POLITICS OF INTER-PARTY DEFECTIONS IN NIGERIA: INTEREST ... · a multi-party democracy. By the year...

Sahel Analyst (AJOM): ISSN 1118- 6224 14

POLITICS OF INTER-PARTY DEFECTIONS IN NIGERIA: WHO’S

INTEREST?

Mustapha Alhaji Ali1

Isah Shehu Mohammed2

Abstract

Inter-party defections is not new in politics being part of the fraternity, liberty in

politics. Such defections are ideally done based on principles, ideology and the

state/public interests. However, in Nigeria and in the recent, inter-party

defection has assummed an escalating monstrous dimension to the extent that it

has rendered the polity to become a jamboree of marketing the parties and

politicians in search of relevance, convinient political accommdation and accesss

to state power and resources. This study explored the politics in inter-party

defections in Nigeria. The study used historical and documentary methods of

data collection and analysis, and used the systems and organisational theories to

design the framework for the study. It examined the historical background of

party politics in Nigeria, the nature and establishment of all the nigerian

political paries and associations, the history of intra/inter party conflicts and

defections, and identified the major cases of defections in Nigerian politics. The

study is significant at this time when Nigerian political atmosphere has

accomended over 184 political parties and associations in 59 years of

independence, and still undergoing escalation of inter-party defections and the

parties turned to machines for accessing state power and resources without clear

ideology, value or regards to the state laws, parties ideals and the national

interest or their parties members. It is found that inter-party defections are linked

to the root of Nigerian politics of the First Republic constitutional and the courts

vulnerabilities in handling political cases, foundational nature and character of

Nigerian politics, absence of clear ideological content, excessive use of money,

patron-clientelism politics, manipulation of constitutional provisions, inability to

evolve, sustain and promote value oriented political culture are among the major

factors that account for the defections syndrome in Nigeria. The paper

recommended that Nigerian government should through the Attorney-General of

the Federation seek clear judicial clarifications on the sections of the Nigerian

constitution dealing with issues of defection of politicians.

Keywords: Ideology, Inter-Party Defection, Nigeria, Political Party, Politics.

1 Department of Political Science and Administration. Yobe State University,

Damaturu. Nigeria [email protected] 2 General Studies Department, Federal Polytechnic, Bauchi, Bauchi State Nigeria.

[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

African Journal of Management (Vol.3, No.4 2018), Business Admin. University of Maiduguri

Sahel Analyst (AJOM): ISSN 1118- 6224 Page 115

Introduction

With the return to democracy on May 29, 1999 after 16 years of military rule,

Nigerians had had high expectations on the state system and politicians based on

a multi-party democracy. By the year 2018, Nigeria has had 184 political parties

and associations since her independence in 1960. From the 1979 to the 1999

military transitions, many critical issues have clouded the political atmosphere

from the return in 1999 such as dominance of the old and retired generals in the

politics, leadership instability in the National Assembly, poor performance by

most of the politicians and the political system, increased electoral crises and use

of money manipulating state policies and national interest among others. Then

emerged the issues of intra-party conflicts, especially in the then ruling party, the

People’s Democratic Party (PDP) over struggle for access and consolidation of

Nigerian state political and economic powers; proliferation of the number of

political parties from 3 in 1999 to 91 by the year 2019; there also arouse the

inter-party defections, which in wholesome cannot be discerned from the prime

interest in acquisition and consolidation of state political and economic powers

by the politicians. Although that was not the first time that politicians, especially

at the higher-level defected from one party to another, the Fourth Republic,

especially between 2006 and 2018 has marked the peak of both intra-party

conflicts and inter party defections. At the initial stage, the scene was dominated

by intra-party fractions mostly associated with inability to observe the internal

democratic principles but grew to inter-party defections and mostly from the

opposition to the ruling party.

In the most recent, however, the development involves inter-party defections

from and to both the ruling and opposition parties. It has transcended beyond the

intra party factions such as the new-PDP and reformed-APC, i.e. Nigerian

politicians’ defect from all the parties to others. This article explored the politics

and issues in inter-party defections in Nigeria among Nigerian politicians,

especially at this critical moment when the 2019 general elections is fast

approaching.

Statement of the Problem

Nigerian politics since the early years of the First Republic has been

characterized by both intra and inter party heats – tension, rivalry, violence,

electoral malpractice, elite manipulation, and character and lives assassinations.

Recently, the Nigerian politicians have more than any other period of its police

history become embroiled in inter-party defections and that poses a dilemma as

to why do such politicians defect from one party to the other. There are

increasing concerns that these politicians are really defecting in the interest of the

Nigerian state or the electorate, but for other selfish gains. Some of the defections

have in the recent been more like studio produced in the National Assembly.

There are visible hands of patron-clientelism which has continued to hold

Nigerian politics to ransom since independence (Ojo, 2016; Draper & Ramsay,

2008:256; Richard, 1987). Key issues such as those of political ideologies and

Politics of Inter-Party Defections in Nigeria: Who’s Interest?


party manifesto have been given little or no attention, despite the occasional tags

of conservatives, progressives, liberals, socialists and populists among others and

at the expense of other roles the parties play as interest aggregation and

articulation (Agudiegwu, Moses Ogbonna & Ezeani, 2015; Boafo-Arthur in

Salih, 2003). The over 184 political parties and associations established in 58

years of post-independence Nigeria have remained mere stooges for the

attainment of power and selfish interests of the politicians having devised and

used the politics and the parties as machines to ride and access state political and

economic power and resources (Rodee, 1980). Nigerian politicians now defect

from one political party to the other at will in order to protect and or consolidate

their hold of political and economic power and resources of the Nigerian state.

This comes with a lot of devastating factors or problems and implications for

democracy and party politics in the nation. This trend of inter-party defections

does not only ridicule the country’s democratic development, but also

undermines the Nigerian political orientation, culture and socialization (Colomer,

2005).

Research Questions

i. Explore why Nigerian politicians defect from one political party to another

ii. Examine the effects of such defections

iii. Make recommendations on ways to check inter-party defections

Methodology

This study is qualitative and exploratory, and it used the historical documented

method of data collection and analysis with materials sourced from the historical

artifacts, journals, books and other public documents related to political

historical and development of political parties in Nigeria. The materials were

sifted and analysed based on the contents and relevance to the phenomenon for

the study (Creswell, 2012). The reviewed literature also focused on the

operations, nature and character of politicians and political parties in Nigeria

and the consequences of the escalating inter-party defections.

Theoretical Framework This study is premised on the Systems and Organizational theories to support

the literature, methodology and findings of the study. The theories are

concerned with how society adapts to an environment through adjustments in its

prevailing socio-societal, political and economic structures, with

significant implications for the understanding of the social order. Systems

theory reveals the complexity of social evolution and, on this basis, stresses the

limited possibility of governing the society, and because the society is large,

heterogeneous and complex, social scientists can nonetheless have an

appreciation of the large range of adaptive possibilities for social systems.

Similarly, Organizational Theory is appropriate because it is used to support the

research work. It is also significant for the study as it is concerned with how an

organization operates, how it is affected by, and how it affects the

https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/implications



organizational settings where its functions are carried out. This theory also helps

in understanding how organizations operate (Daft, 2001; Makinson & van der

Torre, 2003 and Taya, 2009). Inter-relatedly, the systems and organizational

theories highlight how organisations operate, and how people adapt to it as well

as the responses to it. The two present an arrangement of input, procession and

output, as well as the organizational framework within which these input,

processing, output/feedback are managed in a complex and or an adapting

state/society (Easton, 1953).

Background History of the Nigerian state and Democracy

The Nigerian state is the result of the conquest and occupation of Lagos by the

British between 1861 and 1914. Between the years 1861 and 1914, the various

areas around the Niger River were gradually captured, some by force and others

peacefully submitted to the British hegemony and rule. The areas which formed

the Nigerian state were before the conquest and occupation of Lagos, and the

January 1914 amalgamation were different nationalities, ethno-religious and geo-

political groups which were either separate or independent of one another or to a

less extent inter-related to one another. With the 1914 amalgamation, the areas

from both the Northern and Southern parts of the Niger River were joined

together and made as one political entity – Nigeria. From 1914 to 1960 Nigeria

remained under the British colonial rule which in addition brought party politics

and the western styled parliamentary democracy into Nigeria over the years of

colonial rule. Political activities in the amalgamated Nigeria commenced around

1922/23 when elections and a political party, Nigerian National Democratic Party

(NNDP) were established and conducted. The political trend and parties in

Nigeria continued to develop up to independence in 1960. The post-

independence era also witnessed increased number of political events as well as

growing number of political parties and politically related groups and

associations which had by January 1966 before the coup reached 81

(Mohammed, Aisha & Saidu, 2018). The Military coup of January 1966 however

led to the proscription of all those 81 political parties and related groups. This

continued until in 1978 when new political parties established by the military. In

1983, there was another military coup immediately after which those political

parties were also proscribed (Richard, 1987). Then in 1989, the military

established 2 new political parties, but were also proscribed in 1993 by another

military junta (Nwankwo, 1993). In 1998/99, another military regime created

new set of political parties whose number has increased from 3 in 1998/99 to 91

as at September 2018.

Currently, Nigeria has 36 states, 774 Local Government Areas and 6 Area

Councils for the Federal capital territory, Abuja, and has a population of

196,651,048 (UNDESA, 2018; United Nations, 2015). Nigeria is heterogeneous

in nature comprising of three major ethnic groups - the Hausa Fulani from the

North, the Yoruba in the South-West part and the Igbo in the South-Eastern part

as well as hundreds of minority ethnic groups across the country mainly



concentrated in the Central Nigeria with Adamawa state having the largest

number of minority ethnic groups of over 100 (Paden, 1986). Six years through

her indolence, Nigeria became embroiled in a civil war that lasted 30 months

from 1967-1970 (Ojukwu, 1989). Nigeria has undergone series of numerous

transitions from military to civilian democratic regimes, including the longest,

most expensive and controversial political transition in Africa south of the Sahara

under the regime of General Babangida between 1986 and 1993 (Mohammed, et

al., 2018). The June 12, 1993 election, its cancellation by the military and the

aftermath crises have also been an integral part of Nigeria’s political history.

There have been regime successions by the military which were characterized by

coups, counter-coups and take-over. In Nigeria’s political history, the period

between 1999 and 2018 represents the longest years within which there have not

been any disruptions/coups against civilian democratic government, although

there have been numerous crises, which are inevitable in the process of evolution,

growth and development of every state and society (Mohammed & Aisha, 2018).

Review of Nigerian Political Parties Establishment and Operations

Politics is a virtuous game that encompasses integrity, responsibility, and

responsiveness. As the game develops, one key instrument that comes to be

identified with it is political party, which serves as a machinery for accession to

state power. Although political parties are only one integral part of democracy

which to a small or larger extent can be done without, its significance and need

increases as the democracy develops. Political parties are needed to serve as

platforms to coherently organize members with the same thinking, wishes and

ideology; informally organize what to do, organize what and how to do for the

public when voted into power, train people in the act of leadership and educate

the citizens, particularly its members on various political and other issues of

political and national interests. For modern democracy therefore, political parties

are an important and integral part of the political system and a means by which

the citizens participate directly and indirectly in determining and influencing

their affairs.

Participation in politics takes either conventional form including party

membership, and full and active involvement in its affairs; or the unconventional

form which also involves political protests, terrorism and violence among others

(Wilson, 1996). The evolution, growth and development political parties in

Nigeria which commenced with the establishment of the Nigerian National

Democratic Party (NNDP) in 1922 by Herbert Macaulay, and then followed by

the National Council of Nigeria and Cameroon (NCNC), the Action Group (AG),

the Northern People’s Congress (NPC), and Northern Elements Progressive

Union (NEPU) in the late 1940s and early 1950s has remained not only dramatic,

but controversial in Nigeria’s political history. The drama and controversies

range from colonial factors, geo-regional interests and machinations, rivalry

among the parties, strength and domination of ethno-regional factors and



personalities (Azikwe, Awolowo/Akintola, & Ahmadu Bello Sardauna),

dominant role of the military in party formations from 1979 up to 1999, the

Nigerian patronage-clientelism politics, cut throat competition for power and

state resources by the parties and politicians, electoral crises, the ever escalating

dominant role of money in

Nigerian politics in the recent is associated with the poor observation of internal

democratic principles within most political parties, thereby creating inter-party

defections. This inter-party defection is variant and commonly referred to as

inter-party defection, cross-carpeting, party-switching, floor-crossing, party-

hopping, canoe-jumping, decamping, party-jumping, etc., (Malthora, 2005;

Mbah, 2011). The culmination of these political developments has altogether

shaped and undermined the evolution, nature, character and development of

Nigerian political parties and made Nigerian politics to be seen and treated as an

affair of dishonesty in both character and orientation (Baba & Aeysinghe, 2017).

Having this background, Nigerian politics is such a complex affair that whoever

claims to understand Nigerian politics is deceiving him or lying (Richard Bourne

in Verjee, 2017). This does not, however, mean Nigerian politics could not be

predicted, studied or analysed, but that it is so dynamic that changes can occur at

any point in time and in different, both expected and unexpected dimensions and

outcomes.

First Republic Political, Ethno-Religious Parties and Groups

Action Group (AG); Afenmai Progressives Congress (APC); Alliance Youth

Front; Awo National Brigade (ANB); Borno Youth Movement (BYM); Calabar -

Ogoja Rivers State Movement; Calabar Emancipation League (CEL); Common

People’s Party of Nigeria (CPPN); Communist Party of Nigeria (CPN);

Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN); Dynamic Party (DP); Eastern Nigeria

Liberation Movement (ENLM); Eastern People’s Congress (EPC); Ghana-

Nigeria Socialist Group; Habe People’s Party (HPP); Ibadan Crusaders of

Freedom; Ijumu Progressive Union (IPU); Ilorin Talaka Parapo; Kalabari

People’s Congress; Kano People’s Party (KPP); Kano State Movement; Lagos

and Colony People’s Congress; Lagos Citizens Rights Protection Council; Lagos

Separate State Movement; League of Northern Yorubas; Mabolaje Party; Middle

Belt Congress of Nigeria; Middle Belt People’s Party; Mid-West Democratic

Front; Mid-West Youth Association; Moslem People’s Party; Movement for

Colonial Freedom; Muslim United Party; National Convention of Nigerian

Citizens (NCNC); National Council for Peace; National Emancipation League;

National Youth Council of Nigeria; National Youth Front; Niger Delta Congress;

Niger Delta Volunteer Service; Nigerian Communist Party; Nigerian Labour

Party; Nigerian Marxist Group in Germany (GDR); Nigerian National Alliance;

Nigerian National Democratic Party; Nigerian National Youth Brigade; Nigerian

People’s Party; Nigerian Socialist Group; Nigerian Workers Liberation

Movement; Nigerian Youth Congress; Northern Elements Freedom Organisation;

Northern Elements Progressive Union; Northern Elements Women Association;



Northern Opposition United Party; Northern People’s Congress; Northern

People’s Congress Youth Association; Northern Progressive Front; Northern

United Party; Northern Youth Movement; Okpara Youth Brigade; Oshun United

Party; Oyo United Party; People’s Front; Progressive People’s Front; Republican

Party; Rivers State Movement; Socialist Labour Party; Socialist Movement of

Nigeria; Socialist Party of Nigeria; Socialist Workers and Farmers Party;

Socialist Youth of Nigeria; Tarka Youth Pioneers; Tiv State Party; United Action

Committee; United Middle Belt Congress; United National Independence Party;

United Progressive Grand Alliance; United National Independence Party; United

Progressive Grand Alliance; Zikist Movement; Zikist National Vanguard

(Mohammed, Aisha & Saidu, 2018).

The First Republic politics was under an arrangement in which the major

political parties were all regionally based, and in addition, there were other

political groups and associations which operated on the basis of ethnicity,

religion, and regions. During the subsequent Second, Third and Fourth

Republics, however, the political parties, which were wholly or in part, created

by the various military regimes (Dudley 1982), were based only on national

character of the Nigerian state, and not on any religious, sectional, ethno-

religious or other affinities.

Second Republic (1979-1983) Political Parties

Great Nigeria People’s Party (GNPP); National Party of Nigeria (NPN); Nigeria

Advanced Party (NAP); People’s Redemption Party (PRP); Unity Party of

Nigeria (UPN) (Mohammed, et al., 2018).

Third Republic Political Parties (1989-1993)

National Republican Convention (NRC); and Socialists Democratic Party (SDP)

(Nwankwo, 1993).

The General Abacha Botched Transition Political Parties, 1998 Committee for National Consensus (CNC); Democratic Party of Nigeria (DPN);

Grassroots; Democratic Movement (GDM); National Centre Party of Nigeria

(NCPN); United Nigeria Congress Party (UNCP) (Mohammed, et al., 2018).

The Transition Political Parties, 1999

All People’s Party (APP); Alliance for Democracy (AD); People’s Democratic

Party (PDP) (Mohammed et al., 2018).

The Nigerian Political Parties, 2015

Accord (A); Action Alliance (AA); Advanced Congress for Democrats (ACD);

Allied Congress Party of Nigeria (ACPN); Alliance for Democracy (AD);

African Democratic Congress (ADC); African People Alliance (APA); All

Progressives Congress (APC); All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA); Citizens

Popular Party (CPP); Democratic People’s Party (DPP); Fresh Democratic Party



(FRESH); Hope Democratic Party (HDP); Independent Democrats (ID); Kowa

Party (KP); Labour Party (LP); Mega Progressive; Peoples Party (MPPP);

National Conscience Party (NCP); New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP); People

for; Democratic Change (PDC); Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM); Peoples

Democratic Party (PDP); Progressive; Peoples Alliance (PPA); Peoples Party of

Nigeria (PPN); Social Democratic Party (SDP); United Democratic Party (UDP);

Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN); United Progressive Party (UPP) (Shehu & Buba,

2016).

The Current Nigerian Political Parties

Accord (A); African Action Congress (AAC); Advance Alliance Party (AAP);

Advance Nigeria Democratic Party (ANDP); Action Alliance (AA); All Blending

Party (ABP); Alliance of Social Democrats (ASD); Alliance for a United Nigeria

(AUN); Advanced Congress of Democrats (ACD); Allied Congress Party of

Nigeria (ACPN); Allied People’s Movement (APM); African Democratic

Congress (ADC); Alliance for Democracy (AD); Alternative Party of Nigeria

(APN); African Democratic Congress (ADP); All Grassroot Alliance (AGA); All

Grand Alliance Party (AGAP); Alliance for New Nigeria (ANN); Abundant

Nigeria Renewal Party (ANRP); African Peoples Alliance (APA); All

Progressives Congress (APC); Advanced Peoples Democratic Alliance (APDA);

All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA); Action Peoples Party (APP); Better

Nigeria Progressive Party (BNPP); Coalition for Change (C4C); Change Nigeria

Party (CNP); Congress of Patriots (COP); Democratic Alternative (DA);

Democratic People’s Congress (DPC); Democratic People’s Party (DPP);

Freedom and Justice Party (FJP); Fresh Democratic Party (FRESH); Grassroots

Development Party of Nigeria (GDPN); Green Party of Nigeria (GPN); Hope

Democratic Party (HDP); Independent Democrats (ID); Justice Must Prevail

Party (JMPP); Kowa Party (KP); Labour Party (LP); Legacy Party of Nigeria

(LPN); Liberation Movement (LM); Mass Action Joint Alliance (MAJA);

Modern Democratic Party (MDP); Masses Movement of Nigeria (MMN); Mega

Progressives People’s Party (MPPP); Movement for Restoration and Defence of

Democracy (MRDD); National Action Council (NAC); National Conscience

Party (NCP); National Democratic Congress Party (NDCP); National Democratic

Liberty Party (NDLP); Nigeria Elements Progressive Party (NEPP); Nigeria

Community Movement Party (NCMP); Nigeria for Democracy (NFD); New

Generation Party of Nigeria (NGP); National Interest Party (NIP); New Nigeria

Peoples Party (NNPP); Nigeria People’s Congress (NPC); New Progressive

Movement (NPM); National Rescue Movement (NRM); National Unity Party

(NUP); Peoples Alliance for National Development and Liberty (PANDEL);

People for Democratic Change (PDC); Peoples Democratic Movement (PDM);

Peoples Democratic Party (PDP); Peoples Progressive Alliance (PPA);

Providence People’s Congress (PPC); Peoples Party of Nigeria (PPN); Peoples

Progressive Party (PPP); Peoples Redemption Party (PRP); Peoples Trust (PT);

Re-Build Nigeria Party (RBNP); Peoples Coalition Party (PCP); Reform and

Advancement Party (RAP); Restoration Party of Nigeria (RP); Save Nigeria



Congress (SNC); Social Democratic Party (SDP); Sustainable National Party

(SNP); Socialist Party of Nigeria (SPN); United Democratic Party (UDP); Unity

Party of Nigeria (UPN); United Progressive Party (UPP); United Patriots (UP);

United People’s Congress (UPC); We the People of Nigeria (WTPN); Yes

Electorates Solidarity (YES); Young Democratic Party (YDP); Young

Progressive Party (YPP); Youth Party (YP); Zenith Labour Party (ZLP)

(Mohammed, et al., 2018; INEC, 2018).

Politicisation and Vulnerabilities of the Constitutional Provisions on Inter-

Party Defections and Cunning Politicians

The Constitution of the Federal republic of Nigeria 1999 has made provisions

with respect to defection from one political party to the other while holding any

political (executive or legislative) offices in Nigeria. These provisions could

however, be categorized into two perspectives of elected executives and elected

legislators. Sections 131[c], 142(1), 177[d], and 187(1) of the 1999 Constitution

of the Federal Republic of Nigeria as amended which altogether provided that a

president and vice-president, governors and deputy governors must prior to their

elections into offices respectively belong to any of the registered Nigerian

political parties and also be sponsored by such parties during their elections into

office. Based however on the defection feud that occurred between President

Obasanjo and Vice-President Atiku Abubakar in 2006, the Constitutional

provisions of Sections 131, 142, 177 and were further interpreted that after due

election into offices of governor and or the executive president, the governor, the

deputy governor or both, and the president, the vice-president or both could

change their defect/from one political party to the other (Mohammed, et al.,

2018). On the other hand, the legislators are only allowed to defect from one

party to another throughout their tenure of 4 years when and if the legislator

defects to another political party as a result of internal division within his/her

political party he/she defected from or there is a merger between his political

party and one or some other parties (Section 68[g] of the 1999 Constitution of the

Federal Republic of Nigeria; (Agudiegwu, Moses Ogbonna & Ezeani, 2015).

The Nigerian courts system operations (characterized by politicization,

corruption, and subversion of justice, the vulnerabilities and lacuna of the

Constitutional provisions on defection and are fully exploited by the Nigerian

politicians who decamp from one party to the other. From the 1962/63 Census

trials between the Federal and the Eastern Regional Government; the Awolowo

and others treason trial of 1962; the Awolowo/UPN and FEDECO/NPN/Shehu

Shagari 1979 election trial; the 1993 MKO Abiola/June, 1993 election and the

Nigerian Federal Military Government/NEC; the 2006 Obasanjo/Federal

Government of Nigeria and Atiku Abubakar/AC defection trial; and the recent

multiple cases of Saraki and Code of Conduct/Panama Papers, etc., Nigerian

politicians have in each of the above cases acquired robust experience in

manipulating the Nigerian courts to suit their political interest, exploit the

vulnerabilities and lacuna in Nigerian laws, and have also become very cunning



in their actions such that they (politicians) go scot free in almost all their cases

against or versus the Nigerian state authorities (Mohammed, et al. 2018; Kurfi,

2004; Shagari, 2001; Clark, 1991; Udo, 1970 and Kirk-Greene, 1971).

Ideal and Realistic Elements of Nigerian Political Parties and Defections

Like other political parties across the world, Nigerian political parties are

charaterised by four elements of organization and administration; membership;

objectives; and resources. Although these elements are universal, the extent to

which they are exists and are optimally explored is determined by the political

system, commitment of state authorities and the determination of the politicians

and the citizens to objectively perform their civic obligations to the state.

Nigerian political parties have membership which cut across the ethno-religious,

socio-cultural and other particularistic affiliations with youth, women, elders, etc.

It is however, prohibited to establish and or operate any political party with any

name, symbol or reflection of any sectional, religious, cultural and or other

symbols that reflect or represent a particular section of the country. All political

parties, their symbols, logo, character and content must reflect national character

of the Nigerian state (Sections 221-221 of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal

Republic of Nigeria). Likewise, the membership and leadership structures,

establishment and maintenance of office of any political party must reflect the

national and heterogeneous character of the Nigerian state (Sections 222b, c & e

of the 1999 Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria).

Nigerian Political parties have and are characterized by possession of resources

with which they consolidate their popularity, seek/canvass for votes and perform

other auxiliary political functions and operations. These resources include but not

limited to popular and influential candidates, rich party donors, large

membership/network of supporters; intelligent think-thank; quality and strength

of researchers/analysts, robust data on political system and strategies; vehicles

and logistics for field operations; number and network of offices, etc.

Political parties also have objectives which include winning elections and

controlling the state machinery; educating the electorates; checking the excesses

of the government; inclusion and participation of citizens in governance; and the

general provisions of Sections 14-24 of the Constitution of the Federal Republic

of Nigeria, 1999.

Political parties also have the element of organizational structure and

administration which establishes it as a formal organization hierarchical

command; chain of effective formal communication; specification of

powers/offices; merit; and tenure limitation. The connection of these elements

makes political parties to formal and procedurally established organizations with

clearly defined objectives and means of achieving them. However, the extent to

which these characters are manifested and worked with is largely dependent on



the interests of the elites/politicians in the Nigerian state who to a large or small

extent control the polity to their personal interests.

Inter-Party Defections, Patron-Clientelism and Intra-Party Conflicts in Nigeria

The Awolowo-Akintola tussle which resulted in the Western Regional crises

(1962-1966) and partly led to the failure of Nigeria’s first post-independence

democratic experiment has been the first manifestation and public show of both

intra-party friction, breakdown of patron-clientelism, and defections/formation of

new political parties in Nigerian politics. It was the first and so far, the deadliest

public show of personality/faction and political supremacy in Nigerian politics,

with a battle for party control, breakdown of patron-client relation and intra party

rancor that altogether led to the break-away from the Action Group (AG) party,

formation of a new political party by Chief Samuel Ladoke Akintola, the

Nigerian National Democratic Party (NNDP), and an alliance with the Northern

People’s Congress (NPC) to form a coalition government at the centre during the

1964 federal elections. Thus, the admission that “the battles between NNDP and

Action Group supporters were the bitterest Nigeria had ever known during the

First Republic” (Richard, 1987:114). That laid the historical foundation of not

only intra-party conflicts and legal battles over control, but also the breaking

away, formation of new party from old ones and pioneer breakdown of patron-

clientelism relations and benefit in Nigerian politics, which is everywhere in the

world, but with more and adverse effect in developing states (Mohammed, et al.,

2018; Draper & Ramsay, 2008; Ojo, 2016; Wilson, 1996).

On May 19, 1962, during a joint meeting of the Mid-West and West Yoruba

Executive Committee, Chief Awolowo accused Akintola of anti-party and

indiscipline acts, and mal-administration. Although Akintola defended himself

from the accusations before Executive Committee, the Committee compelled

Akintola to apologise to Chief Awolowo and resign the post of the Western

Regional premiership. Although he was compelled to apologise to Awolowo,

Akintola on May 20, 1962 called an international press conference during which

he announced his refusal to resign the post as the Western Regional Premier and

also accused Chief Awolowo of plotting a conspiracy to oust him out of power

and the party. Akintola also called on the then Ceremonial Governor of the

Western Region, Sir Adesoji Aderemi to dissolve the Western Regional House of

Assembly. On the contrary however, on May 21, 1962 the Western Regional

House of Assembly dismissed Chief Akintola as the Regional Premier. In his

response, Premier Akintola called on Nigeria’s Federal Prime Minister Tafawa

Balewa to also sack the Governor and thereafter obtained a court order which

restrained the Governor from sacking him as the Western Regional Premier

(Mohammed, et al., 2018; Ojo, 2016; Awolowo, 2003; Awolowo, 1987).

Therefore, between May, 1962 and January, 1966, the Western region was

politically split between the Awolowo and Akintola factions of AG, and then the

new party (NNDP) which resulted from political crisis that rocked the Western

region until January, 1966. The main issues of contention between Chief


Sahel Analyst (AJOM): ISSN 1118- 6224 5

Awolowo and Akintola were those of controlling the AG party machinery, using

public funds to finance the AG party, alliance with the Northern dominant party

(NPC), and participation of the AG in the central government.

The two personalities had different personal and official understanding and

approaches to the realities of the Nigerian political settings, especially with the

imperativeness of working together in a heterogeneous Nigeria. Chief Awolowo

believed in the Yoruba’s primacy of leadership of the central government and

resented any alliance with the Northern dominated political party (NPC), which

he and many other southerners personally considered conservative, aristocratic,

oligarchic, reactionary, imperialist’s mouthpiece, stooge, and weird. Hence,

Awolowo/AG’s refusal to enter into alliance with the NPC in the 1959 elections

and formation of government to which the NCNC under the leadership of Dr.

Azikiwe accepted and thereafter formed an alliance of the NPC/NCNC

government in 1959, while Awolowo remained the Opposition Leader in the

central parliament, Lagos (Ajayi, 2009; Braji, 2014b; Madighi, 2012; Olomojobi,

2013; Aneke, 2007; Nwaezeigwe, 2007; Ojukwu, 1989; Samuel, 2007; Clark,

1991:203; Muffet, 1982:10-12; Ejifor, 1981:7-8; Richard, 1987; Othman, 1984;

Kirk-Greene, 1993; Taribo, 2014). On the contrary and to the displeasure of his

patron and party leader (Awolowo), Chief Akintola who had established a

strategic political bridge with the federal and the Northern politicians and leaders

being a multi-linguist and orator who understood and spoke English, Nupe,

Hausa and Yoruba languages, and thus had a special affinity to and was regarded

as a dignified person in the political North having hail from Ogbomosho, a town

developed by and having large number of Northerners, and was also a trusted

political ally and personal friend to the then Northern Regional Premier, Sir

Ahmadu Bello (Mohammed, 2018; Muffet, 1982). Chief Awolowo considered

the political romance between Akintola and the NPC/Ahmadu Bello/North as a

betrayal and that led to the degeneration of subsequent political events up to the

fall of the First Republic on January 15, 1966. Additionally, there was the

political rivalry between supporters and the two hometowns of the duo -

Awolowo from Ikenne and Akintola from Ogbomosho (Richard, 1987;

Mohammed et al., 2018).

There also occurred at about the same time the silent, but impactful power tussle

between Nnamdi Azikwe and Chief Festus Okotie Eboh (then a top, rich NCNC

and influential Federal Minister of Labour, later Finance and in charge of NCNC

finances) over control of the NCNC party. Okotie Eboh was also responsible for

the success of NPC/NCNC alliance in 1959 and was well placed in the party

finances of NCNC apart from Azikiwe himself and building bridge between

NCNC and the Balewa coalition government/ruling party. Traditionally, the party

was being controlled by Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe, who also financed the party

affairs, but because of Azikwe’s decreasing financial prosperity, influence and

control over the NCNC and the rise and financial prosperity of Okotie Eboh, the

NCNC party saw the emergence of another powerful figure in person of Festus



Okotieh Eboh, who later became Tafawa Balewa’s finance minister and a man

with well-fixed international influence and business connections and prosperity.

The growing influence of Okotie Eboh attracted the attention of both Azikiwe

and some notable NCNC figures, which in the end also nursed the fear of Eboh

replacing Azikiwe as the party leader in view of his growing power, influence

and financial prosperity. Chief Okotie Eboh was assassinated together with the

Federal Prime-Minister Tafawa Balewa in Lagos, and with the Northern and

Western Premiers Ahmadu Bello and Akintola, some top military officers in

Kaduna, Lagos and Ibadan (Mohammed, 2018; Clark, 1991; Paden, 1986;

Muffet, 1982; Mainasara, 1982).

There after Second Republic Aminu Kano/Abubakar Rimi party feud in Kano

where the then serving governor Abubakar Rimi resigned his governorship

position and defected from the then Kano State ruling party People’s Redemption

Party (PRP) which returned him elected in 1979 elections, to the Nigeria

People’s Party (NPP) and contested in the August, 1983 elections, but lost his re-

election bid to a new PRP candidate, Alhaji Sabo Bakin-Zuwo; there was also the

Kaduna State legislative assembly impeachment of Alhaji Abdulkadir Balarabe

Musa in 1981. Musa was the first governor ever to be impeached in Nigeria. His

impeachment was based fundamentally on party (PRP/NPN) differences.

Balarabe Musa was replaced by an NPN candidate (Alhaji Lawal Kaita) in the

August, 1983 general elections as the executive governor of Kaduna state.

The Fourth Republic (from 1999), represents the peak epoch of intra party

conflicts, legal battles, camps and factions, especially within the former ruling

party (PDP), legal/electoral battles in various courts across the Federation of

Nigeria. The Third Republic scenario of defections stated in 2006 when the

former vice-president Atiku Abubakar fell out of political wedlock with the

Executive President, defected from the ruling party and established a new

political – Action Congress (AC) after winning a grand political and legal battle

with president Olusegun Obasanjo at the Supreme Court. Then followed by

defections of legislator’s from across the many political parties into the then

ruling party (PDP). Similarly, there have been the breakdown of patron-

clientelism relations, intra-party squabbles and defections of Lamidi Adedibu and

governor Rasheed Ladoja in Oyo State; governors Isa Yuguda of Bauchi State,

Senator Ali Madu Sharif, Murtala Nyako, Malam Ibrahim Shekarau, Mahmud

Shinkafi of Zamfara State, Samuel Ortom of Benue State, Waziri Tambuwal of

Sokoto State, the Senate President Bukola Saraki, the Senate Minority Leader

Godswill Akpabio, the Deputy Governor of Kano State Prof. Hafizu Abubakar,

dozens of national state assemblies legislators, among others. However, in the

recent developments, which also complicate the character of Nigeria’s political

culture, socialization and orientation on one hand, the ratio of the defections is

shared among the political parties, including the leading opposition and some few

others.



Literature Review/Conceptualization

Political party according to Colomer (2005), is a group of persons who are

organized in order to acquire and exercise political power. This depicts that a

political party is a group of people who come together to contest elections and

hold power in the government. Political parties in themselves comprise of

divergent views and preferences, and these give rise to camps, factions and

caucuses in most political parties (Kölln & Polk, 2017). Members of parties,

however, despite their agreement on some proposed policies and programmes,

with a common view of promoting the collective good of its members as well as

advancing their supporters' demands interests. Political parties are thus

established with many intents and the key include contesting and winning

elections, educating the citizens/supporters, recruiting and training leaders,

keeping watch on the government and its conducts, and provision of different and

alternative public policies (Shehu & Buba, 2016).There are also different

strategies and mechanisms by which the members and the party can achieve their

other major objectives, apart from contesting and winning elections. With time,

dynamism and developments, it is politically expedient and right, depending on

circumstances, for members of a party or politicians to defect from one political

party to another, although this very rare in developed democracies or where there

are clear cut political ideologies of the operating parties in a political system.

This defection is however, determined to some extent by the system of

government in operation such as Parliamentary with strict party discipline and or

the Presidential system with loose party discipline.

Historically, Nigerian politics, political party’s establishment and operations have

largely rotated around individuals/godfathers/patron-clientelism, rather than

establishment and development of party institution. The operations, principles,

ideologies, manifestoes and programmes of the parties revolve around and are

determined more by the personalities/patron-client interests, rather than the

ideology and principles of the party’s operations (Oji, 1982). As a result of this

character, inter-party defection is a normal trend in the politics as individuals

seek a convenient avenue to hatch their personal plans in respect of the state

political and economic powers, control and consolidation. This made Aleyomi

(2013), to also assert that the issue of party defection is becoming rampant in

African states, particularly Nigeria and such defection cuts across all the three

tiers of government. This trend is in a context of most of the politician’s quests

for power, recognition, money, security, self-esteem or self-preservation rather

than the greater desires to serve the Nigerian state and citizens. Similarly, a vast

number of these defectors are unfaithful to their respective parties and

constituencies, thus flocking from one party to another in search for convenience

to achieve their interests.

Therefore, defection/cross-carpeting, in politics is not a new development, but

determined by the nature and character of parties establishment, the environment

in which they operate, political culture, socialization and orientation. There are



several and varied rationales for defection/cross-carpeting in politics. With that,

defection from one political party to another occurs because of the declining

fortunes of the political party caused by intra-party leadership crisis, and inability

to observe internal democratic principles, camps/factional crisis, imposition of

candidates, etc. Lack of collaboration between interest groups and political

parties in Nigeria and other developing democracies is identified as a major

factor influencing defections since the parties have insignificant relations and

connections with the interest and civil society groups (Otjes & Rasmussen,

2017). Similarly, political parties also merge with one another, especially those in

opposition in order to challenge either a strong or a ruling party in the wake of

elections. Prior to the formal registration of the All Progressives Congress

(APC), numerous explanations were given by the defunct ACN, CPC, ANPP,

and APGA to unite and form a strong single party to face the then ruling party,

PDP.

However, for the politics of many developing democracies such as Nigeria,

merger of different political parties and the defections from one party to another

would not yield any positive results towards the development of the party, nation,

and its citizens. This as they maintained is because those who engage in such

merger and defections from one party to another are either desperate in their

parties or plan to upsurge their opportunities of winning election, but have

neither concern nor connection with any state/societal development, and merging

political parties into one, especially in developing states, has not always been in

the interest of public, but of some few people and for their personal interests.

Findings

From the data, Nigerian politicians intensify their inter-party defections, intra-

party frictions also escalate, and the political parties’ and politicians trade for

convenience and promising parties/candidates in the political market. Inter-party

defections in Nigeria reach highest point on the eve of elections. Most of these

defectors are neither responsible nor responsive to the yearnings of the electorate

and the Nigerian national interest, but their access to, consolidation of political

and economic powers of the state as well as expropriation of public resources.

Defecting politicians seek not only accommodation, but also relevance and

vacancies in other political parties with which they calculate their next fortunes

during elections. It is clear in all the intra-party conflicts and inter-party

defections in Nigeria are not limited a single politician has shown an express

concern about the current security challenges and provision of social amenities in

his or her constituency, local, state, and or the federation. This depicts the

politicians’ primary concern and interest in electoral victory, continued political

accommodation and relevance, and control over public resources.

The data has also found that Nigerian politicians only recycle themselves from

one intra-party camp and one political party to the other, depending on political

expediency, political reconfigurations and changing circumstance. Most of the



Nigerian politicians are therefore, through the inter-party defections able to not

only survive, but also continue to manipulate the Nigerian political system and

landscape as the ‘old wine in new bottles’. An array of the former presidents,

governors, ministers, etc., is all the same politicians’ re-grouping under different,

but same shades to continue the usual business of prebendal politics (Joseph,

1987). Presidents Ibrahim Babangida, Olusegun Obasanjo, Atiku Abubakar,

Muhammadu Buhari, Goodluck Jonathan, Namadi Sambo, as well many former

governors, ministers are the same politicians roaming the various political

parties.

The vulnerability of the Nigerian constitution such as Sections 68(1[g]), (2) and

109 (1[g]), as well as some lacuna in the reference cases on legislators’

defections have also fueled the defection syndrome, while the politicized and

corrupt nature of the Nigerian judiciary as characterized of bribery, delay in

decisions, inconsistency in verdicts and interpretations are being fully exploited

by the defecting politicians. The nature of establishment of operations and

character of the Nigerian political parties is generally weak, incoherent, non-

ideological and skewed towards only wining election and control of political and

economic powers of the state. This is at the expense of other strategic functions

of political parties in a stable and enduring democratic setting. The Nigerian

political parties are neither strong nor ideological in content and character. Any

political and party sytem without strong and ideological political parties can

hardly achieve the objectives of democracy (Okonkwo & Unaji, 2016), Likewise

political and civil society organisations are an essential feature and ingredient of

democracy and the harmony of functions between political parties, political and

civil society is vital to effective functioning of democracy. There is also poor

check by the political and civil societies organisations on Nigerian political

parties.

These parties incoherence, non-ideological character and content renders the

politician loose and they become engineered and motivated by several factors

which include personal desire to acquire, protect and consolidate powers, offices

and political interests, the blind and rational effects of patron-clientelism politics;

poor/non-observance of internal democratic principles within the political parties;

absence of coherent membership, clear ideology and original manifestoes making

and implementation; excessive influence of money in Nigerian politics; gross

abuse and exploitation of the vulnerabilities of constitutional provisions on

establishment of political parties and defection/cross-carpeting, and poor civic

education (Aniche, 2018; Hamalai, Egwu & Omotola, 2017; Levan, Page & Ha,

2018; Saka & Amusan, 2018; Adebisi, 2018; Okunloye, 2018; Abramowitz &

Repucci, 2018). In all, Nigerian politicians have assumed the full character of

what Rodee (1980) and Richard (1987) described as ‘machine candidates’,

‘machine parties’ in and ‘machine politics’ where the politicians use the politics

and parties as machines to achieve their selfish interests of seeking, acquisition,



protection and consolidation of state political and economic powers for

‘prebendal politics’.

Conclusion

This study explored the politics of inter-party defections in Nigeria at a critical

period in Nigeria’s political history when defection has become fashion trend

among politicians who recycle themselves from one party to the other as old

wine in new bottles. This they do at the detriment of the Nigerian state and

political system. It is also neither done in the interest of the electorates/party

supporters nor do they benefit in whatsoever way from it. This poses a negative

threat on the Nigerian political culture, socialization and orientation. In ideal

politics and situations, there is nothing wrong with politicians defecting from one

political party to another (although rarely done in coherent and ideologically

based political system), but the motives behind such defection matter more than

anything and it is such motives that depict the future of a state’s political future,

extent of political culture, socialization and orientation.

The current trend of inter-party defections is not only a threat to Nigerian

political culture, orientation and socialization, but also to the Nigerian legal

system since there are glaring abuses, confusion, manipulation and widening gap

in the constitutional interpretation and adherence with provisions on inter-party

defections among Nigerian politician, particularly the legislators at the federal

and states levels, who have now established a political market for inter-party

defections based on personal interests hinged on flimsy political excuses.

Recommendations

- There should be strict enforcement/compliance with the provisions of section

68 of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 in respect of

legislators’ incessant and unconstitutional inter-party defections.

- INEC should rise up to the challenges of establishment, registration, de-

registration, regulation, and financial and administrative control on political

parties as contained in Sections 221-229 of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999

and the Electoral Act (Amended), 2015.

- The Nigerian state authorities should through the Attorney-General of the

Federation seek clear judicial interpretations on the sections of the Nigerian

constitution dealing with issues of defection of politicians.

- Political parties themselves should each develop coherent, ideological and

value oriented manifestoes and internal by-laws to check the excesses of

roaming politicians.

- The national political culture, orientation and socialization should be

enhanced by the Nigerian state authorities, educational and religious

institutions.

- Political parties should put more emphasis on observance of internal

democratic principles to reduce the frequency of conflicts and intra-party

frictions.



- Both the Nigerian state authorities and the political parties’ leadership should

check the excessive usage of money in the political environment and reduce

such to the minimum and necessary level.

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