FROM THE STATES: MIZORAM

Economic & Political Weekly EPW December 29, 2012 vol xlvII no 52 23

N William Singh (williamsnongmaithem06@gmail.com) teaches sociology at Pachhunga University College in Aizawl, Mizoram.

Politics of Divine Edict and Reverse Secularism

N William Singh

Mizoram’s churches promise to correct and guide the political culture of the state, a trend that challenges the universal understanding of secularism.While the church is closely aligned with the state, the concept of separation of state and religion is practised differently. In this scenario, reverse secularism dictates political idioms and social affairs in Mizoram.

Churches in Mizoram don both political and religious colours. Like chameleons, they step out of

the religious domain and intermingle with the political affairs of Mizoram. Indeed, the Mizo churches promise to correct and guide the political culture of the state, a trend that challenges the universal understanding of secularism. This phenomenon is reminiscent of the church’s role in 18th century Europe when religious doctrine got mixed up with political administration.

The Northeast Today (TNT) magazine on 22 August 2012 reported:

In view of the assembly election due in early next year, Mizoram Peoples’ Forum (MPF), the church sponsored election surveillance in Mizoram has signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) with major political parties in Mizoram so that free and fair elec-tions could be held...As many as 27 points have been made today for the political parties to abide by. Among the 27 points, one is that the political parties should only make an election manifesto which they can implement. If any political party violates any one of the 27 points, the MPF will ‘invalid’ that party.1

Genesis of MPF

The Mizoram People Forum (MPF) was an initiative of the Mizoram Presbyte-rian Church.2 After a series of consulta-tions, various denominations of the church in Mizoram and prominent non-governmental organisations (NGOs) like Young Mizo Association (YMA) estab-lished MPF on 20 June 2006. The presi-dent of MPF was, and will always be, the Presbyterian Church’s Synod modera-tor.3 MPF is a non-governmental and non-political organisation established under the Societies Registration Act, 1860. MPF was established to ensure good governance, peace/harmony, sustain-able socio-economic development and democratic freedom in Mizoram.

The aims and objectives of MPF can be summed up as: (1) The foremost aim of MPF is to clean up the election process in Mizoram; it strives for clean, free and fair election where legitimate citizens may exercise their franchise without fear or favour. (2) MPF strives for good govern-ance in Mizoram, including coordination with the state government and involving itself in the state’s developmental process, which includes participatory planning. MPF demands:

only citizens of India should cast their votes; no political party should drop voters to their polling stations by means of a v ehicle; MPF will check whether any one indulges in demanding money to candidates and to political parties; house to house cam-paign is allowed till 10 days before the elec-tion; ‘selling and buying’ of votes are strictly prohibited and no candidate should distrib-ute some material like Silpaulin, Jersey, foot-ball, mobile handset, government schemes, etc; no protest rally should be organised 10 days before the election; a fi xed number of banners, fl ags, posters are to be used by political parties.

MPF claims that due to the untiring effort of the churches, voluntary organisations and civil society, the electoral process and political condition of Mizoram is one of the best in country. Indeed, MPF has been honoured and recognised by the Election Commission of India (ECI).

However despite MPF’s claims, the election processes within Mizoram have deteriorated. A comparison of spending patterns in the 1993 and 2003 Mizoram legislative elections shows that election expenditure has increased manifold and there have been many incidents that are detrimental to peace and stabil-ity of Mizoram. This trend has bred undesired and unwanted after-effects, including corruption, uneven develop-ment, increas ing gap between the rich and poor, and so on.

During the 2008 Mizoram legislative assembly elections, MPF claims to have scrutinised spending that curbed pro-duction and display of posters and hoardings and the use of the media by candidates of all political parties. But this led to serious questions being raised about the power wielded by MPF and the ECI. However, MPF was successful in

FROM THE STATES: MIZORAM

December 29, 2012 vol xlvII no 52 EPW Economic & Political Weekly24

p reventing candidates from organising big feasts to woo voters.

Before MPF came into existence, the Mizo churches played an infl uential role in the electoral process. In his 2009 book Evangelical Christianity and Demo-cracy in Asia (Oxrod, New York), David Halloran Lumdain mentions that though the church does not fi eld candidates in election, it carries out a range of politi-cal activities.

(The) church doesn’t mention names of parti cular political candidate but highlights what kind of people are trustworthy and can have a government relationship with church and society. Church in Mizoram therefore gives Mizo citizen a guide as to elect res-ponsible leaders. Rev Zaihmingthanga, ex-secretary to Mizoram Presbyterian council mentioned – ‘we normally issue pamphlets on the eve of elections encouraging people to cast their votes and utilise franchise responsibly’ (Lumdain 2009: 267).

The relationship between the church and lay believers is worth special mention. The loyalty of the Mizo people to the diktats of the church refl ects an unbreak-able patron-client relationship; it is so strong that it cannot be easily destroyed or criticised.

MPF and ECI

The church’s ban of door-to-door cam-paigning during election has drawn the attention of ECI. The then union law minister Veerappa Moily perceived the role of church as an effective measure to curb malpractices in the poll pro-cess. Then chief election commissioner (CEC) S Y Quraishi praised the role of Mizo churches for banning door-to-door campaigning in the run-up to the elec-tion and curbing corruption to a signi-fi cant extent and promised to incorpo-rate Mizoram’s model elsewhere in the country.4

Special Status

The application of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution, which empowers the governor to determine the administra-tive areas of the councils, in some pock-ets of Mizoram and waiver of income tax to scheduled tribes under Section 10(26) of the Income Tax Act, 1961 has given rise to a unique phenomenon. While Mizos do not pay income tax to

the state, within Mizoram they pay taxes to the church based on Biblical under-standing of tithes and offerings, which directs individuals to contribute one-tenth of their income in the name of god for the welfare of the church.

Reverence towards the church re mains strong in Mizoram and the church’s authority has never been questioned in Mizoram since the evangelisation of Mizo society in 1903. Indeed, so revered is its role that the church functions like a state within a state. Not surprisingly, the church, which should remain confi ned to matters pertaining to religion, often intrudes into Mizoram’s institutional and political sphere. So while criticism of the church is absent in Mizoram, the state government is criticised on issues like corruption, price rise, rising in equality between rich and poor, etc.

Honest Broker

Historically, the church in Mizoram has been an effective mediator and often helps in softening and cooling down confl ict before attempting to resolve it. The history of the church in Mizoram reveals that during the time of the Mizo insurgency, the fi rst effort to broker peace came from the church. Rev Zair-ema took the initiative in 1968 to broker a peaceful settlement between the Mizo National Front (MNF) and the Govern-ment of India. A Peace Mission was formed by the Presbyterian and Baptist church committees to persuade MNF leaders to give up violence and to per-suade the union government to accom-modate important demands within framework of the Constitution of India. This mission failed due to the uncom-promising attitude of the MNF leader-ship under Laldenga.

In February 1968, Rev Zairema made another attempt to persuade Laldenga to commence peace negotiations with the government. Another attempt to restore peace was initiated by the then chief minister Pu Ch Chhunga on 12 November 1974 along with the church, political par-ties, YMA and the Human Rights Com-mittee under Brig T Sailo. The Mizo Peace Advisory Body resolved to work for peace and security in Mizoram and to abjure violence.

In 1997, the Synod succeeded in intro-ducing prohibition in the state with the passing of the Mizoram Liquor Total Pro-hibition (MLTP) Act. Critics opined that prohibition in the state had failed and only succeeded in giving a fi llip to bootlegging, resulting in fatalities and increased prices of smuggled liquor.

Reverse Secularism

Secularism in Mizoram is not secularism in the normal sense of the word. In Mizoram, religion, especially the church, is closely aligned with the state. Indeed, the concept of separation of state and religion is practised differently. Reverse secularism in Mizoram dictates political idioms and social affairs in Mizoram. Political institutions within Mizo society cannot be separated from the Synod and MPF control. “Separation of church and state” is a far cry within Mizo society. Electoral procedures and democratic showdowns confi ned within MPF’s “divine edicts” ensure that Mizoram’s adminis-tration never question the authority of the church.

Notes

1 Short URL: http://tntmagazine.in/?p=76992 Christians constitute 87% of Mizoram’s popu-

lation, with a large majority among them belonging to Protestant denominations. The four major churches of Mizoram are the Presbyterian Church, Baptist Church of Mizoram, Roman Catholic Church and the Salvation Army. Smaller denominations include the United Pentecostal Church, Seventh-day Adventist Church, Koh-hran Thianghlim, Lairam Jesus Christ Baptist Church (LIKBK), Evangelical Church of Mara-land, Independent Church of India (ICI) and Evangelical Free Church of India (EFCI). The Presbyterian Church, by far the largest with nearly two-thirds of Mizo Christians as its members, wields considerable infl uence in both religious and temporal affairs.

3 Synod is the administrative body of Presbyte-rian church of India. Synod headquarter is at Aizawl, is the highest decision-making body of Presbyterian church with considerable infl uence. Financial operation, personnel (including selec-tion of missionaries), administration, manage-ment and operation of Presbyterian church are directly or indirectly controlled by Synod headquarters.

4 Times of India, 16 June 2011 Guwahati edition.

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