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Tessa Doulkeria; Nikolaos Panagiotouaba Department of Journalism and Mass Communication, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, b

Department of Public Relations & Communication, Technological Educational Institution (TEI) ofWestern Macedonia,

Doulkeri, Tessa and Panagiotou, Nikolaos(2005) 'Political Advertising in Greek Municipal andPrefecture Elections of 2002', Journal of Political Marketing, 4: 1, 17 31

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ACADEMIC ARTICLES

Political Advertising in Greek Municipal

and Prefecture Elections of 2002:

The Cases of Thessaloniki and Kastoria

Tessa Doulkeri

Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece

Nikolaos Panagiotou

Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Greece,

and Technological Educational Institution (TEI) of Western Macedonia

ABSTRACT. Since the restoration of democracy in 1974, Greek poli-

tics have undergone a serious transformation, exemplified by the in-

TessaDoulkeri is Associate Professor, Department of Journalism and MassCommuni-

cation,AristotleUniversityof Thessaloniki.Shehaspublished booksandarticleson Greektelevision,advertisingandcommunication, gender andmassmedia, childrenandmassme-

dia (E-mail: [email protected]).Nikolaos Panagiotou is a PhD candidate in the Department of Journalism and Mass

Communication of Aristotle Universityof Thessaloniki and a Research Associate, De-

partment of Public Relations & Communication, Technological Educational Institu-tion (TEI) of Western Macedonia. He holds an MA in international conflict analysis

from the University of Kent at Canterbury. He has been a Chevening Scholar of theForeign and Commonwealth Office UK, and he has taken part in numerous research

projects (E-mail: [email protected]).

Journal of Political Marketing, Vol. 4(1) 2005http://www.haworthpress.com/web/JPOLM

2005 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.Digital Object Identifier: 10.1300/J199v04n01_02 17


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crease in political participation that strongly affected political advertising

at the national and local level. The major claim of the paper is that politi-

cal campaigns in major cities in Greece are modern while in the pe-

riphery of the country political campaigning is based more upon direct

forms of interpersonal relations. Ourclaim is based upon an examination

of the role of political advertising in the major metropolitan city of

Thessaloniki (around 1.000.000 inhabitants), and the semi-peripheral

city of Kastoria (around 17.000 inhabitants), both situated in Northern

Greece. The primary objective of this study is to establish a strong fac-

tual foundation that can be used by policy makers, opinion leaders, and

citizens in order to understand the role of political advertising in national

and municipal elections in Greece. [Article copies available for a fee fromThe Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: Website: 2005 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.]

KEYWORDS.Political advertising, pre-modern campaign, modern po-

litical campaign, Greek local elections

INTRODUCTION

Political and commercial advertisement is a part of the communica-tion procedure, which disseminates specific messages to an audience,

known as the target group. This procedure is best described and ap-proached by communication models such as the uses and gratificationsmodel (Lazar J. 1991; McQuail D. 1994). Political advertisement is partof the political campaign, while communication techniques applied byproduct marketing are used (Newman B. 1999: 36-38). Voters areloathe to support unknown candidates (Alvarez & Franklin 1994; Bartels1986; Westyle 1991) and, in that sense, information is a precious cam-paign commodity. Typically, to be known is to be liked and campaignsgenerate large quantitiesof knows to potentialvoters. Political adver-tisement aims at civic engagement, meaning learning about public af-fairs, trust in political parties and political activism (Fletcher, Ross, andSchweitzer 2002). It is through the use mainly of political advertisingthat candidates distribute their message and gain a symbolic domination

of the election agenda.In the last Greek municipal and prefecture electionsof 2002, political

marketing techniques were often used, especially political advertise-

18 JOURNAL OF POLITICAL MARKETING


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ment that has become the dominant method of political communication.As Mills states, the most expensive one, perhaps the most precise oneand the only one over which the parties have complete control (1986:132). Greek politics is undergoing a transformation because of majortechnological, economic, demographic, cultural, and political changes(Zaharopoulos and Paraschos 1993; Yannas P. 2002). Although in na-tional elections TV holds a central role in political advertising, espe-cially after the launch of private-owned TV stations fifteen years ago,its role is less important compared to the role of the press, especially inthe periphery of Greece during municipal elections (Doulkeri 2001;Leandros 2000). Taking this into account, the paper examines onlynewspapers, since they have a central role in political advertisement

(Doulkeri 2003).The paper intends to underscore the importance of political market-ing in the Greek prefecture and municipal elections by contrasting ad-vertisements of a major metropolitan city, Thessaloniki (1.000.000inhabitants), to a semi-peripheral city, Kastoria (17.000 habitants), bothlocated in Northern Greece.

METHODOLOGY

Analysis is conducted on the micro and the macro level. As far as themicro analysis is concerned, the research focuses upon political adver-tisement as it appeared on a selection of Greek newspapers during the

peak of the municipal and prefecture campaigns in Thessaloniki andKastoria during the months of September and October 2002.1 Two hun-dred political advertisements that describe the electoral contests in thecities of Thessaloniki and of Kastoria were examined. The selectionwas based on representation of ideological positions across the politicalspectrum and on circulation figures of the newspapers under examina-tion. The research, it must be stressed, involves qualitative analysis ofpolitical advertising from a selection of newspapers. (Berelson 1952;Harris P., Lock A.R., and Roberts J. 1999; Kellner D. 1995). Quantita-tive analysis of political advertising will be performed on the whole setof advertisements indicating the way it is perceived and interpreted bythe public. Additionally, textual analysis as a methodological tool isalso applied to the political advertising of the two cities (Fields E. 1988;

Altheide D. 1991; Teo 2000). Textual analysis focuses upon the studyof words used in political advertisement, since words constitute formsof representations in which different social categories, different social

Academic Articles 19


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practices and relations are constructed from and in the interests of a par-ticular point of view, a particular conception of social reality (DeaconD., Pickering M., Golding P., and Murdock G. 1999: 146).

The macro analysis, on the other hand, aims to conceptualize the roleof political advertising in the municipal and prefecture elections withinthe broader framework of Political Marketing using P. Norriss (2000:226-228) categorization of campaigns into pre-modern, modern, andpost-modern campaigns. In pre-modern campaigns, campaign organiza-tions rely upon direct forms of interpersonal communications, the pressacts as core intermediary between parties, and the public and the elector-ate is anchored by strong party loyalties. In modern campaigns, party or-ganizations are coordinated more closely at the central level. In the news

media, national television becomes the principle forum of campaignevents, supplementing other media. The electorate becomes increasinglyde-coupled from party and group loyalties. Finally, post- modern cam-paigns are understood as those where professional consultants on adver-tising and marketing become more co-equal actors with politicians, asthey assume a more influential role within the campaign as well as coor-dinating local activity more tightly at the grassroots (2000: 228).

THESSALONIKI ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN 2002

Thessaloniki is the second largest city of Greece with approximately 1million inhabitants. The city, located in Northern Greece, is the home of

major industries and with its port andother infrastructure facilities it aspiresto become the major economic center of the Balkans. The city also hostsmany European Union (EU) organizations (such as European Agency forReconstruction and the European Center for the Development of Voca-tional Training). Additionally, Black Sea Trade Bank, an international fi-nancial institution, also operates in Thessaloniki. The political outlook ofthe city is conservative, as evidenced by the electoral dominance of theNew Democracycenter-rightparty in the2000 and2004 nationalelections.Mass media role during elections is more important than in Kastoria, whilepolitical advertising is more professionalized. Differences and magnitudeare also reflected in theuseof themedia. Medias significance in thepoliti-cal campaign of Thessaloniki can also be established by the fact that candi-dates who attract mass media attention acquire name recognition quickly,

and also gain a high percentage of the votes.Bearing that in mind, the content analysis of political advertising in

the press reveals the following ten characteristics:



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1. Concerning gender, the presentation of males (70%) is three timeshigher than the corresponding for females (30%) (Figure 1). Thisdifferential percentage reflects the larger share of representationmales enjoy in the candidate lists. The participation of females inthe candidates lists continues to be closer to the minimum per-centage (30%) imposed by a recently introduced system of quotas(Article 75, Law 2591 of May 2001).

2. The participation of candidates representing ethnic and culturalminorities is only 2% of the candidates (Figure 2). Parties featurethem in political advertisements in order to underscore the multi-cultural character of Thessaloniki.

3. The language in the candidates electoral leaflets, included only in

Thessalonikis newspapers, castigates capitals insensitivity tothe citys problems. The language is intense, characterized by lo-calism as it expresses a general feeling of dissatisfaction of thelocal population with the political and economic dominance ofAthens (. . . fights for the rights of Thessaloniki, etc.). It ex-presses a permanent feeling of injustice regarding the slow pace ofdevelopment in Northern Greece. This issue-oriented tactic aimsto exploit the strong feelings of localism that exist amongthe elec-torate.

4. The place of origin of the candidate is an element that is being pro-moted and emphasized since 75% of the candidates were born inThessaloniki (Figure 3). This elementaffects the way that candidatesconstruct their messages. Those who were born in Thessaloniki em-

phasize the place of birth, whereas the rest stress that they have beenliving in the city for years, implying they possess a firsthand experi-ence of the citys problems.

5. Age is a dominant element in political advertisement. The candi-dates are presented in political advertisements in such a way as tolook young. Often the adjective young is emphasized, whichgives an aura of freshness and dynamism to the candidate and tothe modern views that s/he holds. However, in contrast to what ispromoted through political advertising, only 37% of the candi-dates were under the age of 40 while 63% were over 40 years ofage (Figure 4).

6. The educational background of the candidates is another factorpromoted through political advertising since it is considered to be

a very important asset of the candidate. Especially, 57% of thecandidates with a university background (Figure 5) highlight thistrait in their political advertisement.



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7. The use of negative advertising, especially in Thessalonikis pre-fecture elections, was intense, amounting to 49% (Figure 6). Al-though at the beginning of the campaign candidates used issue orimage advertisements to establish their positive image, during thelast phase of the election campaign negative advertisements wereused in order to attack the opponent. Negative advertising inThessaloniki is employed in order to enforce party and group loy-alties. Stereotypes of the political divisions of the past (left vs.right), along with references to the ultra-right beliefs and practicesof specific candidates, were used by opponents of the leader of thepolitical formation Dynami gia ti Nomarxia (Strength for thePrefecture) affiliated to New Democracy, a center-right party.

8. Political advertising is person centered with more emphasisplaced upon persons instead of the issues. Specifically, 92% (Fig-ure 7) of the advertisements feature the candidates as the centralpolitical actors while only 8% of the advertisements are issue orparty oriented.

9. The important role of the church in the voters political behavior isdenoted by the fact that some advertisements contain pictures ofthe candidate side by side with the Archbishop of Greece andother priests. This element deviates from the modern character ofthe political campaign in Thessaloniki, since it is contrary to themodernization that the candidates espouse.

10. Image politics are central to the conduct of the political campaign.Political communication in Greece, especially in metropolitan cit-

ies like Thessaloniki, is being transformed by the decline of directlinkages between citizens and parties and the rise of mediated re-lationships. The leader through political advertisements claims ahypothetical linkage with the public. In order to work effectivelywithin this environment, specialists skilled in advertising, market-ing and polling have been employed in candidates campaigns.These professionals,2 along with the politicians, coordinate at acentral level the way the political campaign is being conducted.

KASTORIA ELECTIONS CAMPAIGN 2002

Kastorias main economic activity is the fur industry, while the polit-

ical outlook of the city is conservative, since it is a stronghold of NewDemocracy, the center-right party. The political campaign is pre-mod-ern. Political advertising takes place through the press, rather than the



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80

60

40

20

0MALE FEMALE

THESSALONIKI KASTORIA

FIGURE 1. Male-Female Projected in Political Advertising

100

80

60

40

20

0GREEK OTHER


FIGURE 2. Ethnicity of Candidates


100

50

0OTHERTHESSALONIKI

FIGURE 3. Place of Origin of Candidates


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100

50

040 < > 40

FIGURE 4. Age of Candidates


60

40

20

0SECONDARYGRADUATES

UNIVERSITYGRADUATES

FIGURE 5. Educational Background of Candidates


100

50

0NEGATIVE NON-NEGATIVE

FIGURE 6. Use of Negative Advertising

100

50

0PERSON

CENTEREDISSUE

CENTERED


FIGURE 7. Presentation of Political Advertisements


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local TVstations. This is attributed to the lower cost of the political cam-paign through the press, the impact and the influence that the press stillholds in a city of small size (around 17,000), and the lack of profes-sional advertising agencies operating in a small city. Individual candi-dates can rarely afford their own television advertisement. Candidatesrun a low cost local media campaign mainly through the press.3 Theirpre-modern campaign is mainly based upon interpersonal relations andcommunication. Compared to the previous elections, political advertis-ing has become more professionalized, as shown by the use of imageprocessing techniques in political campaign material.

Likewise in Thessaloniki, the content analysis in Kastoria revealsthat male presentation is higher (80%) than the female (20%) (see Fig-

ure 1). To a large extent this is due to social stereotypes and a dominantdiscourse that downplays the role of women in the public realm.Photographs that denote the political origins of the candidates enrich

the political advertising of the candidates of the center-right wing partyNew Democracy aiming at conservative voters who comprise a clearmajority in the area. Candidates of the other parties, whodownplay theirpolitical origins and instead emphasize the unity needed in order todeal with the citys problems, avoid this tactic.

The overwhelming majority of advertisements are person-centered(75%) (see Figure 7), while only 25%of them are party-oriented. Domi-nant also are the pictures that emphasize the candidates dynamism andhard work. The presentation of the candidates curriculum vitae is pre-ferred to the presentation of the partys program. It is a tactic that aims

to underline the candidates suitability and his willingness to workhard.Pictures that connect the candidate to associations, social and athleticclubs, and local charities dominate the political advertising. The candi-dates participation in these associations is the best proof of their poten-tial contribution. It is a common characteristic that is traced in bothmunicipal and prefecture elections.

Candidates in Kastoria often picture themselves with their family.This applies especially to local party leaders and those that belong to theright of the political spectrum. It is consistent with their conservativeagenda emphasizing traditional values.

The projection of the candidates origin is dominant in political ad-vertising, due to the ethnocentric character of the Greek society. Most ofthe candidates (83%) were born in Kastoria while only a small percent-

age (17%) of them was born elsewhere (see Figure 3). In contrast toThessaloniki, none of the candidates have different ethnic origins (seeFigure 2).



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For incumbents, political advertising is enriched with pictures of proj-ects which function as a reminder of what has been accomplished, whilephotographs are enriched with words such as planned and com-pleted, aiming to emphasize the work that has been accomplished. Pic-tures of candidates in professional settings and meetings are also a usualphenomenon. The underlying message of a hard-working candidatematches with the content of the photographs. In a number of advertise-ments, candidates appear to stare at the voter, establishing a sense of di-rect contact. The candidate is looking almost directly at the viewer. Hiseyes are actually focused slightly above the camera, which makes himappear as if he were looking forward into the future. The preferreddress code of the candidate has a reassuring effect that enhances the se-

riousness of the pre-announcements.The pre-modern character of the political campaign in Kastoria canbe seen by the emphasis given to religion. Religion affects the politicalbehavior of the voters because the Greek Orthodox Church still main-tains a central role in secular affairs. The Church is accorded a centralrole in political advertising as can be seen by the number of photographs(25% in Kastoria compared to 20% in Thessaloniki) picturing candi-dates side by side with the Archbishop and priests.

In Kastoria there is no use of negative political advertising (see Figure 6).Any use of negative advertisement would destabilize interpersonal com-municationwith thevoters. Interpersonal relations areof considerable so-cial value in a small town community and therefore candidates abstainfrom using negative attributes regarding their opponents.

References to the countrys European orientation are a common phe-nomenon in political advertising. Greeces integration in the EU is re-flected in the increased use of the word European. Political adver-tisement is affected by a feeling of belonging to a wider scheme, the Eu-ropean community. Like Thessaloniki, the city of Kastoria is presentedin the language of political advertising as a bridge for the economicrelations between Greece and the Balkan countries. The growth of thearea is tied to the growth and the expansion of these relations.

Educational background is beingconsidered as a very important asset ofthe candidates, as 41% of the candidates are university graduates while59%have a secondary or post-secondary educational background (see Fig-ure 5). Candidates professional identity is reflected very strongly in keystatements that appear inpolitical advertisements.For example, a candidate

who is a gymnastics teacher promises the construction of gyms.Age appears to play a dominant role in political advertisements. Can-

didates are presented in such a way as to look young. Most of the candi-



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dates (74%) are over 40 while only 26% are under 40 (see Figure 4).Often the word young is emphasized, which underscores the neces-sary freshness and dynamism of the candidate and the modern viewsthat he holds. Thecandidates language contains words such as experi-ence and dynamic, emphasizing his/her assertiveness. In line withtrends in national elections, political advertisements focus upon theleaders of the parties.

CONCLUDING REMARKS:

MODERN VS. PRE-MODERN CAMPAIGNS

This paper documented the role of political campaigns in the settingof the municipal and prefecture elections of 2002 in the cities ofThessaloniki and Kastoria. The main emphasis of this paper has been onpolitical advertisements in the press.

Political advertising is a manifestation of the political culture in both cit-ies and as such its content is setting the agenda over which political con-tests occur (Elkins and Simeon 1979: 131). Political advertising appearsto be the dominant method of political communication, while it is also avery important tool in a candidatescampaign since it allows voters to de-velop differentiated images of the candidates, images that play an impor-tant role in shaping voting choice(Ansolabehere and Iyengar 1995: 13).

According to our findings, press remains the main medium throughwhich political advertisement is channeled. Television advertising is

very expensive for the candidates to afford and as such its use is limited.A number of observations follow from our analysis that can be used inorder some inferences can be drawn for the national elections (Table 1).

Firstly, political campaigns in major cities are modern while in theperiphery of Greece are based upon direct forms of interpersonal rela-tions. The candidates that received a clear majority compared to theirfellow candidates are the ones that are more knowable and recognizableby the public through their intense political advertising. This publicityattracts the publics attention. Increasingly today, getting electedmeans, especially in major metropolitan cities, skillful use of politicaladvertising to get your message across.

Secondly, in semi-peripheral cities, interpersonal communication isan important factor for the election of a candidate. Following the

typology of political campaigns presented by Norris, the political cam-paign in Kastoria can be characterised as pre-modern. Candidate cam-paigns are based upondirect forms of interpersonal communication, the



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press is the core intermediary between parties and the public, while theelectorate is anchored by a strong party-electorate relationship.

In Thessaloniki the political campaign is modern. The parties are co-ordinated more closely at central level by their political leaders and can-didates seek the expertise of external professional consultants andopinion makers. The increased personalization, higher than in Kastoria(see Figure 7), in the political advertisement indicates a modern me-dia-oriented campaign.

Contrary to the different character of the political advertising betweenthe two cities, there are a number of resemblances in the way political ad-vertising is being conducted: the role of the press in both cities is still veryimportant in political advertising. Press continues to be the principal fo-rum of campaign events, absorbing most of the funds spent on politicaladvertisements.4 This is dueto the reliability the press enjoys in the publicopinion in comparison to the other media (T. Doulkeri 2001).

Political advertisement is personalized in both cities. It is a relatively newstrategy indicating a media oriented campaign. Especially in Thessalonikithe increased use of personalization (see Figure 7) is a typical feature ofthe modernization of the campaign. Women advertisement projection aswell as actual participation is low. There is an increase concerning thenumber of the women elected between the 1998 and 2002 elections,5 but

there is more to be done in order to fortify their equal representation. Ref-erences to the countrys European orientation are a common phenome-non in both cities. The educational background is an important social


TABLE 1. Similarities and Differences Between the Political Advertisement in

Thessaloniki and Kastoria

SIMILARITIES DIFFERENCES

Political advertisement is personalized.

Press continues to play a central role in thedissemination of political advertisement.

Women projection as well as actualparticipation is low.

References are made to the countrysEuropean orientation.

The educational background is ofimportant social value.

Age appears as a dominant element of

political advertisement.

Both cities are presented as bridges forGreece in the Balkans.

In Thessaloniki the political campaign canbe characterized as modern.

In Kastoria the political campaign ispre-modern.

Interpersonal relations are of considerablesocial value and therefore impact voterdecisions (Kastoria).

Political advertising is lessprofessionalized (Kastoria).

Extended use of political advertising

(Thessaloniki).


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value that is being projected accordingly. In both cities the place of birthof the candidates was promoted,while local issues were stressed in politi-caladvertisements. Born in Kastoria,breed of Thessalonikiarean in-tegral part of the language of political advertising that underlines thespecial connection of the candidate with the city. Especially in NorthernGreece there are strong feelings of localism, which are being reflected inboth cities political advertisements.

A number of differences that exist are due to the fact that inThessaloniki the political campaign is modern while the one in Kastoriais pre-modern. In Kastoria there is no use of negative political advertis-ing, in contrast with the extensive use that took place in the prefectureelections in Thessaloniki. Political advertisement in Thessaloniki is

more professionalized than in Kastoria. External advisors occupy a cen-tral role in political campaigns. In major metropolitan cities of Greecepolitical advertising takes on added values as the most direct way ofpackaging and promoting short-term political factors to a growingnum-ber of swing voters and latecomers. The contrast with semi-peripheralcities is obvious where interpersonal relations seem to play a dominantrole in election campaign strategy.

The importance given to political advertisement by the candidatesand their campaign managers as a means to influence the election out-come in the two cities under examination can be seen by the increase(around30%) of expenditures for political advertisements in the prefec-ture and municipal elections of 2002. Political advertising, as has beenshown, occupies a central role in Greek political campaigns today asmeans of helping to distribute, form and represent opinions. Bearingthat in mind, and the limitations of this paper, it becomes apparent thatmore studies need to be undertaken to further our knowledge on the roleand the impact of political advertisement in Greek elections.

NOTES

1. The newspapers under examination were: Daily Newspapers: Vima (Center)Eleftherotypia (Center-Left) and Kathimerini (Center-Right) in Athens DailyNewspa-pers; Makedonia and Thessaloniki, in Thessaloniki; Daily and Weekly Newspapers inKastoria: Foni tis Kastorias, Voice of Kastoria (weekly) and Kathimerini Foni tisKastorias Daily Voice of Kastoria (daily).

2. The amount spent by the political formation Dynami gia ti Nomarxia(Strength for the Prefecture) affiliated to New Democracy, a center-right party, for itspolitical advertisement in the press was 8.775 euros; the political campaign managerwas Mr. Karachialos, President of the Center for Political Communication (CPC). Ac-



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cordingly, the amount spent by the other leading party Nomos ThessalonikisProtagonistis (Prefecture of Thessaloniki as a Protagonist), affiliated to PASOK, acenter-left party, was 4.910 euros. Source: Sunday Eleftherotypia, October 20, 2002,Athens, Greece.

3. The amount spent for political advertisement on the press in the prefecture elec-tions in Kastoria, by one of leading parties was 4.800 euros. (According to figures pro-vided by the political formation Vima sto Avrio (A Step to Tomorrow) affiliated toNew Democracy).

4. The amount spent in Thessaloniki on TV political advertisement for both leadingparties in prefecture andmunicipal elections of 2002 was 4.650 euros, while on the presswas 32.901 euros. Source: Sunday Eleftherotypia, October 20, 2002, Athens, Greece.

5. InThessaloniki there wasan increase 27,03% in the numberof the women electedin the elections of 2002 compared to the 1998 elections. Similarly, in Kastoria there wasan increase of 23,81%. (General Secretariat of Gender Equality, December 2002).

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Submitted for Review: 09/17/03


Political Advertising in Greek Municipal

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