Emma Dummett- Vernacular Architecture, Nature and the Sacred
Post-Colonial Vernacular in Indonesia from Sacred...
Transcript of Post-Colonial Vernacular in Indonesia from Sacred...
Kemas Ridwan KurniawanCentre for the Built Environment StudiesDepartment of ArchitectureUniversity of [email protected]
SACRED PLACE IN POSTCOLONIAL URBAN VERNACULAR: A STRUGGLE OF TRADITIONAL CULTURAL IDENTITY AGAINST
MODERN HEGEMONY IN THE KAMPUNG LUAR BATANG - JAKARTA
Abstract
Postcolonial urban vernacular discourse concerns aspects of power relations which occur in vernacular space and society. This postcolonial discourse also sees colonial practice (‘colonial modernity’) as a specific cultural entity operating in centre-periphery spectrum which is continued by postcolonial society. What was not recognized by this kind of [colonial] perspective is the ‘real’ social cultural life of vernacular inhabitants which still endures in an invisible and unrecognized manner. One of vernacular aspects which is often challenged by modern [postcolonial] pressure is the existence of sacred place which becomes an important symbol for traditional community’s dignity. Sacred place represents traditional values, spirit of place and cultural history; all these have to compete with the speed of [postcolonial] modern development.
To look at how this aspect of urban vernacular struggles against modern post-colonial conditions, this paper will put its cursor onto one of the oldest historic urban [postcolonial] kampung in Jakarta, namely Kampung Luar Batang, where floods are commonly a part of people’s environment. Located on the waterfront area facing Java Sea, this wet and crowded urban kampung is almost forgotten as part of important cultural heritage. The 17th century’s Sacred [Tomb] of Kampung Luar Batang located inside the Mosque (now undergoing change), where the body of the founder of the area (a descendant of an Arab family) was buried, is the spiritual anchor of this area. It attracts people from outside of the area to do pilgrimage (‘ziarah’).
This paper discusses urban vernacular space (and place) as a cultural identity being forced by modern hegemony to change in parallel with people’s pragmatism in facing economic pressures. The growth of modern developments through the construction of high-rise apartments and high class residences, highways, and shopping malls, encircle the historic urban vernacular, which is actually inhabited by lower class settlers whose living conditions are identical with poverty. Dominant powers are held by conglomerates and people who sit in government posts, while the power of urban vernacular settlers is still unvoiced. This disparity identifies the struggle of traditional cultural identity against modern hegemony.
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Introduction
There is a curious feeling when one day in 2007 I entered the area of Kampung Luar
Batang. This was my first time experience to visit this area, after almost 30 years
living in the capital city of Jakarta. Always heard about but never visited [by me],
thus making my journey to this place more challenging. This place is about half a mile
from my house in the centre of Jakarta. For me, the name of Luar Batang connotes the
mystery, the unknown place where part of our city’s history is buried.
The centre of attention in this place, is the traditional Jami’ Mosque which is
undergoing some alteration in its form through a conservation program. Inside this
mosque, the body of the founder of the mosque (as well as the area) namely Sayid
Husein Bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydroes (18th C) was buried. According to
local resources, this tomb, ‘Keramat’ (sacred) becomes the most important symbol in
this area except the mosque itself. Not only people around the area of Jakarta, but also
from overseas as well, visit this object. Even important elites and powerful people
from the country also spent their free-time to come to the area. The last one is from
the President of Republic of Indonesia, during the Ramadhan 2007, and the Jakarta’s
governor, during the provincial election in 2007. Most people come here in order to
obtain spiritual benefit (‘barakah’) for their better life, which was believed coming
from this sacred place.
However, it is a wonder that the area still endures in improper condition. Luar
Batang is still a backyard of Jakarta where poverty and floods are common place. In
this area, the symbol of sacred power is not parallel with the symbol of economic
power and prosperity. Luar Batang seems to be outside of the economic boundary
where capitalism through the erection of new modern apartments, shopping malls, and
the toll road encircle the area. Even, compared to other historic places in the northern
part of Jakarta, like Pekojan and Museum Bahari, Luar Batang area can be said as
leaving no historic buildings at all. The mosque, although still close to the form of the
older one, had undergone major alterations by its new extension and materials in the
1990s. Traces of native ‘Betawi’ dwellings like in the past, are hardly to be
recognized. It is why my strange feelings accumulated through my low expectations
when I imagine this place under its legendary name.
This journey left me with some questions. What is the identity of this kind of
sacred place today? What power does it play and how does it control the area? Does
the role of ulama as the common guardian of an Islamic society still exist in this
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place? The urban Kampung is one of colonial production in Batavia (the name of
Jakarta in colonial times), however, the question arises whether the particularity of the
postcolonial urban kampong of Luar Batang (through its sacredness) revives new
modes of coloniality? To understand these issues, let us delve into this place deeply.
Waduk Pluit
Kampung Luar Batang
Javanese Sea
Sunda Kelapa Port
Fig. 1. Satellite view of Kampung Luar Batang –Jakarta (2007) shows the area today is not really on the coastal area. Yearly sedimentation and land reclamations program make this area step-by-step farther from the edge of the beach. Source: Google Earth.
History
The history of Luar Batang area is linked to the history of colonialism, when the
Dutch Company VOC (Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie) still existed in the area.
The VOC (colonizer) viewed the Native or Oriental people (colonized) as a
representation of Western domination over the Orient. Through this kind of
representation, the indigenous people, native inhabitants, or colonized people were
victimized.1
This area originally was part of sea and swamp (Fig. 3). Due to intensive
sedimentation on the estuary of Groote Rivier and Sunda Kelapa Port, new extensive
lands were formed. Luar Batang itself appeared firstly on the 18th C colonial map. The
area was located outside the Batavia’s northern barrier, made from tree trunks
1 In Said’s Orientalism, this brings a Western style of thought to restructure and has authority over the Orient. The ethics of colonialism, which established a formation of colonial culture through imperialism, generated ‘the politics of domination and resistance.’ Kurniawan
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strengthened with iron which dammed up the Ciliwung River.2 This is why this area
was called Luar Batang which means ‘Out of Tree Trunk’.
Northern barrier
Fish Market
Luar Batang area
Fig. 2. Luar Batang area was basically surrounded by canals and sea, making this area was an island.
Segregation and separation of city’s people was a colonial common practice.
People from ‘Out of Tree Trunk’ area were identified as ‘Others’, outside of the
civilized culture of colonial people. They lived in traditional urban kampongs where
fishing, trading and small farming were common occupations. Like other indigenous
people living in poor conditions of urban kampongs scattered outside the wall of
Batavia’s city centre, people in Luar Batang had limitations in life under colonial
laws. They received different treatment from European masters, who controlled the
socio-cultural life of people from inside Batavia Casteel. In practice, indigenous
people was categorized as third class citizens under other Asian foreigners such as
Arabian and Chinese, who obtained more privileges from colonial rulers due to their
trading skills which benefited the colonial system.
2 Before passing this barrier, every boats and sloops must pay a certain tariff.
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a. b. c. d. e.
Fig. 3. Intensive sedimentary process made Luar Batang and its Mosque surrounded by new lands. a. 1630, b. 1700, c. 1750, d. 1830s, e. 2007. Reconstructed map, drawing by: Widyarko.
In 1739, the Dutch Governor General (from VOC)3 gave a small piece of land
on the western side of Ciliwung River across Sunda Kelapa Port to an Arabian ulama
from Hadramaut namely Sayid Husein bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydrus.4
According to local folklore, this ulama had ‘karomah’ (super-natural power) and was
influential in spreading and leading Moslem on the northern area of Batavia. He died
young in 1751 and unmarried. When his body was to be buried in Tanah Abang, a
cemetery for foreigners, it was missing from ‘kurung batang’ (a corpse litter), and was
found back in his house. According to this story, it is why this area was later called
‘Luar Batang’ meaning ‘out from its corpse litter.’ Sayid’s Husein body later was
buried near his mosque, and people immortalized his spiritual power through his tomb
and some traditional rites.
Fig. 4. The tomb of Sayid Husein bin Abubakar bin Abdullah al-Aydrus, the founder of the mosque. Due to mosque extension, the tomb is now part of the mosque building (2007). Private Collection.
The Mosque and Postcolonial Power
Like its name, Luar Batang was outside of the Dutch colonial history. Since there
were no colonial reports and only a few archives recorded of its existence, it is
difficult to trace back the description of the original mosque. Located on Jl. Kampung
Luar Batang V, on RW 3, this 1,050 sqm’s Mosque today sits comfortably on the site
3 Dutch Trading Company.4 This Arabian ulama landed firstly in Sunda Kelapa port in 1736.
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of more than 4,000 sqm land. The square plan, the pyramidal roof supported by
twelve columns, the tomb, the well, the minaret and the gate, are main features which
indicate the mosque original form. A refurbishment program in 1996 did not preserve
entirely the original materials, rather kept only main forms for future reference. The
new verandahs on the right and left walls were also added and functioned for
transitory access as well as protecting the walls and windows from solar heat.
The Mosque is the most impressive structure in Luar Batang. To enter this
complex, visitors have to pass a gate located on the southeastern side, which leads
visitors to a courtyard where two circle of ablution spots for male and female are
located. An old minaret stands separately on the southwest. The unique feature of this
mosque is from a space one-meter down into a large sheltered, sunken area beyond
the courtyard that functions as a transition area. Visitors have to pass this dry-
sheltered pond covered with a marble floor before entering the praying area. On its
left, the tomb of Sayid Husein bin Abubakar was located, separated from prayer room
and now due to extension of the mosque, was part of main building. Outside the
boundary of the mosque on the southwestern side, next to the founder’s tomb, there is
an unknown old cemetery which possibly has a link with the history of colonial
encounters. The only new forms of this mosque can be seen from supporting buildings
for management located on northwestern and southwestern side of the Mosque.
Fig. 5. The gate or main entrance of the mosque. An open corridor was added on the right and left of the gate to connect with main and supporting buildings (2007). Private collection.
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Fig. 6. Model of new mosque under glass box (2007). Source: Private Collection
Fig. 7. Three dimensional computer reconstruction. New high minaret was built on the right side of the
mosque. Drawing by: Widyarko
Nostalgia is something absurd here. Materiality and past images, through
which artifacts are visible, are not historical evidence in this object. The preservation
of this mosque, which only left 50% of its originality raised some criticism. Historical
societies (through NGO) that were widely developed after the 2000 era were not fully
involved when the Mosque underwent alteration. While local society should have a
link to history and place seemed unaware. For local people, as long as their Mosque
looks new and good, and the tomb is not demolished, they are okay.
Exploring this kind of conserved sacred place involves political possibilities.
This Mosque was protected as an heritage building under Gubanatorial Act, No. 475,
1993, when the gathering of cultural artifact were under intensive scrutiny to resolve
the lack of attention towards historic places in cosmopolitan areas such as Jakarta.
The conservation program for this mosque firstly started during a period from 1996 to
1997, coinciding with the last era of New Order regime in the Indonesian political
arena.
Compared to some of the colonial heritage demolished by New Order Regime,
like Harmonie and Des Indies Hotel, this Mosque has a better destiny. People still
respect this Mosque as part of Jakarta’s local history, although its neighbors such as
Museum Bahari, Syahbandar Tower, Fish Market and VOC Shipyard buildings are
entirely preserved in their original forms by government.
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Fig. 8. The southwestern side, the courtyard, and the interior of the old Mosque, when the major conservation took place in 1996. Photo: Courtesy of Masjid Luar Batang.
Fig. 9. The minaret and the north-eastern side of the old Mosque, when the major conservation took place in 1996. Photo: Courtesy of Masjid Luar Batang.
However, besides the issue of historical preservation, the interesting thing is
the relationship between the mosque and power; the mosque becoming one of
spiritual destination from this country’s important elite. The consideration is how
political symbols utilized as religious places to obtain spiritual benefits, besides
political advantages received through these visits. This country has a long legacy of
the connection between supernatural power and political power; from the Old Order
Regime to the present government.5 People’s understanding between religion and old
tradition is sometimes mixed up, as shown from the practice of important elites. The
separation between politics (secular) and religion (sacred), like in the West, results in
5 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities.
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disagreements among the majority of parliamentary members in this Eastern country.
This is why spiritual or religious places are important sites which are also effected by
political intervention. In this case, this comes very close to representing the way
architecture has sought to represent political space in the postcolonial age.
The Place and the Community
To enter the area of Luar Batang, visitors have to go through traditional ‘pasar’
(market) next to fish market and cross a bridge only for people. Presently, Kampung
Luar Batang is part of the ‘Kelurahan’ Penjaringan area, North of Jakarta. Situated in
an area of 131,500 sqm in size, this kampong consists of 3 RW (Rukun Warga) and
37 RT (Rukun Tetangga). The largest is RW 3 about 69,500 sqm, where the Mosque
is located. For the people who had lived for decades in Kampung Luar Batang, the
mosque becomes a spiritual centre that has an historical link to other spiritual centres
in Jakarta. Luar Batang is one of a series of mosques built near water (coast and river)
in the early era of colonial Batavia.6 These connections (and disconnections) are at
once hidden and visible. The centre (the Mosque), which is also public, is a sacred
place, while the surrounding is social space combined with private dwellings. Streets
become the main social space. People chat, gossip, perform events and play on the
street. Here, people are more active in the exterior rather than interior space.
The Mosque
Fig. 10. Luar Batang’s Map.
6 The Mosques in Marunda, Pekojan, and Kampung Bandan, as well as Kebon Jeruk are predicted as having a close historical connection.
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RW 3
The Mosque
RW 2
RW 1
Fig. 11. The Division of RW.
The present population here is 7,895 inhabitants and the majority are Moslems
(92%). This population figure is about thirty times greater than Luar Batang’s early
population in the mid of 18th C. People in Luar Batang, originally were migrants from
Java and Bugis/Makassar, and lately they are mixed with other indigenous ethnic
groups in Batavia, forming a ‘Betawi’ culture. Most people here worked as lower
income labourers whose monthly wages are under one million rupiahs. They work in
Sunda Kelapa port, some work as fishermen/sailors, some open small businesses at
home, some work as lower employees in companies and businesses outside the area.
No people here work as civil servants. The ratio between female and male is 48% :
52%. Most females work as housewives, and some open food stalls or other small
businesses at home. There are 2,551 family units and most live in RW 2 (about 42%).
The density in this area reaches 0.06 per sqm.
The provision of public facilities, beside the Mosque, is small which only can
be seen from schools (an elementary school, a Madrasah and a kindergarden) and
RW offices. The only open public place is located in front of the Mosque area which
is used also for a car park for the Mosque visitors. There are no health facilities in this
area. People here have to go out to find the doctor and Puskesmas (small clinic). A
few women have a profession as ‘dukun beranak’ (traditional midwife) to serve
locally.
No Public Facilities Total1 Luar Batang Mosque 12 Public Elementary School 13 Madrasah 14 Kindergarden 15 Public Parking for the Mosque 16 RW Office 3
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Table 1. Public Facilities in Luar Batang (2007). Surveyed by: Widyarko.
Electricity entered this area around 1980s, and now 100% of the houses here
obtained electrical access. Some houses are illegally hooked onto electric wires,
which is very dangerous. Communication facilities are also something in common in
this area. Owners of home telephones are plentiful. In some spots we can see public
telephones. The only problem is water facilities. People rely on water from pipes
rather than from private jet-pumps due to the salinity here which is mixed with sea
water.
Regarding the environment, in its distant past, when the number of inhabitants
was very low, the area was dominated by plantations and traditional ‘Betawi’ houses
with large yards. The indigenous buildings made from free materials easily obtained
from nature such as ‘rumbia’ and ‘gedek’ (bamboo partitions). Later in the 19thC,
some stone houses were erected in this area. Contrasted with today, large yards are
something impossible to be possessed by people. Open spaces are almost nothing; the
only empty places for possible gatherings are in front of the mosque and government
land on the western side of the area.
Fig. 12. Flooding area in Kelurahan Penjaringan (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko
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Fig. 13. Water drain (2007). Private Collection.
A walk through the roads and ‘gangs’ (pedestrian walkways) of Kampong
Luar Batang gives the sense of poverty under environmental concerns. Located on the
waterfront area on the northern edge of Jakarta, this area faces ecological problems
where monthly floods strike this area regularly. Some spots are still indicative of the
wet characteristics of this area where puddles, muddy conditions, and swamps are
common. Roads are now hot-mix concrete and 2 meters higher than 60 years ago,
which causes houses to raise their floor levels. The government, through its Public
Works Department, has repaired main drainage 2 meter under the roads in order to
reduce the possibility of flood. Trees and plants are very rare in this area. Only several
home owners maintain potted plants and hanging pot flowers on their house terraces.
The neighborhood is very crowded and bounded by its activities. There are no
spaces for expansion. Streets function as the extension of houses. People put chairs on
the street and are chatting easily with their neighbors. The peddler put kiosk for
selling their materials occurs in the street due to limitation of kiosk space. Sometimes
when a car passes through these narrow roads (gangs), the residents have to take their
personal belonging away. Houses, most are commonly two floors to avoid floods. The
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old ‘Betawi’ houses with large yards have been demolished, and the descendents of
the elder generations sold and divided their lands into smaller blocks. There is no
particular architectural style that can explain typically these present houses. Factually,
these houses do not have a front and backyard. Materials for houses are mixed,
ranging from bricks and mortar to triplex and zinc. The first floor is usually utilized
for family gatherings, kiosks, kitchen, and bathroom, while the upper floor is for
private functions such as bedrooms. Some houses are used as boarding edifices where
the access to bathroom is located outside the houses.
Fig. 14. Common People’s House on the waterfront side for fishermen and traders (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko.
Fig. 15. Typical houses made from wooden board, triplex and zinc (2007). Private Collection.
Fig. 16. Typical houses made from stucco and concrete (2007). Private Collection.
Sacred and Secular: The Mosque and Economic Pragmatism
The word sacred is derived from Latin ‘sacrare’ means ‘consecrate’, from Sacer
(holy); while secular originates from Latin ‘saecularis’ which means ‘relating to an
age or period’, and from ‘saeculum’ which means ‘generation’. It is something
strange to discuss sacredness in the place such Luar Batang. On one side, present
spatial production here is no longer related to the form of old society or follow old
values, but on another side the old tomb of Sayyid Husein still became the magnet for
the area. Present people here are part of a pragmatic society that is pushed to be part
of the cycle of capitalistic money. Visibility is an issue. The image of a preserved
spiritual centre is to benefit their commercial rewards and take advantage of the
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market forces. This represents a supranatural power (the Mosque) as a way for
outsiders to understand space here. Local people have different experiences and
relationships to the place compared to a visitor’s perspective. Most people here are
lower-income inhabitants who still struggle to survive.
The Mosque
Fig. 17. The view of the Mosque with preserved Museum Bahari in the fore ground, apartments and high rise buildings on the left, and industrial estate on the right (2007). Private Collection.
Money and sacred places possibly have a link in the presently materialistic
society. The mosque funding mostly came from the donation of visitors, ranging from
a hundred Rupiahs to hundreds of millions Rupiahs. Young children always tail every
visitor and ask for money aggressively. The mosque’s present management is from
the younger generation who also came from poor family backgrounds. Their life relies
on the Mosque visitors. According to some local sources, if some of members of this
mosque management had ever used mosque money illegally, these guys became ill or
had an accident later on.
Rapid development in Jakarta encircled traditional areas of urban kampong.
Luar Batang area is bounded by the combination between historic preservation of Old
City and modern apartments, buildings and toll road. The influence of capitalism as a
secular power step-by-step carries away traditional values into pragmatic conditions.
This is a serious thing as subsistence low-income traditional enclaves are threatened
by modern demands of the ever-growing cities. It seems that we are gripped by
material culture, by historic buildings and artifacts, but we pay less attention to the
sites and events that produced history (human settlements).
Present space is not multiplicity from old space, rather a reinvention from
economic demands. People here produce their own space, based on their needs,
without assistance from professional architects. Old ‘Betawi’ houses are no longer
exist because the connection to the past has been lost and displaces by more dynamic
social space where land value increased sharply than the value of building itself.
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Fig 18. Common people shop spots (2007). Drawing by: Widyarko
No Sort of Business RW 1(Unit)
RW 2 (Unit)
RW 3 (Unit)
Total Unit
1 Peddler shop 25 15 23 632 Food stall 1 1 2 43 Telephone stall (Wartel) 3 2 1 64 Sewer kiosk 2 3 0 55 Building materials store 0 1 0 16 Refill mobile-phone pulse kiosk 1 0 2 37 Refill drinking water kiosk 0 0 2 28 Electronic reparation 1 1 2 49 Health service 1 2 0 3
10 Internet kiosk (Warnet) 0 0 1 1
TOTAL 34 25 33 92
Table 2. Common People’s small business in Luar Batang (2007). Surveyed by: Widyarko
The power of big capitalism does not enter this area directly, but the impact of
surrounding modern investments threaten the existence of this area. Some big
investors have ever so often glanced at this area, but due to political interest, this area
is protected informally by some important elites. But who knows how long this
informal protection will remain. Moreover, we can also find cheap products of
capitalism provided here. Many small ‘warungs’ (stalls) sell cheap daily life needs,
ranging from shampoo, tooth-paste, soaps, snacks and soft drinks, all are well known
international brand names. These brand names are combined with local products made
from home industries. Even people can obtain new Hollywood films here through
video rental kiosks which rent these films cheaply. But we should check the
originality of these products, some maybe are genuine, but some others are not. In
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short, this phenomena represents the multiplicity of capitalist production which
intrudes into a postcolonial lower-income settlement.
Fig. 19. Multiplicity and commodification of capitalistic production through small kiosks (2007). Private collection.
Fig. 20. Street view reflects a lifely and dynamic of social space of lower income people (2007). Private Collection.
The true other powers in this urban kampong scene actually consist of several
parties. These people are very influential in running day-to-day social life. The first
one is retired military officers who also live in this area. These retired military
officers have stronger capital than the common people, and they own several rental
and boarding houses in the area. One of these men opened a billiard house about 80
meters from the Mosque. On the other hand, another power comes from the young
generation who do not possess large quantities of capital, but they possess control to
important territories like the Mosque and RW office in RW 3. According to a local
informant, the territory of RW 3 area was affected by drugs abuse several years ago.
But it is not clear, whether today this drugs problem has been resolved yet or not.
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Fig. 21. Billiard house, about 80 meters from the Mosque (2007). Private Collection.
Concluding Remarks
The identity of sacred place in Luar Batang is something which is not easy to answer.
It involves cultural and social aspects of form influenced by power and contextuality.
Capitalism had intruded into sacred place and transformed the environment of
religious symbols into new forms of modern physical scenes combined with the
problem of environment and poverty. What makes people still connected to this place
is the spirit which exists from the consecration of people’s activities in the mosque
and the corpse of Sayid Husein who is respected as the last guardian of the place.
Without these symbols, the identity of Luar Batang area will be wiped out by the
force of economic pragmatism which had occurred to the environment surrounding
the Mosque. The external and internal social powers also contribute to the practice
and formation of contemporary identity of Luar Batang area. External power comes
from elite, and strong investors, while internal power is from retired military officers
and the gang of the younger generations.
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