; 4%), newspaper (1; 4%),and the opportunity to sleep while waiting (1; 4%). In general, the workersreported feeling protected, respected, happy, and hopeful at the day laborcenter.

Major Themes

The three major themes that emerged from the interviews were as follow:(1) day laborers’ lives were filled with emotional pain due to the separationfrom family and frustration with the practical difficulties resulting from theirstatus as illegal immigrants; (2) day laborers frequently experienced injustice

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and discrimination on the job, often being forced to take lower pay or acceptthe least desirable work; and (3) day laborers perceived that the day laborcenters provided valuable support, both in terms of finding work as well asconcrete benefits such as a safe place to wait.

THEME 1: EMOTIONAL PAIN (FAMILY SEPARATION AND IMMIGRATION

EXPERIENCE)

The day laborers reported that it had been tough to handle family sepa-ration and adapt to a new culture while facing immigration issues. Twentyworkers (80%) felt lonely, worried, and sad. Their immigrant experience hadbeen disappointing thus far. They (15, 60%) had not found the work theyexpected or felt unsatisfied with the work they found. Three (12%) immi-grants reported constant drinking and smoking as their typical method ofcoping with problems, such as missing their families:

● Tomo para distraer la falta. (I drink to distract myself from their absence.)● Es algo muy difícil, lo soporto con el vicio de tomar o fumar. (It is something

very difficult. I cope with the vice of drinking or smoking.)

The workers reported that housing was their most salient and immediateproblem. Transportation was also perceived as a serious problem. Althoughmany perceived language as a barrier, it was not considered more seriousthan housing and transportation since most employers speak Spanish. Theworkers reported their experiences:

● Fue muy duro para mi cuando llegué, el no tener a nadie. Se siente unomuy solo, muy vacío. (It was very hard for me when I arrived here, nothaving anyone. One feels very lonely, very empty.)

● Sufrir, es difícil para uno separarse de sus hijos, de su mujer, de sus padres,para venir a un lugar sin futuro. (There is much suffering; it is very dif-ficult for one to be separated from one’s children, one’s wife, and one’sparents, to come to a place with no future.)

● Este país no hace nada por los derechos humanos. (This country doesnothing for human rights.)

● La verdad no es lo que yo esperaba, la realidad es que no es fácil vivir ovenir aquí. (The truth is that this is not what I expected, the reality is thatit is not easy to live or to come here.)

● A veces ha habido tiempos de dormir en la calle, en las bancas, así, encualquier lugar donde hubiera espacio. (There have been times to sleepin the street, on benches, like that, wherever there is a bit of space.)

● Vivir amontonados con personas que no conoces muy bien. No hay pri-vacidad al vivir con más personas. (Living thrown together with people


you don’t know very well. There is no privacy when you live with morepeople.)

These comments illustrate the frustrations of being immigrants, theunexpected poor treatment while trying to be financially independent, andthe unsupportive environment that adds burdens to already difficult condi-tions. One respondent expressed, Alli se sobrelleva (One copes.) Althoughthey did not use many feeling words when describing their situations, 19(76%) respondents said they felt suffering, anguish, anxiety, and despair.Nine (36%) workers said they were desperate, and 8 (32%) workers said theywere disappointed or frustrated. Many day laborers also revealed throughaffect and body language that they felt despair, disappointment, and worry.

● Sufro porque no tengo un trabajo y tengo una enfermedad en mi pie. Nocamino bien, y no voy a la clínica por que me piden mis documentos.(I suffer because I don’t have a job and I have an injury on my foot.I cannot walk well, and I do not go to the clinic because they ask me formy immigration papers.)

● No hay trabajo, y muy caro para la vivienda. (There is no work, andhousing is very expensive.)

THEME 2: INJUSTICE (STORIES OF DISCRIMINATION)

All laborers reported having encountered abuse, injustice, and discrimina-tion. Some of the problems they encountered included unsafe workingconditions, working longer hours for the same pay as other workers, mal-treatment, lack of respect, and non-payment after a long day of work.Interestingly, four respondents that shared the race or ethnicity of the per-petrators said that the group most likely to abuse workers was the Hispanicemployers. Other respondents, unwilling to share the race or ethnicityof particular perpetrators they had seen, described the oppression of daylaborers. These concerns are demonstrated in the following responses:

● Sí, a veces la misma gente hispana. (Yes, sometimes the same Hispanicpeople [as us].)

● Sí, sobre todo con los mismos hispanos. (Yes, above all, the very sameHispanics.)

● La misma raza. (The same people [as us].)● Trabajé por diez días con alguien y me prometieron $1500 dólares, y al

final ya no regresaron. Lo reporté, pero me salía muy caro, tenía que pagaro ir a la corte, y tenía que perder días de trabajo, y desde entonces ya notrabajo con hispanos por que sólo tratan de aprovecharse de la situaciónde uno. (I worked for 10 days with someone and I was promised $1500

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dollars, but at the end they did not come back. I reported the incident, butit was very expensive for me [to file suit], I had to pay to go to court, andI had to lose working days, and ever since I do not work for Hispanicsbecause they only try to take advantage of the worker’s situation.)

● Nos dan el trabajo más pesado y no decimos nada por que no hay nadaque hacer, nadie hace nada por nosotros. (They give us the hardest work,and we don’t say anything because no one does anything for us, theworkers.)

● Los blancos me tratan muy consideradamente a mí, y siento que me paganlo justo, y con este sueldo puedo ayudar a mi familia. (Whites treat meconsiderately and I feel they pay me what is fair, and with these wagesI can help my family.)

Six workers (24%) expressed frustration toward their illegal status andbelieved that the immigration laws not allowing them to work in the UnitedStates legally are largely responsible for the discrimination and oppressionthey face. Stories of injustice were related to their perceptions of beingtreated as second-class citizens:

● Me voy a regresar a mi tierra por que ya perdí las esperanzas de arreglarlos papeles. Estoy cogiendo un dinero para tener mi casa y vivir mis últimosaños con mi señora. De mis hijos ya no me preocupo por que están grandes.(I am going to go back to my country because I have lost all hope thatI can fix my papers [adjust my status]. I am making some money so thatI can buy a home and live with my wife. I am not worried about mychildren because they are grown.)

● Este lugar solamente es de injusticia, por qué no hay voz. (This is a placeof injustice only, because there is no voice.)

● Si no eres legal no vales nada. (If you are not here legally, you are notworth anything.)

● No tengo derechos en este país. (I don’t have any rights in this country.)● No tengo derechos. (I don’t have any rights.)

A light-skinned worker showed great insight into the racism that maybe behind the discrimination and oppression undocumented workers face:

Me confunden con un anglo por que yo hablo inglés, y pienso que esdiscriminación por que si no hablara inglés, me trataran igual que a losdemás ilegales. (They think I am Anglo because I speak English, and Ithink this is discrimination because if I did not speak English, I wouldbe treated the same as the other illegals.)

Many of these discrimination issues are largely enforced by the per-ception that illegal immigrants are not worthy. Racism and abuse increasebarriers for the day laborers to get a fair paid job or opportunity.


THEME 3: SUPPORT (CONCRETE NEEDS MET AT THE LABOR CENTER)

All 25 respondents agreed that the labor centers were places that providedcomfort, consolation, and relief first thing in the morning. Many contractorscame to offer work opportunities at the centers; other contractors called thecenters in advance so that the center coordinator could inform the laborersabout job offers. The labor centers helped ease anxiety during wait timeby providing food, coffee, television, newspapers, tables and chairs, and arestroom. The laborers also stressed the importance of being protected fromthe sun, heat, and rain. The following comments made by the day laborersdemonstrate their appreciation for the benefits provided by the centers.

● Aquí se hace placentero el estar, a veces hay rifas y participamos nosotros,y la espera no se hace tan pesada. (Here it is comfortable to be, sometimesthere are raffles and we participate in them, and the wait isn’t so hard.)

● Muy chévere. (Cool, man!)● Muy tranquilo, relajado, por que tenemos la televisión, o ver periódicos

mientras esperamos trabajo. (Very calm and relaxing, because we havethe TV, or we can read newspapers while we’re waiting for a job.)

● La policía viene, pero nos dejan tranquilos. (Police come but they do notbother us.)

● En vez de estar en la calle donde los policías te interrogan, está mejor aquídonde los policías solo vienen y se van. (Instead of being in the street,where police interrogate us, it is better here, where police just comeand go.)

The following comments made by day laborers reveal a reasonably lowlevel of expectations as well as a high level of appreciation for the basiccomforts provided by the centers.

● Está cómodo para un obrero. ¿Qué más se puede pedir? (It is comfortablefor a laborer. What else can we ask for?)

● Está bien para nosotros. Tiene baños, tele, café, sillas y mesas, y hastacomida durante el almuerzo. (It’s okay for us, the workers. We havebathrooms, TV, coffee, chairs and tables, and even food during lunchtime.)

● Si venimos de la calle, venimos con la esperanza de que vamos a encontrarun poquito de café, o pan. (If we come in from the street, we come withthe hope that we will find a bit of coffee, or bread.)

● Aquí está bien para nosotros. (It is enough for us here.)

While these comments focused on materialistic needs, the respondentsalso stated that they obtained emotional support through the concrete com-forts provided by the centers and that the positive intentions representedby the centers touched their hearts. Twenty-two (88%) said that they felt

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protected; 11 (44%) said that they were respected. None said they were notprotected or respected.

● Lo que importa es que hay un lugar donde sentarse. (What matters is tohave a place to sit down.)

● Respeto, dignidad. (Respect and dignity.)

DISCUSSION

This study provides direct dialogues from day laborers and insights into theperceptions of an immigrant population that is often disregarded by thedominant culture. These direct dialogues and insights can be used in teach-ing social workers about the experiences and needs of diverse populations.In addition, the insights provided by this study can inform social workerswho interact with immigrant populations about the need for culturally com-petent practice. The research has revealed that these laborers feel significantemotional pain as a result of the loss of family support. In addition, daylaborers’ experiences with discrimination and unjust treatment while on thejob contribute to the despair and discouragement they express about theirimmigrant experience. In the discourse about the legality or illegality of daylaborers, it is easy to lose sight of the fact that immigrants have importanthuman needs.

The dialogues that resulted from this study also reveal how day laborcenters can successfully meet some of the laborers’ needs. The day laborerdialogues presented here highlight the importance of providing basic ser-vices and addressing the very concrete needs of clients. Maslow’s hierarchyof needs provides a framework for understanding that basic physiologi-cal needs often take precedence over other needs (Robbins, Chatterjee, &Canda, 1998). The comments from the day laborers illustrated this point:The first things that came to the minds of day laborers when thinking aboutthe day labor centers were concrete things such as coffee, bread, a chair,and shade. To empower clients, we must first help solve their basic needs.Day laborers are concerned with survival and obtaining the basic necessitiesof life.

One issue encountered when interviewing undocumented workers isthe fear the workers have of potential deportation. In this study, the responserates were low for some personal questions, such as level of income. Thelow response rates may have been due to concern about being arrestedbecause of their illegal alien status. Nevertheless, the interviewer was ableto obtain information through these short interviews because of culturalcompetency, including fluency in Spanish, which made the respondents feelat ease and not threatened with regard to their ability to continue to searchfor job opportunities.


The issue identified in this study of the abuse and discrimination facedby day laborers is not a new finding (Kerr & Dole, 2005; Purser, 2007;Roberts & Bartley, 2004; Theodore, 2003; Valenzuela, 2001, 2003; Valenzuela& Melendez, 2003; Valenzuela et al., 2006; Walter et al., 2002). However,the insight obtained from these interviews that the discrimination camefrom members of the workers’ own ethnic and cultural background has notbeen discussed extensively in the literature. Further studies in this area areneeded, including studies involving larger populations from multiple sitesin a variety of communities. Larger studies can reveal if the phenomenonof discrimination by people with similar backgrounds is widespread. Ifsuch discrimination is widespread, educational programs or service providerinterventions could be developed to help reduce its occurrence.

Another area in which further research is needed in order to informsocial work education and practice is study that can further our understand-ing of the daily stresses and difficulties of the day labor population. Previousresearch has focused primarily on the economic aspects of the immigrantexperience. Greater understanding of the psychological and social impact ofday laborers’ experiences could contribute to more effective interventionsby service providers. In addition, social workers need to be able to developthe skills that can eliminate or minimize the fear factor undocumented work-ers may experience, before the professionals can be effective in helping daylaborers find ways to meet basic needs and deal with daily stresses.

Service Delivery Implications and Issues

Although limited in scope, the qualitative results of this study indicate thatstable day labor centers that are supported by local agencies may be aneffective way to distribute information or services to day laborers. In addi-tion, previous research shows that interventions at the day labor sites maybe effective when addressing concrete needs (Buchanan, Evens, Buckley, &Friedman, 2008; Organista & Ehrlich, 2008; Walter et al., 2002). In this study,the day laborers themselves have identified areas in which the center couldprovide further support. One step suggested by 10 (40%) respondents wasto hold English classes in the labor center, with expanded hours so that theycould learn English before and after work. Day labor centers could becomea focal point and provide the physical space and safe environment in whichto implement social work interventions.

An important service delivery implication identified as a result of thisstudy is that the day laborer population is highly stressed and often fearful.With populations with these characteristics, social workers and other helpingprofessionals must be acutely aware of how they approach and interact withclients. In order to be able to deliver services effectively, helping profession-als must have the skills and cultural competency to approach and interactwith people in ways that are not interpreted as threatening or accusing.

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A service delivery issue that arises from this study is the need for socialworkers who interact with the day laborer population to be capable of work-ing with individuals who speak Spanish and typically have limited Englishskills. Service providers who interact with the day laborer population needto be able to provide written documents in Spanish, as well as provideinformation verbally in Spanish. The need for Spanish-speaking workers isan important consideration for agencies that seek to serve this population.

CONCLUSION

All interviewees in this study were male laborers who stated that their jour-ney to the United States was motivated by the hope of finding jobs to bettersupport their families. They described the various risks that they encoun-tered when crossing the border into what they perceived as the land of greatopportunities. They stated that there were not many jobs in their countries oforigin and that it was difficult for them to provide for the basic needs of theirfamilies. They also identified the many difficulties and barriers experiencedas undocumented workers in the United States. The day laborers expressedappreciation for the benefits available through day labor centers.

This study provides a glimpse of the personal experiences and emo-tional responses of day laborers, making our case examples with thismarginalized population more real and concrete to social work students andpractitioners. As social work educators, it is our responsibility to providepractical information and insight into populations that experience discrim-ination in order to prepare social workers to be competent in deliveringeffective social work interventions.

REFERENCES

Buchanan, S. N., Evens, A., Buckley, C., & Friedman, L. (2008). Street corner hazardsurveillance and health intervention among Chicago day laborers. Archives ofEnvironmental & Occupational Health, 63(1), 9–12.

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Practical Insights from Interviews with Day Laborers

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