Political Interaction across the Taiwan Strait Week 6.
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Transcript of Political Interaction across the Taiwan Strait Week 6.
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Political Interaction across the Taiwan Strait
Week 6
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Outline
• Introduction• Lee Teng-hui’s Policy to the Mainland• Chen Shui-bian’s Mainland Policy• Ma Ying-jeou’s Mainland Policy• Hu’s Six Points: A Framework of peaceful
development
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1. Introduction
• Political transition in Taiwan has led to the redefining of the legitimacy of KMT regime in Taiwan
• From military and political
retaking of the mainland to
retaking the mainland
by ideology
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1. Introduction
• Secret messengers between the two sides in mid-1980s
• Decreasing demand for sovereignty over the mainland
• Different strategies in gaining maximal votes • Continuing opening for visitors to the
mainland• Su Chi-cheng: a special messenger for Lee
Teng-hui
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2. Lee Teng-hui’s Policy to the Mainland
A、Weakening the one-China principle– To end the period of “mobilization and
pacifying the rebellion”( 1991)– Three stages in National Unification Guideline
1)Exchange of reciprocity
2)Mutual trust and cooperation
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1、Weakening the One-China Principle
3) Negotiating on unification • Economic liberalization • Social pluralization (pluralism)• Political democratization• Cultural Sinonization (Chinese cultural in Taiwan)
–“one country, two governments”–temporary two Chinas leading to one China in the future( 1993)–One country , two equivalent entities
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1、Weakening the One-China Principle
– “Independence first, Unification later”• Unification: saying without doing (lip service)• Independence: doing without saying
• Pragmatic diplomacy– cross-recognition by other countries, dual
representation in international organizations
• Lee’s 1995 U.S. trips (product of elections)– First cross-Strait crisis
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1、Weakening the One-China Principle
• Special state-to-state relations with the mainland ( 1999)– Diplomatic isolation and sentimental
expression, frustration– Bombing of Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia– Wang Daohan’s forthcoming trip to Taiwan– American pressure on Taipei for reaching
interim agreements with the mainland
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Changing Identity among Taiwanese People (1)
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Changing Identity among Taiwanese People (2)
05
1015202530354045 No
opin-ionChi-neseBothTai-wanese
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B. Avoiding Political Talks
• Lee’s Six Points( 1995.4.8)– Condition for cross-strait talks on ending
hostilities: Beijing giving up military means against Taiwan
– More concern about Taiwan’s International space
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B. Avoiding Political Talks
• Lee’s inauguration speech( 1996.5.20)– “China in twenty century is a suffering
country”– Separated government across the strait as a
matter of fact– Pursuing national unification as a matter of
fact too– Promoting pragmatic diplomacy– “visiting the Chinese mainland and engaging
with peace trips”
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B. Avoiding Political Talks
• KU Chenfu’s “ice-breaking trip” ( 1998)• The beginning of political dialogue• From separated government to unification• No recognition, no denial( Su Chi)• Preparing and announcing “two-state thesis”• Coming back to “one China, respective
expression”• “We simply don’t want to talk with mainland too
quickly”(Wu Anchia)
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C.Limiting Civil Exchange
• “unilateral, indirectly, civil”• Reducing “Mainland Fever,”“Be patient
and self-restraint,”“Walking stably and going far away”
• Pressure from business circle• Opposition from the New Party and
“Formosa faction” led by Hsu Hsin-liang
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3. Chen Shui-bian’s Mainland Policy
A.Mainland policy in Chen’s early term– Victory remarks on March 18( the Chinese
mainland)– One China can be an issue , but not
precondition– “Four Nos”– To handle together “the issue of one China in
the future( issue vs. problem)– Not accepting “92 consensus”
• agree to disagee
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A. Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• Unification is not the only option for Taiwan( Chen Shuibian)
• Taiwan does not exclude the possibility of unifying with the mainland in the future
• If Taiwan“totally denial the possibility of unification, China will bother Taiwan forever, there would be no peace in the Taiwan Strait
• “Taiwan can give up part of sovereignty to exchange for long peace, as long as the political arrangement proposed by the mainland is reasonable and acceptable”
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A.Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• From independence as an ideal to independence as a tool, to unification as a tool”
• “From economic and cultural integration, to gradually build up mutual trust, and then seek long peace and a framework for political integration”( New Year speech, Chen Shui-bian, 2001)
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A. Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• Meaning of integration, independence within unification, unification within independence
• Since the two sides cannot be unified now, they should move to share rights and obligation( Yan Chian-fa)
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A. Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• Chai Ing-wen: political integration could mean direction, process or goal; integration does not exclude the 3 options: unification, independence or maintaining the status quo.
• Lee Teng-hui’s mainland policy: independence first, unification later
• DPP’s policy: independence first, deciding on other options later
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A. Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• Chen’s policy was more confrontational to the mainland than KMT on three perspectives
• KMT recognizes 92 consensus (one China, different interpretation, though). DPP’s reject one China framework, however ambiguous. For Chen, one China is a discussable issue, but not a precondition for reopening strait talks
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A. Mainland policy in Chen’s early term
• KMT regards people on the island as both Chinese and Taiwanese. DPP regards them as Taiwanese, or cultural Chinese at the best.
• KMT regards unification as the final goal, however remote, DPP considers it as an option only.
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B. From “one country on each side” to referenda on Entering UN
• DPP’s Anti-Tide behavior– “China up”– Taiwan Down– Getting benefits
from chaos– Tail wags the dog– Either talks or independence– Going on street
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B. From “one country on each side” to referenda on Entering UN
• Referenda vs. representative democracyre• Referenda as a tool to maximize votes on
the part of DPP• Avoiding political obligation• Shifting burden to the public
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4. Ma Ying-jeou’s Mainland Policy
• No unification, no independence, no war
• Accepting the 92 consensus– Both sides belong to one China (weak
principle)– Both sides strive for China’s reunification
(strong principle)• Not a state-to-state relationship
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4. Ma Ying-jeou’s Mainland Policy
• promoting economic and cultural exchanges (first step)
• Conciliation and No fighting (next step)– CBMs and surviving diplomacy
• Value congruence in the future – China’s movement to freedom, democracy,
and prosperity can create historical conditions favorable to peaceful development of cross-Strait relations
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4. Ma Ying-jeou’s Mainland Policy
• Competition on the issue of core values – The key for finally resolving the cross-Strait
issue is not sovereign dispute, but living style and the core value (Taiwan spirit: kindness, integrity, diligence, honesty, compromise, progressiveness)
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5. Hu’s Six PointsA Framework of peaceful development
• Both sides belong to one China as the base for building political mutual trust– Political relations redefine– Reunification is not a recreation of
sovereignty and territory, but ending the political confrontation between the two sides, a legacy of the Chinese civil war
• Advancing Economic Cooperation– Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement
(ECFA)
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5. Hu’s Six PointsA Road Map for peaceful development
• Promoting Cultural and educational exchange – the main task of 2009
• To strengthen two-way visits of people and expand exchanges in various sphere– Engaging with Democratic Progressive
Party (DPP) members
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5. Hu’s Six PointsA Road Map for peaceful development
• Not wasting diplomatic resource in the international arena
• Ending hostility and reach a peace agreement– Military exchange and CBMs