Post Socialist ZanzibarA study of poverty in a rapidly changing cultural

environment

by

Ronan Hegarty

A dissertation submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the

Masters degree of

Psychological and Psychiatric Anthropology

Brunel University

2014

TABLE OF CONTENTS

List of Figures.......................................................................................iiAcknowledgements..............................................................................iiiIntroduction .........................................................................................1Overview..............................................................................................2Chapter 1: 1.1 Why Jambiani..........................................................................3

1.2 Physical Conditions..................................................................41.3 Entering the Field.....................................................................4

Chapter 2: 2.1 Historical and Political Context.................................................6

2.2 Conclusion...............................................................................8Chapter 3: 3.1 Literature Review....................................................................10

3.2 Anthropological Perspectives of Poverty................................103.3 Factoring in the force of Globalisation and the

importance of Infrastructure....................................................12 3.4 The Significance of Psychological Anthropology....................14

3.5 Conclusion.............................................................................16Chapter 4: 4.1 Infrastructure .........................................................................17

4.2 Conclusion.............................................................................20Chapter 5: 5.1 Stereotypical Perceptions of the Poor.....................................22

5.2 New categories of people and new strategies of social navigation the poor embark on...............................................24

5.3 Conclusion.............................................................................27Chapter 6: 6.1 Beneath the Surface of Peace................................................29

6.2 Poverty, Inequality and Cultural Change................................326.3 Poverty: - A Lack of Psychological and Political Power..........346.4 Conclusion.............................................................................35

Conclusion.........................................................................................36Bibliography.......................................................................................37

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LIST OF FIGURES

Number Page1. Stretch of local houses in Jambiani Village................................3

2. Blue Oyster Hotel......................................................................3

3. The entrance to the base...........................................................5

4. The exit to the beach.................................................................5

5. Door of Zanzibar adorned with decorations.............................20

6. Road through Stone Town.......................................................21

7. Jambiani village road...............................................................21

8. Adult English class..................................................................27

9. Traditional mode of self-representation in Jambiani.................27

10.Local women’s Hijaib designs..................................................28

11.Rubbish caused by overcrowding............................................32

12.Living conditions in Stone Town..............................................32

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank my supervisor Liana Chua for her ongoing support and advice throughout the writing of the dissertation. I would also like to thank the volunteers I worked alongside with, in Zanzibar, who pondered the issues discussed, long into the night. When the hour finally came for me to leave Zanzibar I realised that the people of Zanzibar were not mere subjects that I had observed, I had grown to genuinely care about their situation.

My final thanks are therefore to them for their hospitality and the insights, they provided to the problems Zanzibar is facing. The friendships that I forged with the people of Zanzibar have filled me with a sense of purpose to convey their story. I hope I have succeeded on some level.

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Introduction

‘Poverty’ is a highly politicised term that is elusive to define because ideas about what poverty constitutes differs cross culturally (Green 2006 pg.2). One of the most cited attempts to overcome this theoretical burden is by Coudouel et al (2002 pg.29) who writes:-

“A person is considered poor if his or her income level falls below some minimum level necessary to meet basic needs. This minimum level is usually called the "poverty line". What is necessary to satisfy basic needs varies across time and societies. Therefore, poverty lines vary in time and place, and each country uses lines which are appropriate to its level of development, societal norms and values."

Under this definition, poverty is a problem of deep international significance with millions of people unable to meet the basic material needs to survive. Booth et al (1999) found that policy makers in Africa and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) seemed to miss the point that poverty is actually the outcome of specific social relations that require investigation and transformation. There have been many avenues of analysis on such a broad topic across the social science disciplines and within anthropology itself. What has been lacking (particularly in the field of anthropology) however, is an attempt to fuse these various bodies of literature into a more coherent account that would arguably capture the social reality of the poor more vividly. This dissertation is essentially an attempt to bridge the gap between various anthropological disciplines of the anthropology of poverty, infrastructure and psychology which have largely overlooked each other’s fundamental insights to poverty. I believe that incorporating these theories but also acknowledging globalisation and its effects will not only be of academic significance to all corners of anthropology but will aid anthropologists and policy makers alike in understanding poverty from a fresh/critical perspective.

An excellent example of the benefits of this approach can be found in the work of Farmer (2004). Drawing on the work of Norwegian sociologist Johan Galtung (1969), Farmer (2004) calls attention to powerful forms of everyday violence that are motivated by social forces. Many of these social forces are in turn heavily influenced by poverty and failing infrastructural conditions. In the paradigmatic example Farmer uses to explain structural violence, he shows how the root causes of a Haitian contracting HIV/AIDS are to be found not in personal irresponsibility but in the displacement of a village by a dam planned and funded by powerful actors in Washington, D.C.

This example shows that while many anthropologists rightfully argue that a single coherent account of poverty would be impossible to produce, given the many complex realities that you find all over the world. It is important to strive to come as close to this ideal as possible to yield a much deeper understanding of the range of social forces that contribute to poverty that could aid policymakers to tackle the problem in the most effective way possible.

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Overview

This dissertation is composed of 6 chapters.

Chapter 1 introduces the field site. It also provides information regarding my role in the field which yielded my ethnographic sources that served as my platform for analysis.

Chapter 2 covers the history of Zanzibar. This is essential to understanding its current socio-economic climate. It also highlights themes that have permeated through time and still serve as important markers for analysis when discussing poverty; these include the role of Islam and the ethnic/religious tensions between mainland Tanzania and Zanzibar.

Chapter 3 is a literature reviews of poverty from the angles the anthropology of poverty, infrastructure and psychology. It will argue that combining the insights from these disciplines will yield ethnography with more scope for analysis that will document the complex social reality surrounding poverty more effectively. This is essentially the core of what this dissertation aims to do.

Chapter 4 is the beginning of the ethnography .This chapter highlights how studying infrastructure reveals many social realities. These include issues of global foreign investment, forms of cultural identity, underlying problems of Zanzibar and the attitudes towards the government.

Chapter 5 moves beyond the material world to the social one, in which Zanzibar is undergoing a dramatic cultural shift as a result of tourism practices. This chapter analyses the socio/cultural impact tourists are having on the ‘poor’ and how the ‘poor’ are finding new ways to socially navigate in this new cultural world.

Chapter 6 analyses how the inequality, scarcity of resources and discontentment in Zanzibar has led to the resurfacing of old religious and ethnic antagonisms between mainlanders and ‘local’ Zanzibaris .This is seen mainly in the form of discrimination and violence.

This dissertation will then close with a conclusion, highlighting the significance of the main themes covered and areas of analysis which could be expanded upon by future research. Drawing upon my ethnographic examples to show that the social reality of poverty in Zanzibar is interwoven with many issues of identity, local and global relationships reflected in the study of infrastructure, group formations, cultural change and its consequences. Therefore the final product of this endeavour is the advocation of a multi-disciplinary approach to poverty. This could stretch beyond the world of academia to aiding policy makers/ NGOs operating in the area to be more institutionally self-aware and approach the problem of poverty from an anthropological perspective that creates insights for change that would be otherwise overlooked.

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C h a p t e r 1

1.1 Why Jambiani?

My fieldwork was carried out in Jambiani village, Zanzibar which is undergoing a transformative cultural process due to the extremely recent advances in transportation and telecommunications infrastructure and the rapidly growing tourist sector. There is an increasing need to accommodate Western values in Zanzibar because over 75% of the islands income derives from tourist activity (MWECLE 2002). The reason I chose this area of Zanzibar for my fieldwork was because it is well connected to other settlements, especially the capital. More importantly however, is the social significance of the area which is in the midst of rapid cultural influence from the West.

Businesses are largely owned locally but are under threat from international companies that are constructing more hotels and guesthouses (see figure 2 for an example). The increasing popularity of tourism is not only marginalising local business but is increasing costs for accommodation, food, recreation activities and other tourist demands. The recent explosion of tourism in this area is a new phenomenon. This is due to the improved road conditions that until very recently were completely inaccessible.

My field site is undergoing structural and social changes that are important to understand because more wealth is being undoubtedly created but is not trickling down into the local economy. This field site is a living embodiment of how culture influences how local people conceptualise their own identity and existence. There are also social forces at play that are creating a landscape of inequality and poverty that should be understood.

Figure 1 (left)-Stretch of local houses in Jambiani Village

Figure 2 (right)-Blue Oyster Hotel. One of many tourist resorts along the beach

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1.2 Physical conditions

Zanzibar is an archipelago made up of Zanzibar and Pemba Islands, as well as several islets. It is located in the Indian Ocean. The capital of Zanzibar, located on the island of Unguja, is Zanzibar City. Its historic centre, known as Stone Town, is a World Heritage Site and is claimed to be the only functioning ancient town in East Africa. The main industries that bring income to the islands are spices, raffia, and tourism. The islands are characterised by their beautiful sandy beaches with fringing coral reefs that attract visitors from all around the world. The village of Jambiani is situated on a narrow strip of coastal zone on the southeast coast of Unguja island and lays some 55 km from Stone Town.

The village of Jambiani is essentially a narrow sandy-coral stretch between the shoreline to the east and the limits of bushy thorn vegetation to the west. This narrow zone is characteristic of long stretches of Zanzibar’s coastline and is interrupted frequently by mangrove vegetation. Typically, a thin layer of sand surface covers the underlying coral rag dominated by coconut palm plantations. Somewhat untypical for Zanzibar, Jambiani village has a linear structure, running parallel to the coast, with village houses built close together and arranged along the main road, which cuts through the village in a north-south axis, parallel to the coastline. This throughway plays an important role in the daily life of the village inhabitants because all public buildings are located along it (see figure 1).

1.3 Entering the field

My entry point to the local community was facilitated through my affiliation with the NGO, African Impact in which I directly volunteered in the teaching/community work Zanzibar project. African Impact was founded in 2004 and is the largest on-the-ground facilitator and operator of responsible volunteer projects in Africa which all contribute towards sustainable goals. These goals are often to increase education to help people acquire employment and conserve natural environments to maintain sustainable levels of eco-tourism. African Impact is a moderately sized NGO which in 2011 alone contributed a total of 2,949,617 hours to education (African Impact 2014). While this is significant it is important to note that the branch of African Impact in which I volunteered was miniscule on a national scale teaching roughly 200 students English. The African impact base lay on the coast which had the dual advantage of being on the beach allowing easy access to other resorts as well as having a back entrance that led right into the centre of Jambiani village (See figures 3 and 4).

A standard day consisted of an early start (7.00am) followed by a cycle to nursery school to teach ‘local’ children English. Although the children could hardly utter a word of English the ‘local’ teachers had good command over the language. After some lunch I would then cycle to adult English class where the standard of English was fair enough to hold conversation with a diverse range of students aging from 15 to their mid-30s. When these classes had been taught I was free to do explore the village and resorts at my leisure. During this time I visited Stone town and took a guided city tour which led

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me to local mosques, meat markets and vegetable spice markets where the locals were more than willing to converse with me. I also embarked on a local guided culture tour of my village in which I learned a great deal about local customs, social norms and values as well gained a good grasp of the land. I also quickly realised that many locals wore football shirts and despite there being various social groups in Zanzibar they were united in their love for football. I was also fortunate that the World Cup was played on a large screen in the middle of the village. With this popular hang outs established I donned my Ireland football shirt and engaged in conversations with many of the locals about a range of issues I will discuss later.

Volunteering proved to be an essential status tool that greatly facilitated my fieldwork. My status as a ‘volunteer’ give me access to all the local resorts in the area for free in which I was able to converse with staff about issues ranging from culture to poverty as well as be recognised by locals as more than a “mzungu” (white tourist). Volunteers were greatly respected by the local community who on every bike ride would not fail to shout “teacher” or “jambo (greetings). A possible drawback as my position as a volunteer could be that people would not fully discuss their problems to me out of embarrassment as they wanted to gain respect from a high status “teacher”.

Figure 3 (left)-The entrance to the base

Figure 4 (right)-The exit to the beach

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C h a p t e r 2

2.1 Historical and Political Context

Zanzibar occupies an unusual position within Tanzania because it is a semi-autonomous territory that maintains a political union with Tanzania, but has its own parliament and president. The identity discourse in Zanzibar derives from the broader historical processes on the isles in the course of which people of different ethnic and racial origins living in Zanzibar have influenced the local landscape.

An integral dimension of this discourse has been formulated through association of other places such as Arabia and other littoral societies around the Indian Ocean. Trade and colonisation were the two major sources of interaction between Zanzibar and people of wider social ideologies which brought Zanzibar into contact with the Arabian Peninsula, the Indian sub-continent, South East Asia, Europe and mainland South Africa. The Islamic culture and language of “Swahili” evolved over centuries on the East African coast out of interaction between these people (Horton and Middleton 2000).

In spite of its many uses over centuries, and controversies that surround its historical existence, an important feature unifying Swahili society and giving it a sense of cultural identity, has been Islam. Islam penetrated East Africa primarily through the avenue of trade with traders acting as the (primary) “agents of Islam in East Africa (Lewis 1966). Trade also give rise to new urban centers along the East African coast where members of various ethnic groups, from the coast as well as the inland came and traded slaves, ivory and other goods with the Arabs.

Over time, social relations improved and it had become apparent the indigenous people had provided the Arabian empire with economic advantages and political power in the region which lead to Arabs establishing a class based society, positioning themselves at the top of this new hierarchy. As importers of Islam to the region and in light of their new social status, Arabs acquired social centrality and displaced the indigenous populations within these urban environments (Safari 1994).

A major turning point in Zanzibar’s history came with the arrival of the Portuguese to the islands in the late 15th century who armed with cargo vessels seized the Indian Ocean trade from the Arabs. They captured numerous independent settlements along the East African coast forcing the Arab mercantile leaders to pay yearly tributes (Bennett 1978). This in effect starved the islands of much of their wealth. The Arabian empire did not have the military strength to confront the Portuguese so enlisted the Omani naval support to defeat the Portuguese. In 1652 the Omani rulers agreed and raided Zanzibar. There was ensuing struggle for domination over the East African coast which eventually ended in 1729 which accumulated into an Omani victory.

Zanzibar’s new rulers, posing as liberators immediately began to develop their own interests in East African commerce. The Busaidi Sultanate (The ruling dynasty of

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Oman) initiated a new era of Arab dominance upon Zanzibar and were demarcated as the “new Arabs” by the local population (Horton and Middleton 2000). The newly arriving Omani Arab immigrants, using their own system of private ownership, considered the land rightfully theirs and created a land holding system at the expense of marginalising the local Zanzibar landowners. This was also a period when the glove crop was introduced to the region which resulted in a mass influx of slaves to the islands to pick them.

By 1895 slaves accounted for roughly 85% of the total African population in Zanzibar (Fair 2001). This period is hugely significant as it was a period in which Islam became a defining factor in social status and personal identity which offered local people new forms of capital previously unobtainable. Slaves could now escape from their “mainland” identity and adopt Islam to situate themselves within the social hierarchy that was now largely dependent on religion.

It is believed that the social/cultural power of Islam arose out of a problem with how to establish a social hierarchy. Essentially, mainland Tanzanian Muslims on the premise of possessing stronger and “pure” genealogical links to the Arabian Peninsula attempted to claim a higher social status than the “local” population of Zanzibar. However a demarcation based on race was not suitable within this society because of the history of intermarriages. Therefore an Islamic identity replaced a racial one (Cooper 1981). This period is hugely significant when analysing the current mindset of Zanzibar today as Islam continues to serve as a powerful structure to establish social difference and provide people with a source of meaning which derives its roots from this historical discourse (Castells 2001).

The period of Oman rule came to an abrupt end in 1890 when Zanzibar became a British protectorate. This turned the previously all powerful Omani sultans to nothing more than figureheads (Bennett 1978). The British designated Zanzibar as Arab in origin and formulated new markers of belonging, differentiating the local population by race, “tribe”, nation, ethnicity and linguistic distinctions (Chachage 2000). This new class structure placed British at the top, followed by Arabs and finally Africans were situated at the bottom. These racial distinctions within the island community have contributed to the social and political conflicts in present Zanzibar (Lofchie 1965). For example negative attitudes towards mainland Tanzania derived from this period of slavery because local Africans from the mainland exploited people in Zanzibar by marrying Arabs, acquired plantations and subsequently slaves (many of which came from Zanzibar due to its convenient distance from mainland Tanzania). Naturally due to the mixing of ethnicities throughout Zanzibar’s history this period was characterised by vast confusion with regards to identity.

By the 1950s the racial discrimination had led to tens of thousands of people living outside the official town boundaries while he Arab elites settled in Zanzibar Stone town. The locals increasingly identified the Omani Arabs as the source of their misery (Fair 2001). The Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) were in power at this time and

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propagated the ideology of Middle Eastern values and had a vision for Zanzibar to be a unified “Arab- centred- civilisation”. This excluded Africans who in turn formulated the African-Shirazi Party (ASP) who introduced a pan-African identity, identifying primarily with Africa. Through religious literature such as the Qur’an they argued that “Whereas God divided humankind into neat, orderly divisions- one race for one continent- the cruel, ignorant oppressors (Arabs) are undermining Gods plan”. By harnessing the influential power of religion their vision that Africa should be the primary characteristic of social stratification and identity was widely received. These two opposing visions of Zanzibar quickly lead to overt racial hatred which accumulated to an armed African insurgence by the ASP who overthrew Arab political, social and economic rule in 1964. According to Donald Peterson (2002), a US diplomat based in Zanzibar, the revolutionary government decimated Zanzibar to a state of abject poverty that it has never recovered from.

The dream of a socialist utopia fell short to government corruption. Development aid to Zanzibar accounted for roughly 84% of the government’s budget and the vast majority of it was embezzled by those in power (Myers 1993).The ASP officials also confiscated much of the fertile land for themselves. This made citizens unable to cultivate the lands that were given to them (Shao 1992). Consequently many citizens moved to urban environments in search of work which dramatically increased the population of Zanzibar town. The infrastructure was not able to support the growing number of people and thus created conditions of squalor which are characteristic of poor areas of Zanzibar today (my fieldsite Jambiani being a noteworthy example). Many Arabs were murdered, imprisoned or deported during this period of what the government labelled “Africanisation”.

Anyone that had the contacts or capital to flee Zanzibar did and left a vacuum in Zanzibar’s economy, resources and infrastructure. Without resources the government became increasingly dependent on mainland Tanzania. Political and cultural hegemony gradually became imposed over the islands, whose agents now controlled the social, economic and political institutions of Zanzibar and largely still do (Saleh 2004). The socialist experiment was abandoned in 1985 to attract foreign investments in a desperate bid to save the islands economy and international trade resumed again (Chachage 2000). This leads us to the present post socialist Zanzibar in which tourism and growing commerce are attracting many Zanzibaris of Arab origin back to the islands. The post- socialist era has become a battleground for re-conceptualising civilisation that will ultimately determine every aspect of life for the people of Zanzibar.

2.2 Conclusion

Islam, dominance of Arabs, slavery, Omani and British colonialism, Pan- Africanism, the struggle for independence, the 1964 revolution and the imposition of socialism historically embedded a variety of meanings with regards to identity and power at different levels of society which shaped distinctive ideas of Zanzibar culture. These key historical events created a social environment of inequality that bred a highly

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unstable political climate as well as creating notions of racial superiority. These factors coupled together were highly influential in marginalising the “local” people from critical resources such as education which has subsequently led to the economic decline and widespread poverty of the local people of Zanzibar.

With regards to the term ‘local’ this historical exposition has revealed it is a problematic one due to the shifts in migration throughout the islands history as well as the changing identity discourse that has emerged as a result of interaction with other nations. This being said the ill feelings towards “mainlanders” and unity of Islam has cemented the ideology of “local” in the minds of the people of Zanzibar. Therefore when I use the term “local” I mean so, from the ideological perspective of the people of Zanzibar. In the post- socialist era, new ideas about modern life, global media, and socio-economic mobility tied to the neo- liberal economy, conspicuous consumption, and the Tanzanian union political discourse are leading Zanzibaris to appropriate new meanings with regard to their identity and culture.

Chapter 33.1 Literature Review

The social, cultural and political changes that have occurred in my field site and Zanzibar in general are of great significance. This is because a number of key themes such as inequality, corruption, infrastructure conditions, domination by foreign powers and religious, ethnic and ideological conflict are all interconnected to the vast poverty that prevails in the region. There has been a fascinating array of anthropological as well

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as psychological literature on these important social forces that are essential to discuss in further detail.

Analysing the anthropological academic discourse on a range of issues will aid in interpreting findings from my fieldwork as well as give the paper greater scope and validity to address the question at hand.

3.2 Anthropological Perspectives of Poverty

The field of anthropology holds a unique position in the social sciences due to on its methodology of participant observation, cross-cultural comparison and ethnographic research depicting human experiences from the point of view of its subjects. Using anthropological concepts, these studies often focus on human behaviour in the context of the social environment. This is a highly reflective perspective that offers valid data which can not only be used to better understand poverty but offer fresh insights and ideas to better the lives of the poor on a practical level.

The primary contribution that Anthropology has given to the wider academic discourse concerning poverty has been its implementation of the concept of culture to better understand poverty from the perspective of those who are ‘poor’. With regards to the ‘poor’ it is important to note they are not a homogenous, easily identifiable category. There are many intersecting forms of identity to consider, when writing about the inequality in Zanzibar which includes ethnic and religious ties. Also using the term ‘poor’ as some sort of ‘quantification’ would be a huge theoretical mistake .Similar to the term culture, poverty is a slippery concept that operates under a subjective bias, i.e the western quantification of what being ‘poor’ consists off may not apply to many people in Zanzibar who may not consider themselves ‘poor’ at all. Therefore the term ‘poor’ is used loosely to represent the people who amidst the vast inequality that prevails in Zanzibar, lack many basic material resources as well as psychological/social resources to find fair opportunities to acquire employment.

In addition to the implementation of the concept of culture to better understand poverty, there has also been a growing body of anthropological literature on NGOs. Examples include the Mosse (2005) fieldwork which has shown that anthropology can open up a reflexive capacity that is essential to international aid organisations’ effectiveness in achieving their goals of poverty reduction or greater social justice. As in most anthropological practice, insights come from combining the experience of insider participation with the detachment of an outsider; from crossing and re-crossing boundaries between insider operation and outsider researcher positions.  Eyben (2007) has expanded upon the work of Mosse (2005) with the aim of rehabilitating anthropology into development, perhaps not so much as an expert field building social or indigenous knowledge into policy prescription, but as a certain way of constructing and analysing problems and reflecting on the wider social and cultural context of

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development, critically engaging with the dilemmas of power and knowledge that shape the aid system.

Anthropology utilises ethnographies, narrative analysis, and participant observations which essentially allow anthropologist to describe the complex bonds of human and social relations within a society through descriptive studies of living cultures. Lewis (1959) states this perspective well when he writes, “To understand the culture of the poor, it is necessary to live with them, learn their language/customs and to identify with their problems and aspirations”. What the culture of the poor consists of consists off is well summarised by the Geertz (1973) who interprets culture as “ A system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life."

The main reason why conducting ethnography is a worthwhile endeavour in the area of poverty is illuminated by Banerjee and Duflo (2011) in their much praised book “Poor Economics: A Radical Rethinking of the Way to Fight Global Poverty”. Banerjee and Duflo (2011) have strongly advocated approaching the poor directly about what they have to say about their situation. They also claim that while the answers and views of the poor appear startling and counter intuitive they actually make the utmost sense when the circumstances of vast inequality are understood from the locals understanding of their situation. This subsequently produces a highly valid account of poverty that creates insights for change that would be otherwise overlooked by policy makers.

Anthropology’s contribution to poverty began in the 1960s when several anthropologists sought to investigate and define poverty as a distinct and separate identity. These led theorists to explain the poverty construct as adaptive, self-sustaining system with a unique language and organisation that sustains and perpetuates the condition. It was the seminal book Five Families: Mexican Case Studies in the Culture of Poverty by Oscar Lewis (1959) in which the “culture of poverty” was first coined. Lewis (1959) suggested that behaviours and beliefs are learned in early childhood and this is why poverty is often multigenerational. He noted behaviours that included sexual promiscuity, strong feelings of marginality, helplessness and dependency, lack of clear judgement and limited knowledge.

Lewis (1959) made a huge theoretical leap when he boldly claimed the attitudes and beliefs underlying the culture of poverty transcend both ethnicity and geography i.e. are universal. This naturally sparked considerable controversy among scholars which spilt anthropology into two main camps about the nature of poverty. In one corner there were those who supported Lewis’ culture of poverty theory. Praise for this theory came from various ethnographies that reached similar conclusions. Examples include the work of Frazier (1962) who studied the disorganised lives of poor black people living in urban areas. Frazier (1962) illustrated how the culture of poverty leads to promiscuous behaviours as well as behaviours that deviate from the social norm. Similarly, Moynihan (1965) writes in the so-called “Moynihan Report” that the African-American family was in

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danger of falling behind middle-class whites because of the “culture” in which they live. Finally Stein (1974) further validated the culture of poverty theory as proposed by Lewis, citing examples of learned behaviours of those living in poverty that are passed on from generation to generation. According to the scholars who supported this theory, these undesirable behaviours can only be changed by modifying individual behaviours.

In contrast, the ‘class poverty school’ of thought suggested that the behaviours of poor people are the result of social class and that their behaviours are adaptations to the environment in which they live, not a set of distinct values and attitudes. From this point of view, behaviours could be altered by policies that are designed to remove obstacles faced by the poor. Parker and Kleiner (1970) hypothesised that attitude characterising the ‘culture of poverty’ help people living in poverty to maintain their sanity. They reflect a ‘realistic’ appraisal of the constraints of their social situation (Parker and Kleiner, 1970, p. 519). Parker and Kleiner based some of their study on the work of Valentine (1968). For Valentine, culture is a structural phenomenon of its own that influences the behaviour of the people it encompasses. By applying the concept of culture to the poor, researchers ignore the significant norms that the poor share with the rest of society, in essence blaming the victims of poverty for their decisions, attitudes, and way of life. These theories are essentially the significant foundations of anthropological thought on poverty but there are new challenges that face anthropologists in the 21st century, the first and perhaps most crucial of which is the force of globalisation.

3.3 Factoring in the force of Globalisation and the importance Infrastructure

Globalisation has been defined by Kottak (2011, p396) as “the accelerating interdependence of nations in a world system linked economically and through mass media and modern transportation systems” and is often synonymously linked with transnationalism: “extending or going beyond national boundaries” (Merriam Webster Online Dictionary). The rapidly evolving technological age we are living in has thus created exchanges of custom, ideas and values via media devices which are creating nations where people are becoming increasingly interlinked. Therefore the study of poverty as an ‘isolated’ culture is no longer feasible due to the wider social forces of globalisation. Taking a broader perspective on the impact of the social environment on human behaviour, Moreira (2003) sees globalisation (including the spread of capitalism) as the major cause of both wealth and poverty. Specifically, she explains that, “globalisation” works in a selective fashion, including and excluding segments of economies and societies from information networks, giving us pockets of rich and poor” (2003:70). Moreira particularly condemns globalisation for disseminating Western culture’s greed for material goods, which she considers to be responsible for a particular kind of poverty called “Consumerist Poverty” or “Consumerist Syndrome”. This western emphasis on materialism has created an increase in depression and misplaced low self-esteem according to Moreira (2003).

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Similarly Kleine et al (1993) came to the conclusion that the spread of western culture has not only influenced peoples sense of worth and emotions but more importantly how they conceptualise their identity. Kleine et al (1993) have a strong case when they write “the consumption of products and goods has weaved itself into how people construct their identity”. Other writers such as Elliot and Wattanasuwan (1998) have followed a similar theme, writing about brands possessing a symbolic identity to the owner. Globalisation also presents methodological problems for anthropologists, Susser (1982) notes that small samples of ethnographical data make it difficult for anthropologists to generalise to larger and global populations. She contended that this issue could be addressed by studying the influence of the state on the social organisation of urban populations. This can be done by making connections between local events the anthropologist uncovers and national and global processes.

If linking individual experiences to larger local and global processes are key to attempt to document the many facets of poverty this then begs the question of how the highly complex relationship between state and the urban population can be studied. I believe this aspect of my research can be illuminated by the anthropology of infrastructure. Infrastructures are the systems that enable circulation of goods, knowledge, meaning and people in the form of material structures such as roads, waterworks, railworks, electrical power and so on. Paul Dourish and Genevieve Bell (2007) point to infrastructures as significant components of how people experience space. Dourish and Bell (2007) also argue that focusing on infrastructure also allows examination of the shifting boundaries between material and immaterial structures, and the shifting networks between assemblages of human and nonhuman actors. They also argue that tracing infrastructure reveals power dynamics that transcend divides between public and private, state and NGO.

It is important to refrain from thinking of infrastructure as something static but rather as “A relationship or an indefinite regress of relationships, never a thing” (Bateson, 1978, p.249). Anthropological approaches to the study of infrastructure investigate the construction process as well as daily maintenance practices which in an ethnographic context have the benefit of revealing the workers attitude, behaviour, well-being and ultimately culture. The study of infrastructure can also reveal the power dynamics behind the relationship the state has with its people as well as provide an insight to how larger global relationships in the form of foreign investment can transform the infrastructural conditions of a developing country. This has been well articulated in the writings of Mains (2012) who examined contrasting narratives concerning privatised infrastructural development projects as well as state run energy and road infrastructure. By analysing the creation and maintenance of road infrastructure Mains was able to touch on the themes concerning power and exchange in which the residents of Jimma, Ethiopia would feel alienated and powerless in areas with poor infrastructure that resulted in poor education and little job prospects.

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Finally, studying infrastructure can act as a marker for issues of class and race which are intrinsically tied to causes of poverty. De Boeck (2012) illustrates this well in an article analysing the Congolese governments plans for the future of Kinshasa in which urban infrastructure is beginning to develop. Spectacular new skyscrapers, hotels, and other developments have given the local people a sense of pride and longing for a better future under these conditions despite the fact they know they are likely never to have access to this infrastructure due to their lower class status which is largely based on race. The current infrastructural development in Zanzibar closely mirrors this situation which I will discuss in the ethnography. This angle of anthropology is of significance because it explores the relationship the powerful members of society share with the poor. An enhanced understanding of this relationship will undoubtedly aid policy makers and NGOs operating within Zanzibar and many other areas of Africa to address the many social issues that lead to a stagnant social environment where inequality and poverty thrive.

3.4 The significance of Psychological Anthropology

Without a comprehensive view of the impacts of poverty that acknowledges external, structural factors, the poor will continue to suffer (Moreira, 2003). However poverty does not just comprise of low income or lack of property, it is also a lack of psychological and political power borne out of human relationships (Sen, 1999). Psychological Anthropology addresses the missing link between wider anthropological disciplines of aid and infrastructure by incorporating psychological theories into a wider cultural context. Before reviewing the significance of psychological anthropology to the discussion of poverty we will first deal with the slippery term, culture, in more detail because it is at the heart of people’s behaviours, personal ideology and psychological processes which in turn creates social hierarchies, groups, attitudes, norms and values. Booth et al (1999) found that policy makers in Africa and NGOs viewed culture in a similar light to poverty. They viewed these concepts as ‘entities’ in the sense of a fixed concrete concept that can easily be defined and measured. This is a narrow perspective according to Kleinman and Benson (2006 pg.1673- 1676), who define culture as a continual process of human relationships, they write: -

“Culture is a process through which ordinary activities and conditions take on an emotional tone and moral meaning for participants. Cultural processes include the embodiment of meaning in psycho physiological reactions, the development of interpersonal attachments, the serious performance of religious practices, common- sense interpretations and the cultivation of collective and individual identity. Cultural process frequently differs within the same ethnic or social group because of difference in age, cohort, gender, political association, class, religion, ethnicity and even personality”.

Another valid definition arises from the work of Devereux (1977) who sees culture as a set of symbols that gives orientation of the self and social groupings with others. Like

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Kleinman and Benson (2006), Devereux (1977) made a distinction of culture in a universalistic way but also considered cultural reductionism. The former producing symbolic and empirical material and through socialisation the latter giving a specific local configuration of a certain group (Devereux, 1977). In other words there were cultural norms and values that could be argued to be had by wider society but that within society there are many social groups, each operating with their own set of cultural norms and values. This definition shows that culture does not have a fixed meaning for everyone. It is an ever-changing and highly adaptable term i.e not a fixed ‘entity’.

Under these definitions and more, that follow a familiar theme, it is clear that the problems that stem from poverty, including social inequality, social suffering, racism and classism are products of human interaction which is inevitably interwoven in the fabric of culture. While inherently biased to my chosen subject I believe psychological anthropology has great potential to contribute to the academic discourses surrounding poverty. This is because psychology and anthropology when combined effectively provide many layers of analysis of poverty. Psychological anthropology acknowledges the psychological forces that are at play in the relationship between people which ultimately creates poverty. With regards to racism which is a pervasive force in poverty stricken areas, Ian Hacking (2005) argues whether or not race is a real kind or superficial one. He concludes that the propensity to regard different races of people as different kinds of people is produced by “the instincts of empires to classify people in order to control, exploit, dominate and enslave” (2005:114).

Continuing on the theme of exploitation, psychological studies by Zimbardo (1971) and Lott (2002) have revealed the psychological process of “distancing from” and “de-humanising” the poor that help the powerful justify their continual domination over resources. This concept of elitism and disconcerting global inequitable distribution of wealth and power has been investigated from a larger scale in the writings Edelman and Haugerud (2005) and Dijk, V (1993). They focus on the more subtle, discursive dimensions of how the modern elite in a given society, through the use of politics, business, academia, education, and the media, seek to dominate and exploit other “inferior” social groups. These examples illustrate the theoretical appeal of a psychological anthropological analysis of poverty which “Considers broader cultural and psychological factors which, if taken into policy initiatives will lessen and possibly end human oppression” (Benton and Craib 2001). Theoretically, psychological anthropology is very appealing because it allows anthropologists to describe the complex bonds of human and social relations in even more depth than previously and subsequently equips them better to interpret the wider social effects of globalisation and poverty in their given community. This is because this approach not only focuses on social interaction but also accounts for psychological forces that make people behave the way they do, providing an extra level of analysis.

3.5 Conclusion

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While the anthropological view of poverty originated primarily with Lewis’s (1959) concept of the culture of poverty, it has been greatly expanded by critical theorists to encompass the global challenges (e.g.-globalisation) emerging in the 21st century discourse on poverty. Lewis’s culture of poverty theory stimulated considerable debate within the anthropological community as well as in other social science disciplines. However, the main thrust of contemporary anthropology has moved the debate away from investigating the poor in isolation to the exploration and integration of individual communities with policy makers and NGOs to establish shared goals. Anthropologists possess a unique ability to document and explain the individual and collective experiences of people in poverty through their use of in-depth ethnographies, narrative analysis and participant observation. They are able to vividly tell the story of individual experiences within a particular group and culture. By investigating global phenomena at the individual level they are able to document the interconnectedness between local environments and global processes and compare similar and contrasting dynamics across diverse populations.

The anthropology of infrastructure has not only some interesting theoretical contributions worth noting but a practical methodological insight that has the potential to broaden the scope of how fieldwork is carried out in psychological and in particular psychiatric anthropology. As for psychological anthropology it has great potential to integrate the effects of psychological phenomenon concerning emotions, heuristics, group formations, and cultural changes as well as the dynamic interaction of ideology and power that accumulate to shape the social and physical environment.

Each of these disciplines documents the social forces surrounding poverty from a different angle .However the insights these two disciplines yield can be combined to produce a highly in depth account of poverty that has the benefits of uncovering a range of themes that arise from studying infrastructure and culture within a psychological context. The ethnography that follows is an attempt to bridge the gap between these facets of anthropology which I hope will benefit NGOs and policy makers employing anti-poverty strategies who would benefit from a mind-set that is more institutionally self-aware. This implies placing ’poor’ people’s own efforts at the centre of the analysis, and reflecting more self-critically on possible side-effects of the exercise of governmental and agency power.

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Chapter 4

4.1 Infrastructure- The starting point in documenting the social reality of poverty- The cyclical relationship between the material and social world

This section will illustrate that an anthropological approach to buildings and infrastructure can unearth a variety of issues. These include how poor infrastructure is a focus point of people’s cynicism about the government and facilitates inequality. This section also highlights the challenges that are posed by globalisation and global investment as well as material and architectural changes that are taking place. However and perhaps most interestingly is that this section shows that ‘poverty’ isn’t just reducible to a material lack (of infrastructure or resources) but also needs to be understood in the context of local culture, socio-cultural change and the effects of globalisation.

The first day I arrived in Jambiani I decided to venture beyond the gates that led out to the local community and pristine beaches. It was instantly apparent that there was a sharp contrast in wealth when you looked at local buildings such as schools and houses in comparison to the grandiose hotels that stretched along the coast and even up high into the coral rocks. These buildings were undeniably pieces of beautiful architecture with a western feel that made the tourists feel more at home. I later learned that the hotels were owned by a mixture of self-styled entrepreneurial wealthy white immigrants from America, Europe as well as large international companies. The social inequality that I was later to uncover on a more social level was thus clearly reflected between the different class positions in Zanzibar in the form of property ownership.

The writings of Wintrop (1991) express the idea that the often overlooked material factors in a society such as the immediate physical environment, technology and economy all create a consistent hierarchy or wealth, power, prestige and most importantly to our discussion, inequality. This concept of materialism places an emphasis on infrastructure itself as the cause of poverty, rather than on non- material factors such as belief or custom. To an extent this view has some weight as much of the poverty that is present in Zanzibar can be attributed to poor infrastructure. The majority of roads that I encountered were extremely treacherous (See figure 6 and 7) .These were riddled with pot holes which burst the tires of our travelling mini-van on many occasions. In addition there were sharp coral rocks that would either halt the journey to a crawl for many miles or be inaccessible by car altogether. The unreliable access to energy and under-developed telecommunications systems resulted in all the resorts and village settlements in Jambiani village being plunged into darkness every few days.

These conditions are significant barriers to trade and discourage foreign investment. This is essential if a nation like Zanzibar wishes to acquire capital to build competitive industries and financial services which provide employment and help entrepreneurs bring their ideas to fruition. These regular blackouts destroy many small businesses dealing in food because hotels and resorts rely heavily on generators to keep their food

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frozen and their services operational. Local people cannot afford this luxury and are essentially ousted from possibly the most profitable means of wealth acquisition in Zanzibar. The frustration at the poor infrastructure was vented by many locals to me during the world cup games which were played on a large screen on the beaches for everyone to enjoy. For example, when on one of the occasions the lights went out I had been talking to a local youth in the village and asked him what he thought about all the power-cut shortages. Clearly frustrated ,he replied “Poverty trap my friend, that right there is a big joke, we give all our money to the government, to the mainland, they do not spend it on power for the people, they spend it to keep power for themselves”. This episode revealed people’s cynicism about the government was at least in part due to the failing infrastructural conditions that were inhibiting their opportunities to acquire wealth.

Despite the lack of infrastructure in Zanzibar, the coastal area where I did my fieldwork and the nation in general is entering a new age where radical transformation of the islands infrastructure is occurring. This revealed larger international relationships and their significance to the lives of the local people and reflected some of Zanzibars underlying problems. I learned from Toni (African impact manager) and the MCECLE website (1993) that the source of funding for these projects arose from the Chinese government. On one of my cycling trips to a local forest I witnessed this first hand when I saw Chinese construction managers directing the building of roads and cables around the area. I stopped for a few minutes to talk to one of the managers who introduced himself as Liu Chang. He revealed to me that China is undertaking infrastructure development projects all over Africa, when I asked why he replied confidently “Well to me it seems the Chinese government have tapped into a mutually beneficial relationship with Africa, we build vital services that give countries like Zanzibar a strong chance for foreign investment and they allow us to harvest resources that are essential for the future of China”.

Liu Chang also revealed the problems that face construction. “The workers are not very well trained, so the pace of work is frustrating and can be complicated to explain due to language difficulties”. Liu himself speaks in English and knows a few phrases of Swahili. "The Chinese work very hard, very quickly," he says. “But here we are training local people to do the work, and if someone does not understand, he works slowly. You have to watch." This episode revealed the language barrier that exists in Zanzibar is becoming an increasing problem due to the fact that Zanzibar is evolving into a nation that is becoming increasingly dependent on sources of employment which are owned or operated by other nations in which English is the international language. This encounter also highlighted the lack of skilled workers who had not been trained in modern techniques of building was due to an abysmal education system that was not creating any workers with specialist skills. It seemed that Globalisation in the form of international investment primary problem was overcoming language barriers. This arguably needs to be addressed by the Zanzibar education system if people are to fully benefit from modern expertise in building techniques.

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The motivations for the recent wave of Chinese development and diplomatic efforts in Zanzibar and Africa in general could be interpreted as a protracted effort to oust western and African control over land and politics on the continent. Another narrative one could take is that China is engaged in a self-interested shopping spree in a zero-sum world of finite resources. As I pondered over my conversation with Liu Chang I gathered a different narrative from what I encountered. I began to realise that the relationship Africa in general and Zanzibar was forging with China was interconnected to international foreign investment. With new roads beginning to take shape through previously inaccessible regions of pristine natural beauty, foreign investors have spotted a potential for the Zanzibar coastline to become a western tourist hotspot. This helped explain the almost sudden aggressive development that was occurring throughout the islands. A concentration of guesthouses and bungalows as well as cluster of private guesthouses was also being established along a 12-kilometer stretch of beach, and contrary to plans, tourist facilities were evolving within the village settlements, with ever more investors applying for permission to develop the area.

The housing and infrastructural conditions in Jambiani village also revealed an additional analysis in the context of local culture that challenges the simplistic view that the material world and cultural world are separate. The construction styles of homes were a material manifestation of a culture that prided itself on traditional building techniques, passed down, generation to generation. A typical house in Jambiani village is a modest square building with small windows on the outer walls, constructed of locally available limestone and chalk mortar, with makuti (thatching made of coconut palm fronds) roof. The chalk mortar, mined in small scales from the coral rag is pulverised and diluted with water to form a brilliant whitewash with which all stone houses are coated. All houses conforming to the traditional architecture consist of a single ground floor, with the main entrance to an inner courtyard that doubles as cooking and storage area. This building technique is laborious, extremely time consuming (can take up to ten years to make a house in Zanzibar) and requires great skill. Similar to public acts of religious worship or adhering to ancient social conventions the houses of the local people are important markers of an individual possessing traditional values. By adopting this building technique ‘locals’ are essentially conforming to the community by adopting the standard building style of their neighbours and their ancestors.

It appeared to me contrary to the opinion of Wintrop (1991) who believed custom and culture were separate from the creation of material structures, the creation of material structures as well as infrastructure was largely influenced by non-material factors. In this case, traditional customs were expressed in the local Zanzibar households which served as a marker for expressing their social identity and place within society. For example traditional cultural values were expressed through the wooden doors of virtually every main entrance of any citizen’s house/business that had reasonable financial resources (see figure 5). The famous “Zanzibar doors” consisted of elaborate carvings representing Arabic values in the form of Koranic script on the lintel. When I asked one of the local men why people went through such efforts to adorn the doors in

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this fashion without a second of thought or hesitation he replied “They represent the meeting place of your family, it is the doorway to your family life and your soul, look there, do you see the vines on that door? That means the owner deals in the spice trade. That big door over there beside the jewellery shop has beads and carvings of diamonds to represent the owner’s specialisation in precious stone. There are many other symbols like waves climbing up the doorpost to represent the livelihood of the fishermen”.

Figure 5-Door of Zanzibar adorned with decorations

4.2 Conclusion

It was undeniable Zanzibar was changing materially and economically. I felt that with so many exciting developments underway in Zanzibar the cause of widespread poverty that still prevailed in the region was not borne out of lack of resources. This was because it was clear foreign investors were anticipating money would flow to the islands even more now with infrastructural developments underway. By looking at buildings and infrastructure though an anthropological lense I had unearthed a variety of issues. The lack of roads were perceived by my informants as reflecting the poor organisation of the state and its disregard for the’ poor’. This being said it is difficult to know conclusively where the responsibility for the lack of roads lies as it will undoubtedly be tied to economic factors such as lack of funds.

Beyond the nature of the relationship between the state and the people the buildings reflected the cultural influence that was embedded in local Zanzibar architecture as well as the building process which was now not viable in this new landscape that required training and expertise in modern building techniques. Chinese development in Zanzibar had revealed a poor education system that deprived people of specialist skills that is

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needed in a modern society as well as a language barrier that would inevitably pose problems for locals seeking employment in the rapidly growing tourist industry. I was curious how modernisation was affecting the local culture and conceptualisation of poverty. With these issues in mind I wanted explore in more depth what these changes meant for the local people of Zanzibar from a social/cultural level. I therefore decided my next avenue of analysis was to move beyond the material realm of infrastructure to investigate how locals conceptualised their identity and poverty in this changing landscape through group formations, and interaction with tourists/volunteers.

Figure 6 (left) - One of the best functioning roads through Stone town, the result is massive congestion due to lack of other routes available.

Figure 7(right) - Jambiani village road, due to lack of capital cars are a luxury for resorts and extremely wealthy only, most routes are created for bikes- the far left road being a key example.

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Chapter 5

5.1 Stereotypical perceptions of the poor-The pathway to social “distancing” and discrimination

This chapter will investigate the consequences of negative stereotypical perceptions of the poor, which are largely being introduced to Zanzibar by tourists. The chapter will begin by showing how international discourse trickles down into localised contexts which is influencing how the ‘poor‘ are perceived. We then unveil the psychological processes behind the attitudes that are shaping the relationship the ‘poor’ share with the western tourists and volunteers. The ethnographic examples aim to show that this relationship is one that is creating new forms of marginalisation from resources and furthering the gap of inequality. The second half of the chapter elaborates how the social change that is occurring as a result of tourist activity on the islands is leading local people to construct new identities to deal with their rapidly changing cultural world. Finally, through the use of ethnographic examples we argue that traditional models of social conformity are being replaced by mimicry of westerners which is affecting how local people conceptualise their identity and place within society.

As an anthropology student and previous psychology student I was disappointed that despite reading the writings of Collins (1988) which covers heuristics and negative labels that are attributed to the ‘poor’ I felt unsafe to walk through the local village when I first arrived. There was a significant number of buildings that were unfinished which led the volunteers to mistakenly make the assumption that the buildings had been bombed. Many buildings had roofs that often consisted of rusted metal and had an almost menacing feel to them because they quite simply were the structural living conditions of a poor African village. This moment of anxiety that stopped myself and the ten other volunteers from venturing further into the village made me realise that negative psychological sentiments, such as “The poor are violent, poor areas are unsafe, the poor are not civilised like us”, illustrated that despite our lack of any first hand contact or evidence of the character of the villagers, we already had a grounded perception of what the ‘poor’ were like. This perception was one that had been crafted by our exposure to the international discourse concerning poverty stricken areas which in the media is portrayed as a highly unstable environment where violence is the rule of the day. Albrekt Larsen and Dejaard (2013) found that this negative stereotyping of the poor occurs across western societies when they conducted a comparative study of British, Swedish and Danish media coverage of poverty.

Even in the foundational anthropological academic writings by Lewis (1959) and subsequent writers, the culture of poverty is one that is portrayed as one that elicits behaviours that deviate from the social norm. The stereotyping of the poor in this way has profound implications for how they are treated and is resulting in new forms of marginalisation. I noticed that almost all tourist centres in Jambiani are fenced off from

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the rest of the village, either by a wall or by makuti (palm fronds) fencing. This has the purpose of marking the limits of the hotel complex, but is especially constructed to create a barrier between the hotel and the village. One could argue this serves a positive purpose because it limits the cultural friction that tourists spark when they sunbathe but it is also leading tourists to increasingly “distance” themselves from the poverty that surrounds them. I learned from one of the European kite instructors that there were land disputes concerning areas of beach close to hotels. Hotels are attempting to change the law to make the coastal beaches, land that can be owned so they can prohibit locals from “bothering” the tourists. This attempt to prohibit local people from “bothering” the tourists illustrates the point that the ‘local’ people are arguably being labelled by hotel owners as inferior to tourists in the sense that they do not belong in the same public spaces as their guests.

This was a real topic of contention among the locals who felt their lives were being inhibited as a result of their perceived lower class. One of my students in the adult English speaking class summarised what was happening well when he said “It is very hard to change the situation in Zanzibar, the government don’t think what is best for us, the hotels make chicken tourists scared to experience our culture, they do not see the real heart of Zanzibar because that lies in the people, the hotels are trying to keep them from. I hope volunteers like you can change that teacher, by going home and telling everyone that in Zanzibar we have a clean heart”. This statement may be an overly romanticised account of poverty but it touches on the social distancing that is increasingly marginalising the poor.

It is my analysis that tourists, the government of Zanzibar, hotel-staff and volunteers emotionally and physically distance themselves from the poor in various ways. The attitudes of hotel owners who sought to exclude who they perceived to be ‘poor’ reflected what Lott (2002 pg.100-110) classifies as ‘cognitive distancing’. This is a form of distancing whereby the upper classes hold onto negative, unjustified stereotypes about poor people’s characteristics and behaviour. Another example of this is also the first impression that the volunteers had about the people in Zanzibar, which made us too scared to venture further into the village. The second from of distancing which Lott (2002 pg.100-110) labels as ‘institutional distancing’ involves punishing members of low-status groups by erecting barriers to full societal participation.

‘Institutional distancing ‘was exemplified in the schooling system of Zanzibar that is a highly corrupt system that prevents the ‘poor’ from advancing in society or gaining any semblance of power. From my experience as a teacher to the local community I noticed that when you reach the age of 17 you must complete form 4 english exams . It is at this stage that the vast majority of Zanzibaris stop advancing in the education system and therefore do not acquire a degree (the demand for hospitality degrees are increasingly being expected from hotels to acquire employment). This is because the exams are outdated and very out of touch with the modern English language. For example on the English section of the test there was a question asking to describe what a “cobbler”

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was. Many of the European volunteers including myself were confused by these types of questions that are incredibly difficult to understand. My informants in African impact told me that the rich bypass the form 4 exams by being able to buy a pass and pay for the next level of education that is necessary to obtain a degree. For the vast majority of the population this is not feasible and therefore higher education remains an extremely unrealistic goal.

The third and final form of distancing is labelled by Lott (2002 pg.100-110) as ‘interpersonal distancing’, whereby middle or upper class individuals ignore lower-class individuals or insult them. I witnessed the psychological process of ‘interpersonal distancing’ many times during my frequent visits to other resorts in the area. Locals would frequently peer their heads over the gate and call “Jambo, Jambo (hello)!” the tourists and even many volunteers would often not utter a word of response. By not even acknowledging the locals’ presence, to me this reflected the disparity that exists between the wealthy and the poor. My ethnographic observations on this issue has thus provided an ethnographic framework in which Lotts (2002) theory of ‘distancing’ fits comfortably. It can likewise be applied to similar anthropological ethnographies such as Caplan’s (1997) narrative about the social changes and their challenges to a Swahili village.

Unveiling the psychological processes behind the attitudes that ultimately shape the relationship the wealthy share with the poor, illustrates how international discourse trickles down into localised contexts and influences how the poor are perceived. The perception of the poor is creating social change on the islands and as Hacking (1999) notes “Social change creates new categories of people, it creates new ways for people to be”. With this in mind, I decided that to document the social reality of poverty in Zanzibar to the fullest extent possible it would be necessary to further investigate the social effect westerners were having on the islands. This would lead me to uncover how locals conceptualised their own situation, their identity and how best to socially negotiate their rapidly changing cultural world.

5.2 New categories of people and new strategies of social navigation the poor embark on.

Islam has contributed hugely to the moral values of Zanzibar (Boswell 2006). The notion of ‘heshima’ translates to ‘self-control’ and is derived from Islamic discourse. The term has historically served as a social marker for displaying public modesty and respect. This standard is defined by an Islamic education by learning the Quran and the traditions of the prophet, which traditionally takes place in the mosque. According to attendees I spoke to in a mosque, participating in religious learning represent important characteristics for the youth to display ‘heshima’ and uphold their status as civilised members of society. ‘Heshima’ is achieved by social conformity, which is largely upheld by self-representation. Self-representation is established through clothing choices, which make inferences about piety, nationality, status and wealth. Traditionally (up ten

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years ago) Muslim men in Zanzibar were expected to wear a “Dishdasha” which is a large gown that is loose and can consist of many colours (see figure 9). Women wore a similar gown that is coloured and when they left their homes they had to wear a ‘Hijab’ (This is a face cover and veil). Social conformity was and still is an essential part of life in Zanzibar because it allows people to be identifiable to a group. One of my students expressed this concept of group identity well during a discussion I arranged about the varying social groups in Zanzibar when he said “Teacher, we have an old Arabic saying, eat what you like and wear what people like. Here we show our allegiance to what we believe by what we wear and how we act”. This class room topic also revealed to me that local people are expected to maintain self-control with their emotions so any substances that alters your state of consciousness is socially off limits to those that abide by this traditional mode of self-representation. I would argue that these traditional ways of being are rapidly declining as a result from tourism practices on the island, which directly challenge the traditional model of ‘heshima’.

The effect tourism is having on the islands is transforming the social fabric of society in Zanzibar for a variety of reasons. Many men can no longer fulfil basic religious obligations due to their dependence on long works working in informal tourist sectors which include taking tourists to snorkelling and swimming spots, showing them around the village and making transport and excursion arrangement, facilitating bicycle or motorbike rental, etc. This interaction between tourists and locals has resulted in cultural and personal exchange that is creating what Hacking (1999) labels ‘New groups of people’. What is particularly significant about the emergence of ‘new groups of people’ in this case is that they is evidence that new boundaries of ‘heshima’ are being reformulated as a response to the new social environment that Zanzibaris find themselves in.

These ‘new groups of people’ that have emerged are known as ‘beach boys’ and ‘rastamen’. Members of these groups are perceived by many older Zanzibaris as having abandoned the education that defines their identity as civilised and cultured members of society. In reality although these people are seeking new routes and roots outside the Islamic discourse the social reality of their situation is not as clear cut as older Zanzibaris think. I did not meet a single ‘beach boy’ or ‘rastaman’ who had completely rejected Islam; they had simply reformulated aspects of the concept of ‘heshima’ because it allowed for more interaction with tourists and thus financial opportunities. The members of these new groups are walking on a social tightrope in the sense that they are struggling to strike a balance between maintaining older relations and obligations regarding dress and behaviour which are largely irreconcilable with newer opportunities.

The dramatic change in social environment is largely the product of the western attitude to Zanzibar which from my experiences with other volunteers and tourists across many hotels seem to have a shared perception that Zanzibar is a thriving spot for sun, fun and

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sex. Tourists visiting Zanzibar walk around Stonetown and through villages in shorts, tank-tops and swimsuits, often engaged in displays of public affection with their partners, which locals categorise as highly inappropriate. However due to the cash power they posses, which controls the economic lives and survival of Zanzibraris, such forms of tourist behaviours are accommodated. Subjected by the power of Western Tourists, locals have to reconcile their needs and desires which has resulted in many Zanzibaris socially mimicking what they perceive to be the western way to behave. This mimicry was personified by the emergence of the ‘beach boys’ and ‘rastamen’ who dress up in western clothes, consume alcohol and drugs and adopt western social norms and values. I witnessed this first hand in many respects. The first was the Kendya rocks party, the speakers blasted heavy pop music and after 11:30pm local people were also allowed to join the party. The second the clock struck 11:30pm a flood of local men rushed the party, almost outnumbering the tourists and engaged in the drinking of alcohol that followed, each dressed in typical modern western clothing.

Besides the Kendya rocks party throughout my stay many locals frequented the many beach bars that were emerging in Jambiani and at one music bar, locals would often play guitar, sing and dance with the tourists. Outside of the bars and parties many locals maintained this western identity by talking and acting like volunteers who I believe acted as role models in terms of how to be ‘cool’. A good example of this can be found in my adult English class. A large group of students who wore western clothes were sat in different groups than the more traditionally dressed Muslim students and were labelled as ‘wannabes’ or ‘western copy cats’ (see figure 8 for a photo that illustrates this western style of dress students are adopting). What I found fascinating was that the students who were more westernised, when given a speech test about their jobs were all affiliated with the ‘informal tourism sector’. Even the girls in the class, who had a limited scope for identity formation compared to males were making alot of effort to be ‘modern’ by considering the style of the dress, the material of the cloth and finding the time to stitch ‘unique’ designs (see figure 10).

These examples illustrate that Jambiani village and Zanzibar in general is at crucial an intersection in time in which changing norms coupled with a simultaneous religious decline is largely the product of globalisation mainly in the form of interaction with tourists. Mimicing western dress and behaviour is a new phenomenon to the islands according to Toni, the community teaching project leader who remarked “It has been incredible. 15 years ago the people were different, they are viewing themselves in a fresh light now, they want more money, they see the power and status we have and they want that, they want more English education to benefit from tourism, people from all over Africa, not just Zanzibar are concentrating their efforts in finding employment here, it is a really hazardous social landscape for the poor. They need to adapt to the changing social environment or get left behind”.

My conversation with Toni was highly insightful on a number of levels. Although her views on teaching English had a natural bias due to her affiliation with the African

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Impact teaching programme her attitude highlights that many westerns who hold positions of power are encouraging the social adaptation many Zanzibaris feel they must make if they are to survive. This is precisely what Othman, a local security guard at the local music bar has had to do. He asserted to me that employment in the tourism sector is without ‘heshima’, since it requires Muslim workers to handle alcohol and interact with strange women. Despite his antagonism to the influence of tourism, acquiring employment in the tourism sector has been the only way possible for him to cope with the existing financial hardships and lack of other opportunities.

5.3 Conclusion

I felt that my findings in this section mirrored the writings of Kleine et al (1993) who came to the conclusion that the spread of western culture creates new social dynamics in a given society which subsequently introduces new models of identity. I believe that my ethnographic examples concerning new group formations and the mimicking of westerners documents the new identities people are undertaking as a means to gain access to tourists who are the main source for financial opportunities. It is important not to mistake the new identities undertaken by many Zanzibaris as a new form of individualism. While it appeared to many westerners ,like Toni that a transformation of the self had occurred, conforming to what Zanzibaris perceived to be western (i.e a stereotype) is another form of groupism that does not necessarily break old models of social conformity.

I also thought the emerging social groups that had their own cultural identity and norms was an example that advocated Deveruexs (1977) cultural reductionism model which essentially acknowledges the wider mainstream culture in a universalistic way but also documents how cultures are always in the process of change which is reflected in emerging groups that reflect the changing nature of society. These observations aside, more research is undoubtedly needed to explore how women and men conceptualise their identity in a society, where assimilation is at the core of its traditional cultural values that are under threat from a new ideology which challenges and creates new meaning systems of the self and their place in society.

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Figure 8 (left) - Adult English class, notice the western attire of many of the students compared with Figure 9 (right), the traditional mode of self-representation is quickly vanishing in Jambiani.

Figure 10-Local women’s Hijaib designs are a way to express that they are ‘unique’ within the bounds of their traditional culture of conformity.

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Chapter 6

6.1 Beneath the surface of peace- Unmasking discontentment and violence

This chapter begins by highlighting the increasing socio economic hardships that Zanzibaris are facing. This has created new models of estrangement and growing inequality which has subsequently led to a rejuventation of Islam in public and private life. The historical chapter of the dissertation has shown that Islam has always been a marker for identity in times of uncertainty in Zanzibar and now in the post-socialist era, is serving as a common ground in which Zanzibaris can dissipate their differences. I will then analyse how rising poverty coupled with the mass immigration from mainlanders has fuelled old ethnic/religious antagonisms and given them a new context. These ethnic/religious tensions have largely remained hidden under the surface of peace but this section of my ethnography reveals increasing scarcity of resources has resulted in acts of violence. This is of profound significance as it highlights that the poverty in Zanzibar cannot be studied in isolation because it is closely linked to these issues of ethnic/religious conflict as well as issues of identity and group formation which was covered in the previous chapter. The chapter closes with a brief analysis of why the isolated attacks or even any sign of organised protest have not been directed at the state due to the power it wields over the ‘poor’.

This rapidly changing cultural environment Zanzibar finds itself in, is not only comprising traditional values it is also not (contrary to popular belief) creating an abundance of wealth for the local people. I surprisingly found that it was increasing their hardship daily. This was due to many factors, the first being that the cost of basic commodities has increased significantly over the past ten years due to the influx of tourists. Shop owners know are willing to pay a lot more for basic products. An example of this that

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was highlighted to me in a local home in which the young woman prided herself in possessing cooking oil, this was considered a luxury product due to the 400% increase from 800 Tanzanian shillings in (TZS) a liter in 2002 to over 2400 TZS by 2012.

The rising number of tourists has also subsequently led to mass migration from the neighbouring Tanzanian mainland. This increase in population has produced a lack of physical space which is transforming many neighbourhoods within Stonetown and outside the cities borders into slums (see figure 12). After the frantic activity of the daily night market where locals try desperately to sell their left over fish, garbage is left everywhere and raw sewage litters the streets (see figure 11). The rising rents in Stonetown and increasingly despondent living conditions are dislocating poor Zanzibaris, forcing many to move away from the centre of Stonetown .However with much of the work situated in town, they face new challenges to commute to and from town for work. Such difficulties and lack of access to urban spaces have had detrimental impact on the quality of life for many families.

In light of these prevailing economic hardships and emerging challenges of globalisation, many Zanzibaris provide shelter to members of their extended families in their homes. I encountered an example of this when I went to visit The Juma household for an evening meal. This family household sheltered 6 members who ranged from infancy to old age. The relatives of the husband, Faraq Juma were unable to cope with their own financial living conditions and thus sent their children to live with Faraq and his family since they have (relatively) better incomes to ease their own hardships. This example illustrates the point that family network is an essential part of how Zanzibar society holds itself together especially since urbanisation is creating a scarcity of resources and a social landscape that is becoming more transitional and impersonal.

The sense of belonging that does remain in the city and coastal communities is one that mainlanders from Tanzania are socially margainisled from. The overt hatred for the mainlanders is propagated by the prevailing political rhetoric in Zanzibar society. The memories of the revolution and the loss of Zanzibar’s autonomy within the framework of the union contribute to the antagonism that Zanzibars display toward people from the mainland. By maintaining social and physical strangeness, Zanzibaris want to assert that mainlanders are not a part of the islands memory, past present or future. This is because historically there has always been an ethnic distinction between ‘mainlanders’ and ‘locals’ from Zanzibar. The mass immigration of mainlanders threatens the cherished concept of ‘local’ that Zanzibaris adhere too. When I asked members of my classes where they were from, they would always say, I am a ‘local’ from Zanzibar. The attempt to block mainlanders becoming integrated into Zanzibar society is largely because they are perceived as the main contributors to the emerging problems of crime, prostitution, access to local resources, such as water and spread of diseases resulting from over population.

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Beyond mainlanders posing a threat to the ‘local’ concept of identity they are also perceived as a threat to the limited employment opportunities that are available in Zanzibar. Many members of hotel staff that I encountered were from the mainland because they possess the qualifications necessary to work in hotels while the vast majority of ‘local’ Zanzibaris cannot afford to partake in higher education and are thus subjected to working in informal areas of tourism. On top of all of this the responsibility of the failing electrical infrastructure throughout Zanzibar is also blamed on the mainland Tanzanian government which many ‘local’ people want to break away from entirely and express this clearly in their treatment towards ‘mainlanders’.

On one my long cycles to Jozani forest I met a man called Samuel, who claimed to be from the mainland. Samuel indicated that it is preferable to live in the outskirts near the airport area since living near Stonetown would almost be impossible, as people there despise mainlanders. By living around other mainland Christians, this ensures he and his family will not experience the problems of being ‘outsiders’. This racial and religious antagonism fits well into the writings of Hacking (2005). In Zanzibar the instincts to classify people has allowed the impoverished people an outlet for a source of their discontentment. A lot of the local people who I encountered during my fieldwork had a good command of English and told me that the reason for their unemployment was at least partly due to race. They claimed that other areas of Africa are perceived as ‘softer spoken’ and thus better suited to dealing with tourists. Whether or not this is true is of no consequence because if people “perceive” racial discrimination they will feel exploited, dominated and enslaved, just as Hacking (2005) predicted. The feelings of exploitation and domination are ones that Zanzibaris have adopted based on their perceived inferiority to ‘mainlanders’ who acquire the most sought after jobs. We can infer therefore that similar to Hackings (reference) concept of ‘moving targets’ the behaviour illicted towards the mainlanders by Zanzibaris is their reaction to perceived discrimination and are thus responding in kind.

While these models of strangeness emerging from the rise in commodity consumption and growing urbanisation threaten to tear the social fabric of society, rejuvenation of Islam in the public and private lives of Zanzibaris offers a common ground for Zanzibaris to dissipate their differences. With tourism introducing displays of drunken antics from the tourists and locals alike, Zanzibaris lament about the decline of ‘heshima’ in their society. For those who are jobless and suffering great economic hardships, the appeal to absolute principles of revivalist Islam provides a mechanism to retain their heshima to conceal their existing hardships and indignity. The significance of Islam in shaping the national identity of Zanzibar and serving as a force that binds the society together has also emphasised in the work of Marsden, M (2013).

Although worshippers at the local mosques informed me that there were different sectarian traditions within Islam, they felt united “under the banner of Islam” which provided them with a unifying force for conceptualising Muslim identity. Although new social groups are emerging to challenge the traditional normative or customary Islamic

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values, Islam itself provided a critique to the perceived moral decay of Zanzibar society, epitomised by the threat of tourism to traditional values. It is clear that Islam acts as the social glue that is holding society together in many respects. It acts as an outlet in which many Zanzibaris can converge and openly discuss their grievances about the negative aspects of tourism. It is also providing many people with a form of identity and moral framework in which to evaluate the rapidly cultural environment. The western emphasis on materialism according to Moreira (2003) has created low self-esteem and creating discontent, Islam serves as a social tool to deal with these issues. Islam is at the center of Zanzibar culture which is a culture where old and new values meet and new identities are being contested between religious tradition and modernisation.

Figure 11- Rubbish is piling high as a result of overcrowdingFigure 12- Clustered living conditions in Stone Town

6.2 Poverty, inequality and cultural change- The links to new forms of ethnic/religious divisions and acts of violence

The perceived erosion of traditional values in Zanzibar society is largely tolerated by the majority of Zanzibaris because of the islands dependence on tourists. Occasionally however, the underlying cultural friction caused by the widespread implementation of western ideas to a traditional society manifests itself through violence. As I was strolling through the narrow streets of Stonetown with the female volunteers one of them nervously said “I feel very uncomfortable here dressed like this”. She was wearing trousers and a t shirt and considering the soaring African heat and the way some of the other tourists were dressed I thought no real line was crossed. This was because I had come to learn at this point that mzungu’s (white tourists) were given moral leeway with regards to many local practices which I naturally assumed also encompassed moral dress codes. She was also a new volunteer so I originally put down her misgivings to the culture shock I first felt on the island. She informed me her misgivings came from a widely covered news story that only happened one year ago. Essentially, suspected

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Islamist attackers hurled acid into the faces of two British teenage girls as they strolled through, Stonetown as Zanzibar's Muslim majority were preparing to celebrate the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan. It seems that increasing incidents like this is perhaps the only way the disaffected can vent their anger at what they perceive to be the source of many of their societies growing problems.

I enquired with our local city tour guide about this story and he said that there had been a rise of extremist groups on the islands. One in particular called “The Awakening” a minority group, but believed to be growing in influence, especially among disaffected and jobless youth. To me it appeared that the growing westernisation of Zanzibar and developing countries like it creates cultural friction that does not always yield a social benefit for the local people. For the minority who are directly employed in the tourism sector they spend a large portion of their time serving tourists with a sense of inferiority. Many local shop owners and tour guides daily life heavily revolves around pleasing foreigners as much as possible to acquire enough money to feed their families while others openly beg or attempt acts of kindness in the hope for a small return for their endeavour. The tourists’ public displays of any affection (holding hands, small kiss) is viewed as intercourse and their dismissal of sacredly held Islamic values and perceived importation of the vices of sin such as prostitution, drugs, and consumerism was noted to me on more than one occasion

My experience with violence was not limited to these two conversations however. During my stay in Zanzibar on the 14th June just a few days after I had visited Stonetown, a large explosion took place near a mosque at a time when worshippers emerged after evening prayer. This explosion caused one fatality and severely wounded several others. On the surface it appeared to be a sectarian motivated retaliation attack. Our vital link to Jambiani village and local community project leader Dulla explained that earlier this year, two Improvised explosive devices were triggered near a Catholic church and there has been periodic trouble on the island due to radicals attempting to incite Muslims and Christians into conflict. Dulla defiantly defended his people when he passionately stated “This strategy largely fails because vast majority of Zanzibaris are a peace loving and tolerant people”. The attack is of significance because acts of structural violence aimed at an institution (particularly a sacred one) are incredibly rare in Zanzibar but have been growing in number in recent years as political/religious tensions are rising due to rapidly declining economic prosperity for the local people.

Kloos and Silva (1995) write that structural violence, especially in developing countries, is often the product of the underlying impact of poverty which in times of rapid growth rates and structural changes to the economy accelerate and intensify group competition for scarce resources, particularly in countries where professional specialisation and ethnic cleavages overlap. I think this is a very well-articulated insight to why this act of violence occurred. I wanted to probe this issue deeper because I felt this incident of structural violence is replicated across many cultures on larger scales. A prime example

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being the mixture of tribal/ religious conflicts in Kenya coupled with the 2014 attacks on many tourists that subsequently led to Britain putting into place an antitravel advisory which caused an immediate evacuation of British holiday makers from Kenya’s beaches.

When I revisited Stonetown and visited the blast site, the local’s curiosity and desire to interact with westerners proved to be advantageous. As I attempted to approach people in the area I realised I was interacting with the people who were the most affected by the underlying religious tensions that lurked under the surface of a peaceful society. The older generation I talked to were averse to religious hatred and violence as a means of achieving a “voice”. The events from the socialist revolution were still fresh in their minds and seemed to be a large influence on their disdain. Ali and Ahmed were owners of a local souvenir shop who appeared to be their 60s, who talked at length about the negative impact this violence would have on the islands if it escalated. Ali worryingly told me “I hope this is just an isolated case but as you just said, we had two incidents in February too. If this continues it will have a very bad effect on tourism because 75 percent of the island’s foreign exchange comes from it. If tourism gets affected like it did in Kenya, we are in for a very hard time”.

I also learned from the younger Zanzibaris that the attack was not just borne out of sectarianism but had many levels of motivation. Barack, a young man in his late 20s was one of the more unconventional tourguides, a self-proclaimed Rasta man who had been operating in the area and informed me that it was no coincidence that the explosion coincided with two major events. The first being the religious meeting of Muslims from across Eastern Africa which was taking place on Zanzibar’s main island of Unguja as well as the grand opening of an international film festival. This created maximum impact on the minds of Zanzibaris and on visitors from abroad. Everyone I spoke to that day seemed genuinely opposed and even disgusted by the act of violence. I discussed the timing of the attack more thoughtfully with Toni (African Impact manager) over the following weeks and learned that news coverage of Zanzibar is almost non-existent due to the relative peace the society enjoys as well as other countries in Africa being in a much more deprived economic state. The almost complete lack of international coverage of these attacks or the issues facing Zanzibar arguably shows that because it is a small island it is often neglected by the international community because of its lack of significance, power .These are just some of the factors that have resulted in Zanzibar receiving little aid.

6.3 Poverty- ‘A lack of psychological and political power’

I understood the events of the bloody and disastrous revolution still had a grip on the older generations psyche but the younger generation who were so discontented with the government never protested, never engaged in any violence directly against the state and no matter what new and emerging social groups they were apart off, locals said this was largely because they shared a common cultural value of peace. While this

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may not necessarily be untrue I believed the lack of protests against the government stemmed from what Sen (1999 pg.87) labels as ‘A lack of psychological and political power’. The strongest example of this lack of power was embodied in the dominance the state traffic police held over the people of Zanzibar. The state police stop nearly every car that passes on the few accessible roads and do everything in their power to take a sum of money from the driver. I witnessed this extortion first hand. When the volunteers and I were travelling in the mini-van which was being driven by a ‘local’ man named Kasier, we were stopped nearly every 15 minutes by state police who began to argue, raise their voices, laugh when a small amount of money was produced indicating they wanted more. This encounter revealed to me an interesting power dynamic the people in positions of authority wielded over the citizens of Zanzibar. It also revealed that although the state traffic police were the embodiment of the state they themselves were victims in a broken system of corruption. This is because I discovered though my informants at African impact that they have no real salary, with the only perk being a small residence in dirty living conditions. Therefore with a salary that does not support the basic needs of a family, these people are forced to use their positions of authority to acquire resources from the population at every available opportunity. The state also appeared to hide behind the smoke screen of blaming Tanzania. This was reflected in the political posters that plastered the walls in stone town which seemed to place emphasis on the union with Tanzania as one that was crippling the nation.

6.4 Conclusion

From an analytical point of view there appears to be no direct resolution to alleviate poverty through the political change the ‘local’ government are attesting too. This is because mainland Tanzania controls all the power to the limited amount of vital infrastructures which If removed, could spell disaster for the tourism industry in Zanzibar. The poverty that prevails in Zanzibar may not have a quick fix but I believe the multi-disciplinary documentation of poverty in this dissertation has touched on many key themes/issues of academic interest. If these insights are taken into consideration by government and NGO, they could help address the rising poverty in Zanzibar. An analysis of these insights and their implications will now be briefly presented in the conclusion.

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Conclusion

In conclusion this dissertation has clearly demonstrated that the term ‘poverty’ is not just reducible to a lack of resources but is in fact intertwined in many complex social realities. These have arisen as a result of globalisation and more specifically tourist activities in Zanzibar. Studying ‘poverty’ opened up the door to many themes that I wished to cover in this ethnography. I am aware that to focus on too many issues may have produced what appears to be a linear account. I would defend this criticism by arguing that the social/psychological forces discussed in this dissertation are all equally fundamental to essentially doing what anthropology aims to do, to capture for one moment in time the reality of a situation to the best of the researcher’s ability.

This dissertation has attempted to understand the social reality of poverty from a multi-disciplinary approach, encompassing the insights from anthropology of infrastructure, poverty and psychology. Analysing infrastructure was a good starting point because it revealed underlying problems that are slowing the development of Zanzibar. These include a poor education system that is not producing specialist skills and language barriers. What was also key about this section was that is that it revealed the significance of international global relationships in the form of foreign investment. This has subsequently resulted in a new wave of tourism. The documentation of socio-cultural effects of tourism was heavily enriched from the approach of psychological anthropology. This is because the process of psychological distancing toward whom the tourists perceived to be ‘poor’ supported the writings of Lott (2002).

What is interesting about this is that these perceptions subsequently led to behaviours elicited toward the people of Zanzibar. The people of Zanzibar who faced this label of ‘being poor’ responded by constructing new identities and expanded the boundaries of ‘heshima’. This ethnographic analysis was supported by the writings Hacking (1999, 2005, and 2007). By understanding the growing divide in Zanzibar society as a result of the rapid cultural change the final ethnographic chapter analysed the negative consequences of this. This was not only

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widening the gap of inequality was also leading to a mobilisation of ethnic/religious groups. These provided the people of Zanzibar with a framework in which to make sense of their place in this rapidly changing society. As new forms of ‘local’ identity were being produced this resulted in a new form of discrimination against mainlanders who received the brunt of the blame for the problems of Zanzibar.

The anthropology of poverty is the central theme of this dissertation. However, the insights gained from approaching the ethnographic material under the lens of psychological anthropology and the anthropology of infrastructure have proved to be two essential pieces to understanding the jigsaw that is the social reality of poverty. Another theme emerging from this analysis is the power dynamic between the state and the people but more research is needed in this area. While the complete social reality of poverty may never be realised, because of the countless avenues of analysis one could take. This dissertation is a starting block in which anthropologists and policy makers alike can begin to understand ‘poverty’ and the contributing factors associated with it

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