PLENARY MEETING SEMBLY PV 926.pdf · 2013. 10. 4. · Nations NERAL SEMBLY SESSION Fcial Records...

Nations

NERALSEMBLY

SESSION

Fcial Records

926thPLENARY MEETING

Monday, 28 November 1960,. at3p.m.

NEW YORK

CONTENTS

item 87:on the granting of independence to

colonial countries ahd peoples (continued).

page

989

ment--he is likely to stop at nothing for as long as hesenses that this forum renders him a degree ofimmunity.

ident: Mr. Frederick H. BOLAND (Ireland).

AGENDA ITEM 87

arution on the granting ÿf independence to colonial

countries andpeoples (continued)

PRESIDENT: The General Assemblywill con-its consideration of the item entitled "Declara-on the granting of independence to colonial

and peoples".

calling on the next speaker inscribed onlist, I give the floor to the representative of Por-in exercise of his right of reply.

989

delegation strongly rejects and emphaticallyagainst the statements made in regard toby the representative of the Soviet Union.

are entirely baseless and, should the representa-f. the Soviet Union pretend to prove them, he

to offer still more fabrications.

Soviet representaÿve accused my country ofout unending reprisals in the PortugueseProvinces and of practising forced labour,

slavery, colonial tyranny and the like. Theseslanders and my delegation, on behalf

nation and its Government, vehe-such accusations and once again repu-

every one of them.

the Soviet representative becomes intoxi-the high sound of his irresponsible words--

when he feels that the Assembly willhis verbal abuse of mycountry and Govern-

7. We take pride in the unceasing toil and work thatfor nearly five centuries of common history we haveachieved overseas--it has been the work of maintain-ing order, organizing community life, promoting eco-nomic development, providing education at all levels,investing capital, and raising Hying standards. How-ever, one thing is certain: at least, the progress anddevelopment which we brought and are still bringinginto our Overseas Provinces was not and is not doneby methods which are repugnant to the conscience ofmankind nor by violations of human rights. We havenot and we will not achieve progress throughsubjuga-tion of peoples and territories, physical and moralslavery, complete politicalrepression, deportations ofpeople "en masse", forced migration, absolute lack offreedom--political or intellectual--constant threatsagainst other nations and peoples, exploitation of theweak, and so on.

8. I hope that the Soviet representative will under-stand why I objected to his irresponsible remarksabout Portugal. However, ff he insists on fictitiousand 'utterly unwarranted remarks about a so-calledPortuguese colonialism, I will be compelled to returnhere in due course to remind him and to elaborateon a certain type of colonialism, which, I am sure,he is very familiar with.

9. Mr. NONG KIMNY (Cambodia)ÿ(translated fromFrench): I have the honour to submit formally to theGeneral Assembly the draft declaration on the grantingof independence to colonial countries and peoples con-tained in document A/L.323, on behalf of the delega-tions of Afghanistan, Burma, Cambodia, Ceylon, Chad,Ethiopia, Ghana, Guinea, India, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq,Jordan, Lebanon, Liberia, Libya, Morocco, Nepal,Nigeria, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Togo, Tunisiaand Turkey.

10. Since the text was distributed, three other dele-gations-those of Cyprus, Mali and the United ArabRepublic--have joined the co-sponsors [A/L.323/Add;Z].

11. in submitting this draft declaration, we wish toinform the General Assembly that we have taken thegreatest care in drafting it and giving it its final form.In preparing it we have tried, in particular, to findformulas and solutions which we hope will be accept-gble to the great majority of delegations, ff not to theentire General Assembly. The co-sponsors of thedocument therefore appeal to all delegations to con-sider it with open minds, as a means of putting anend to a situation which is now an anachronism in thehistory of mankind, the domination of one country byanother and the exploitation of one people by another.

12. Since the historic Bandung Conference of 1955,enormous progress has been made in applying the

A/PV.926

(Portugal): Mr. President, mayIthankfor granting me the right of reply. It is for my

of deep regret that the representa-from the Soviet Union has thought it appropriate

this debate--a debate which should be solelywith the discussion of general principles

high ideals--by coming here and making remarksstatements which certainly are not a contribution

agreement. Indeed, the representativeSoviet Union has made accusations which my

must reject categorically. It is not surpris-that such vilifications should be made by the

of the Soviet Union: as we all know the dele-of the Soviet Union is always at its best when

in sub-standard propaganda, and when ad-to others certain accusations which moreshould be directed elsewhere, namely, to

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principles laid down at that first meeting of the Afri-can-Asian countries. We are anxious that the presentdraft declaration should be yet another step forwardin the irresistible process of the emancipation ofpeoples. We hope that all the countries concerned,especially those responsible for the future of thepeoples who are still dependent, will see their way tosupport this declaration; and in our desire to ensurepeaeeflfl development and a bright future of freedomfor all peoples who have not yet gained independence,we have kept the language used in our draft declarationstrictly in conformity with that of the United NationsCharter and the Universal Declaration of HumanRighkÿ.

13. Since I am speaking now solely to submit ourdraft declaration formally, I have the honour to informyou that the co-sponsors reserve the right to speakagain.in order to present their views. I should alsolike to say that it seems probable that other delega-tions, which are now waiting for instructions fromtheir Governments, will join us later as co-sponsorsof the draft.

14. Mr. VAKIL (I.ran) (translated from French): Thereis no doubt that the debate which began this morningis of exceptional historical importance. Colonialism isin its last throes, as a result of the irresistible andirreversible movement of peoples towards full emanci-pation; and here we are, the peoples of the UnitedNations, giving historic expression to this universalmoment of truth.

15. It is a moment between a past of inequality anda glorious future, in which all peoples of the worldseem resolved to re-establish human brotherhood, nowwon back at last, and to work together for their com-mon happiness, on a footing of equality and the soli-darity of freemen.

16. As the representative of one of the oldest freeand independent States in the world--though it issituated in a continent which has for longbeen ravagedby the curse of eolonialism--I am deeply aware of thegreat honour it is for me to be able to put my coun-try's views on the problem before us.

17. At this moment, when the victorious struggle ofthe colonial peoples has brought about the disintegra-tion of the colonial system, and whenmore than forty-five countries have become independent since theestablishment of the United Nations, over 100 millionof our brothers and sisters are still experiencingthe horrors of a system which has inflicted indescrib-able sufferings on dependent peoples.

18. Before I begin to discuss colonialism, it may beuseful, I think, to try to define it. Colonialism mightbe defined as a political and economic system im-posed and maintained by foreign Powers on the nationalterritory of other peoples, its main feature in thoseterritories being the arbitrary establishment of a sys-tem introduced from outside, without the consent ofthe peoples administered, and designed mainlyto servethe interests of the administering Powers. .ÿ

19. AS this definition shows, one ofthe main featuresof colonialism has been the use of force with or with-out provocation, either brute force or force cleverlydisguised in the best paternalistic traditions. We cansay, without danger of partiality, that colonialism,stripped of its trappings, was a system establishedby force, and then developed, becoming more subtle,and even in a way, more humane, likewise by force

and, I must add, a force designed primarily to holÿ,ÿthe development of the colonial peoples whÿup

'ÿVerdevelopment was not' seen to be essential, in one wayor another, to the development of the colonial interests.It was therefore basically a force opposed to thosepeoples' development, antagonistic to that developÿment, a force based on principles which often paid noheed to the fate of the subject peoples.

20. This does not mean, by the way, that a Settlerwas by nature a contemptible exploiter; not neees.sarily so. He was like so many other kinds of men; hemight, as an individual, be as pleasant as the next,as helpful and as good as the exploited black person.The trouble was inherent in the very nature of hisStatus and of the colonial system, which sought toexploit the conquered countries in whatever mannerwould be best for production, profit and a reassuringabsence of trouble:

21. In its pursuit of this purpose, the colonialsystemwas, by its very nature, in the opposite camp to thecolonial peoples. It unconsciously, but justifiably, con-sidered any real progress and any awakening of thecolonial peoples as a real threat to its own existence,and it did not allow those peoples to develop except inso far as their development was essential to its ownexistence, and only in whatever conditions of peace andstability, or rather social stagnation, were mostsuitable to the colonial system.

22. Colonialism, initially imposedbyforce, verysoonbecame a highly complicated system of direct or in-direct political and economic domination of all theless developed peoples. Hence, according to the kind ofinterests concerned and the advantages to be gained,the colonial Power would resort either to direct con-trol of the subject territories, or to indirect control,by systematically supporting ruling classes whichwerekept in power to defend colonial interests against theindigenous peoples.

23. Whatever the method of controlling these terri-tories applied by the metropolitan country, colonialismsucceeded through this control in establishing andmaintaining powerful machinery designed to bring inthe greatest possible profits, regardless of the in-terests of the indigenous inhabitants. So the colonialsystem, by the support it gave -to the forces of socialreaction in subject territories 'and to tribal classesand hierarchies which would otherwise have disap-peared, distorted the dynamic working of the forcesof change and froze political and social developmentat the primitive stage. This is why colonialism mustbe held responsible for the considerable backwardnessof the dependent countries in relation to the generalprogress throughout the world, and for the tragic gulfbetween these dependent countries and the indus!rial"ized countries.

24. In order to maintain and increase its profits, toprotect colonial enterprise against all risks and dan-gers and to perpetuate its rule, colonialism was forcedto perpetuate an order based essentially on socialstagnation and the maintenance of the sÿ__ÿ_ÿ__9ÿ, andmarked by the paralysis of the forces of pro gresSÿFor these purposes the colonial r6gime used sucdevices as racial discrimination, enslavement byhumiliation, fear and ignorance, exploitation undÿpaternalistic labels and other practices ealculateudeprive the man living under colonialism of his identityand human dignity. As I have said, it permitted no

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926th meeting- 28 November 1960 991

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oÿress of subject peoples unless such progress wasw--ÿ to be essential to its own existence.seen25. It is, of course, true that, to serve its own pur-

poses and to exploit the wealth of conquered terri-.... in the manner best suited to production, profitnd relative absence of trouble, colomahsm introduced

features typical of more advanced societies.

26. Here, obviously, colonialism could hardiyescapethe general law of contradiction inherent in everyliving process. This is also a point which must bebrought out if we are to understand the complex andsometimes misleading nature of the colonialproblem.It would be a mistake to carry hatred of colonialism,however understandable, to the point of simply denyingor refusing to recogniz e the undoubtedly useful features• produced by and inherent in the very exploitation sys-

tem itself. It is by no means true that colonialismhas done absolutely nothing in the colonies. We per-sonally feel that colonialism has undeniably madedefinite contributions, some of them of the greatestimportance for the later development of the colonies.However, we must at once make clear the nature ofthese contributions and put them in their historicalsetting, in order to avoid confusion and distortionof the truth. Any objective analysis of the facts willthus show clearly that the so-called benefits of thecolonial system, far from being essential features ofcolonialism, are simply its inevitable secondary con-sequences, and are caused by the very contradictionsin the system.

of socialism. Those who had been trained and schooledfor the deliberate purpose of serving their formermasters more diligently became aware of their humanand national strength and refused to be used as theinstruments of their own ruin.

30. So the African awakening, whichhas beenthe mostimportant feature of the history of the black continentover the past fifteen years, pitted against colonialismin Africa a force of such power, scope and lightningetevelopment that it has surprised not only the colonial-ists but sometimes those who set it inmotion, namelythe prime movers of the African emancipation move-ment.

lonialism

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tally onstatus ÿ_ÿ,!solime usednslavementloitation,ÿs

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27. R is important to carry this analysis further.The source of the contradiction lay in the actual de-velopment of modern society and in the needs of asystem of profitable exploitation of colonial countries.This meant, among other things, that the peoples hadto play a greater part in the colonial enterprtsÿ.The system needed labour which was not only cheapbut also smiled and properly organized. It had to setup what has been called the economic infra-structure

:: necessary for the development of transport, com-merce and the economy in general. It could not dowithout roads, buildings, schools or even hospitals,all of which are nowpart of any large-scale, efficiently

::run and expanding commercial enterprise. As I say,these indisputable fcaturas of colonialism, althoughthey are there for all to see, are not evidence of any

mission of the colonial Powers, but are to beexplained as the inevitable consequences of a system

i!:based essentially on profit and the colonial interestsconcerned. These same consequences were also to

about the gradual disintegration of the System.

The contradictions inherent in the colonial sys-tem, in fact, became more apparent as the systemenlarged its horizons. The development of means ofcommunication, the establishment of urban centres,the introduction of the new s:ÿstem of trade and or-ganized labour, as well as such things as the gradual:imp overtshment of the indigenous peoples, were strong(enough to break out of the framework artificially

by the settlers and finally led the colonialPeoples to self-awareness in the face of the whole:phenomenon of colonialist rule.

9, The revolutionary changes which followed theWorld War and affected the fate of about 1,500

ersons belonging to the Asian peoples gave aimpulse to the independence movement of the

peoples. In a sense, they served to bring towhat I have called the secondary consequences

ng thesery,3tablishingned totess of theSo theorces oftribal

se haveg of the

sts against:

31. During the period which followed the Africanawakening after the Second World War, there was acertain confusion in the colonial camp. Was bruteforce to be stepped up and were the old colonialmethods to be continued, with still heavier oppressionand repression? Would it be better to adapt them tothe more democratic climate of the time ? Or had thetime come to make an agonizing reappraisal of thetraditional methods and simply to keep pace with thetroublemakers ?

32. The foreign and colonial offices had never seensuch extraordinarily swift deployment of forces whichthey could not even understand. And, while they triedone solution after another, each testing what seemedto it the most effective way of dealing with the situa-tion, the peoples themselves continued the struggle,which grew like a snowball and threatened to becomea general movement going beyond the purposes whichthe colonial peoples had set for themselves.

33. As may be imagined, the political conditionsarising out of the cold war were not likely to make iteasier to deal with the more andmore threatening riseof the anti-colonial tide. Those who had a clearersense of history and more practical vision decided atthis point to adapt their thinking to the new conditionsand to achieve the only possible balance capable ofmaintaining positions which had become precarious.Some such concern would appear to have been behindthe famous "new wind of change" policy in Africa,which the Africans, though they realize its nature,have welcomed. It is a true expression of the realforces concerned, since it exists, clearly, first andforemost because of the courage and struggles of theAfrican peoples for independence, and also because ofthe practical good sense and enlightenment of thecolonial Powers concerned.

34. The United Kingdom, feeling this wind of change,is breaking up its former colonial empire with unde-niable success, and often with the effective co-operation of the peoples concerned. In this Englandhas once again shown its political genius for adaptingitself to the changing conditions of the times.

35. It is this wind of change that hasbrought France,with glory and success, to restore to most of itsformer African possessions the great principles bornof the French Revolution and of its rights of man andof the citizen.

36. The admission to the United Nations of ten newStates, all members of the French Community, doescredit to the courageous decolonization operation un-dertaken by the Fifth Republic. Let us hope that thiswind of change will be strong enough to blow, not onlythrough the former French territories which havealready been freed, but also through other territories


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37. Thus in the annals of colonialism the wind ofchange is a new phenomenon which has come to stay.It is an expression of this moment of truth whencolonialism, realizing the implications of the emanci-pation movement and the new and only possible balanceof forces, sees no alternative but to make an agonizingreappraisal of its general attitude towards the veryproblem of the colonial system.

38. Colonialism, which had been more or less firmlyfounded on brute force--the most efficacious and prac-tical ÿst-rument of supremacy at the time--is turningto a new strategy. Instead of opposing the tide, it willnow follow the tide. Instead of stopping it with a forcewhich is no longer effective, colonialism will try touse it in a new way, seeking to co-operate with theformer rebels and trying now to maintain, as far aspossible, its only remaining bastion, namely its eco-nomic and technical supremacy.

39. It is of the greatest theoretical and practicalimportance for the under-developed peoples to studythe complex features of this wind of change which hasbegun to blow through Africa and has opened the lastchapter of colonialism. This wind must not deceivethe African people by its freshness or by the newsense of dignity and freedom it brings them. Nor shouldit be neglected and simply opposed, just because itrises in the white hills of the West. Like every his-torical fact, and like colonialism itself, it is made upof opposing forces. It is our task, as the peoples ofthe developing countries, to turn it to the best advan-tage without falling Into the snares of inexcusablecredulity or of an anachronistic and dogmatic ortho-

doxy.

40. The colonial peoples, I am sure, will tackle thisnew situation, with all its inherent hopes and dangers ,its possibilities in the way of co-operation, its pit-falls and dilemmas. But this will of course requiregreat vigilance and discernment everywhere. For theconstructive and promising aspects of the wind ofchange are, after all, only an intelligent reaction toand a realistic estimate of the new balance whichhistory has imposed on the colonial Powers. It shouldbe welcomed and encouraged wherever it truly andeffectively expresses a realistic and enlightened senseof history and is based on the premise, now evidentand well established, that no kind of political enter-prise can last in the context of tyranny and the sub-jugation of peoples.

41. It would be a very different thing if other Powers,more obstinate and less imaginative, were to look onthe wind of change as a simple tactical manoeuvre,regarding it in Machiavellian terms as a safety valveto be opened when the pressure reached the point ofexplosion. The events of the past year have revealedtwo significant tendencies in the colonial situation atits present stage of development. On the one hanÿ,they have familiarized us with the more intelligent,long-term policy of the wind of change; on the otherhand, they have shown us once more that, in theirdesperate struggle for existence, colonial vested in-terests have more than one trick up their sleeve andthat neo-eolonialism is a very much more cunning,and hence far more dangerous, child than the parentswho gave it birth.

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42. In point of fact, traditional colonialism as SUchcan henceforth be considered as a historicalphenorae.non belonging to the past. Even if in some territoriesit is still rampant and still provokes crises markedby the blood and tears of the indigenous people, evenif it still exists in a considerable number of terri.tories, with a total population of 100 million, thecolonial system as a whole is already on its death.bed, already breathing its last, and its hystericaloutbreaks of violence show even more clearly that itsend is near and inevitable. Thus it is not the oldcolonialism, asthmatic and with one foot in the grave,that now threatens to deprive peoples of genuine inde.pendenee, but the young and virnlent neo-eolonialisna.With its complex network of political, economic,ideological and other weapons, neo-colonialism is outto defend the same interests over the corpse of theold-style colonialism. The nature and purpose of bothare the same, and on the whole only the tactics seemto have changed, to fit in with the political, economicand psychological requirements of the modern world.No one should be deceived by appearances, and pre-cisely for that reason,as longagoas 1955, at Bandung,all the African and Asian peoples decided to denouncecolonialism, solemnly declaring it, in all its formsand manifestations, to be an evilwhich must be quicklybrought to an end.

43. There is no doubt that the vested interests whichcaused the colonial scourge to appear in the world andhave enabled it to endure will continue to exist longafter colonialism itself has been eliminated. Hence itis to be expected that they will rehuse to submit to theverdict of the liberated peoples and will do everythingthey can to return to the scene and recreate colonial-ism in new forms better suited to the conditions of themodemÿ world. This being so, it is imperative that thepeoples concerned should continue to extend theirstruggle against the colonial phenomenon to all formsof colonialism, whether economic or political, whichdirectly or indirectly threaten their national sover-eignty and the workings of the democratic institutionsderiving therefrom.

44. The problems and circumstances to which I havereferred show clearly that the whole question ofcolonialism is far frombeing simple. Ithas theoreticalaspects which particularly call for study so as to enablethe peoples of the world to follow its developmentbetter as time goes on and to prepare themselves toconfront the dangers it presents. But such a studywould be altogether outside the scope of this debate.With your permission, therefore, I shall try as brieflyas possible to put forward some considerations of ageneral nature and to deal with the main practicalproblems which face us today, seeking &t the sametime to establish certain principles which we fee1should be brought to the attention of the Member statesconcerned.

45. (1) Let me say once more what pleasure it givesmy country to note that this year seventeen formercolonial territories have come to swell our ranks asfully sovereign and independent Members. It isbrilliant victory, not only for the peoples concerned,but also for the international community as a whole,and, of course, for the United Nations. It is obvioUSthat the contribution of new States not only strengtheÿS

• the position and prestige of the United Nations, but isalso an important factor in ensuring international peaceand security.

926th meeting ÿ 28 November 1960 993

lism as suchÿcal phenorae.e territories:ises markedpeople, eveaher of terri~million, the

on its death.ts hystericalearly that itsLs not the oldin the grave,genuine inde.-colonialism.1, economic,,ialism is outcorpse of thexpose of bothtactics seem

ml, economiclodern world.ces, and pre';, at Bandung,d to denounceall its formsustbe quickly

46. (2) While recognizing the merits andprogressivenature of the efforts recently made by certain Ad-ministering Powers to lead a large number of terri-tories under their administration towards independ-ence, my delegation hopes that the policy of de-colonization thus begun will be adopted and followedby all Powers administering Overseas territories andwill be extended to all colonial territories where theindigenous peoples are still deprived of the fundamentalright of self-determination. By virtue of this recog-nized right of all peoples, they freely determine theirpolitical status and freely pursue their economic,social and cultural development. Article 1, para-graph 2, of the draft International Covenants on HumanRights, already adopted by the Third Committee of theGeneral Assembly, recognizes further that:

whole world. If they take place andare carried on in afriendly atmosphere, there is every reason to believethat an era of fruitful co-operation for the commongood could come about; and that would not be a de-feat, but a victory for all.

50. The very naklral suspicions of both sides, themisunderstandings, the mutual recriminations, couldthus gradually disappear in an atmosphere marked byjoint efforts on the part of the free and independentpeoples to create a new community of nations, freefrom unjust bondage, free from racial or other pre-judices, and free from the tyranny of things and ofmen.

terests whichthe world andto exist long

ated. Hence itsubmit to thedo everything

eate colonial-ditions of the

rative that theextend their

,n to all formsolitical, whichational sovero.ic institutions

o which I havee question ofaas theoreticalso as to enables developmentthemselves to: such a studyof this debate.i try as brieflyiderations of anain practicalg at the samewhich we fee!Hember Stateÿ

asure it givesenteen former[1 our ranks aÿbers. It is ales concernediity as a whole,s. It is obvi0ÿalyNations,rnational i/Official Records of the General Assembly, Tenth Session, Annexes,

agenda item 28 (part I), document A/3077, para. 77.

48. (4)World development, particularly during thepast fifteen years, showsunquestionably that in presentcircumstances the conditions necessary for lastinginternational co-operation based on respect for funda-mental human rights not only run parallel to, but areidentical with, the essential conditions for preservingthe legitimate economic and political interests of thegreat Powers. The incomprehensible insistence ofsome Powers on maintaining certain colonial prac-tices which in the past proved successful methods ofachieving colonial ends, cannot todaybut ruin the lastchances of co-operationbetween the developingpeoplesand the more privileged Powers.

49. More particularly, it is of the greatest importancethat countries inspired by the ideals of liberty anddemocracy should yield to the evidence of anew orderof things and should not precipitate, whether throughindifference or lack of vision, situations which canonly benefit the enemies of all peoples. The logicaldevelopment of the colonial peoples is proceeding a2such a furious pace that it is now no longer permis-sible to keep to a narrow conception of immediateself-interest. Today more than ever, sincere and franktalks between colonial Powers and colonial peoples is

• necessary, and on these talks depend the future of the

"The peoples may, for their own ends, freely dis-pose of their natural wealth and resources withoutprejudice to any obligations arising out of inter-national economic co-operation, based upon the prin-ciple of mutual benefit and international law. In noease may a people be deprived of its own means ofsubsistence." Y

47. (3) The United Nations is to be congratulated onits contribution to the movement to emancipate thepeoples of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territoriesand on its support for the principle of self-determina-tion. The International Trusteeship System, and adynamic interpretation of the spirit of Chapter XI ofthe Charter, have proved effective means of helpingthese peoples to achieve progressive emancipation andpreparing them gradually for independence. It is, how-ever, regrettable to note that in this field the resistanceof certain Administering Powers to the constructiveefforts of the United Nations and their systematicpolicy of meeting the liberal spirit of the Charter witha narrow and outmoded interpretation of the letter ofthe Charter have had this effect of reducing consider-ably, and even paralysing, the possibilities of actionby the international community.

51. Such a policy of co-operation is, in our view, theonly one which can help the former colonial peoplesto follow their course of development without discordand enable them to solve the problems, particularlythe economic problems, which will arise along thisarduous path. It is also the only one which can laythe foundations of a solid and lasting peace, in theregions concerned and in the whole world. If, bysome mischance, such co-operation is not achieved intime, and if the debate does not proceed on a basis ofequality and mutual confidence, it is to be feared thatthe whirlwind of events will engulf all men of goodwilland open the door to tyranny, which alone in suchcircumstances would be capable of putting an end tothe chaos thus unleashed.

52. All peoples, therefore, and all free and inde-pendent States, particularly the Administering Powers,must recognize this complex situation, which is asfraught with danger as it is full of opportunities forco-operation. To this end they must establish anddevelop their relations with the former colonial peopleson the fundamental, sacred principle that all peopleswithout exception have an inalienable right to completeindependence, to the exercise of sovereignty and tothe integrity of their national territory, and on thisbasis are determined to take their destinies into theirown hands, in complete freedom, withoutanypressurefrom outside. They must realize once and for allthat the general movement of peoples towards completeemancipation is an irreversible and irresistible phe-nomenon and thatanyattempt, either direct or Indirect,to resist it is not only immoral and contrary to inter-national law, but is doomed in advance to certainfailure. They must have confidence in all peoplesand abstain from any intervention of a political, eco-nomic or other kind in their internal affairs. Thefree peoples and the Powers which were and still areresponsible for administering the colonial territoriesmust do all that is in their power to work for thesuccess of this historical movement, on which thefuture and the happiness of all mankind largely depend.

53. (5) The present situation thus imposes new re-sponsibilities on the former colonial Powers. Thesenew responsibilities must, first of all, leadthem to doeverything they can to bridge the gapwhiehnow separ-ates them from the colonial peoples and, to that end,to seek the required solutions in sincere co-operationwith the peoples concerned.

54. These responsibilities must also lead them toestablish, instead of keeping up the united front oftraditional colonialism, a new united front of freepeoples against all those in the world who would liketo maintain and establish positions of strength andunwarranted supremacy. The yoke of tyranny is stilltoo fresh in the minds of the newly liberated peoples

994 General Assembly- Fifteenth Session- Plenary 1VIeetings

!li:I

for them to want to seek new masters or to let them-selves be deceived byanyone. Hence thelr mostnaturalallies are those who truly and sincerely seek to makefreedom a universal ideal. The colonial peoples willcertainly fight as they have fought in the past againstany form of domination, subjugation or exploitation indefenee of their national dignity and their dearly-wonfreedom. It is therefore of the highest importancethat all Powers with the same ideals of freedom,human dignity and social justice should understandthis fact and, above all, that they should not, throughlack of vision or patience, or as a result of hasty de-fensive reactions dictated by emotion or fear, spoiltheir chances of setting up a united front of freedomand democracy with the former colonial peoples.

55. It would be a great misfortune if the short-sighted desire to retain certain political, economic andother immediate advantages, and continued resort tocertain modes of action incompatible withthe freedomand the basic interest of these peoples were to ag-gravate misunderstandings, widen the existing gapand in addition, by omission or commission, forcethem to seek allies elsewhere than in the camp ofthose individuals and peoples who are inspired by thesame ideals.

56. (6) The colonial Powers must recognize that one ofthe first and most important attributes of a people'sindependence is the exercise of Sovereignty, which isthe sole prerogative of those living within the nationalterritory. Sovereignty appertains to thembothde factoand ÿ and no one may exercise it on their behalfwithout their freely-given consent. Hence, the Powerswhich have exercised sovereignty on behalf of thepeoples of the territories under their administrationin accordance with the United Nations Charter, mustnow take immediate measures to transfer that sove-reignty to the duly qualified representatives of thosepeoples.

57. (7) In order to bring about theunconditionalinde-pendence of the Non-Self-Governing and Trust Terri-tories, and of any other colonial territory which hasnot yet attained independence, the AdministeringPowers must take urgent and immediate steps totransfer all powers to the peoples of these territorieswithout any conditions or reservations in accordancewith their freely expressed will and aspirations, with-out any distinction as to race, creed or colour inorder to enable them to enjoy complete independenceand the freedom to build their national States.

58. (8) The inadequate level of political, economic,social and educational advancement has in the pastalways been used by the Administering Powers as areason for delaying the independence of the colonialcountries. A more objective scrutiny of the problemreveals the danger inherent in this pretext and the badfaith which has often been behind the use of this argu-ment. In fact, the argument runs in a vicious circlewhich the colonial interests collectively have soughtto perpetuate. Thus, on the one hand, they have d.ÿ-layed giving the peoples the necessary training forvarious aspects of their national life, while on theother hand they have argued that, since independencerequires a certain minimum degree of training, itcannot be granted to them without this. In these cir-cumstances, it is hardly surprising that nothing sub-stantial has been done in most of the colonies toprepare the necessary trained personnel and, corres-pondingly, that the attainment of independence has

always posed serious problems when the necessary,suitably trained personnel are lacking.

59. Today, the difficulties which always spring fronÿan inadequate level of development and from the short.age of trained personnel in the colonial territories..for which the colonial Powers must assume fullresponsibilitymdo not frighten the colonial peoplesunduly, because over and above the definite advantageswhich independence holds out to them, they are confi.dent that the peoples of the world will support themand that organizations like the United Natigns willhelp them to remedy their deficiencies.

60. Moreover, even if their economic, social andpolitical backwardness necessarily imposes a state ofrelative dependence on some of the under-developedcountries, there is no reason to think that such de-pendence should be imposed upon them by the formerAdministering Power. The international communityand the United Nations, among others, can easily givethem the necessary aid and assistance without imposingupon them obligations incompatible with their inde-pendence.

61. These peoples know that they are no longeraloaein an indifferent world. Moreover, they now possessconfidence in themselves, and where they have beengiven the opportunity they have quickly shown thatthat confidence was amply justified. More particularly,the mere assumptionby a people liberated from slaveryof responsibility for their own destiny gives them thenecessary strength to overcome all obstacles, includ-ing those deriving from their eolonialheritage and froman inadequate level of political, economic or othertraining.

62. (9) In colonial territories where the peace hasbeen disturbed either because of armed conflict or asa consequence of repressive measures taken againstthe people, the Powers responsible for the situationmust take immediate measures for the re-establish-ment of the peaceful conditions needed if the peopleare to exercise their sacred and inalienable right tocomplete independence and to the integrity of theirnational territory. At the same time it is also essentialthat any armed or repressive action of anykind what-ever should be prohibited and proscribed for the fuÿre.

63. In this connexion, let ns rememberthatpeaceandfreedom are indivisible; any nation which oppressesanother violates not only the sovereign rights of thelatter but also the freedom, conscience and dignity ofmankind as a whole. By so doing, it likewise doesviolence to world peace and security and it must bearthe full responsibility. The international communityand the United Nations, then, have the right and theduty to make every effort to help the peoples thussubjected to oppression and violence to regain theirsacred right to self-determination.

64. (10) There can be no doubt that the transfer ofpowers will inevitably be subject to the conditionspeculiar to each territory. However, it seems to uSthat, in order to achieve the genuine and completeindependence of these territories in a manner corres:ponding closely to the requirements of a democraticsystem of national power, the good of the peoples re-quires that their attainment of independence should,wherever national conditions make it possible anufeasible, be preceded by a consultation of the peopleand by general elections held by universal suffrageand the secret ballot, preferablyunder the supervision

926th meeting -- 28 November 1960 995

and control of the United Nations. Such a procedurewould make it possible for the States thus attainingtheir independence to build upon solid and democraticfoundations and act as a strong safeguard against thereturn of colonialism in new guises.

65. (11) It is therefore in the interests of the de-pendent peoples that the date of their independenceand the methods of achieving it should be establishedas a result of negotiations between the AdministeringAuthorities and the duly qualified representatives ofthese peoples, meeting on a footing of equality.

66. The Administering Powers should refrain fromattaching to independence any conditions or reserva-tions which would restrict the exercise of the people'ssovereignty. Unequal and restrictive treaties on eco-nomic, political financial or military nmtters, signedprior to independence and limiting in any way theexercise of national sovereignty, constitute a source offuture misunderstandings and friction incompatiblewith the preservation of an atmosphere of mutual con-fidence and the maintenance of peaceful and friendlyrelations.

71. Member States, and especially the former Ad-ministering Powers, must, moreover, refrain from anyattempt aimed at the partial or total disruption of thenational unity and the territorial integrity of a country.Thus, it would be desirable if, in the declaration onthe termination of colonialism, all Member Stateswould solemnly reaffirm the undertaking theyassumedunder the United Nations Charter never in any waywhatever to violate the national sovereigntyandterri-torial integrity of another State.

67. (12) Since freedom for the peoples on the thresholdof independence is essentially a process of gradualand progressive liberation from their former bondage,and in particular from the tyranny of want and fear,no extrinsic factor should be allowed to hinder thisprocess through which in the first instance, the peoplesconcerned themselves must pass. However, the indi-visibility of freedom and peace and the cause of humansolidarity make it imperative that the internationalcommunity should spare no effort to help them accel-erate this process of liberation if the peoples con-cerned so request.

72. (16) The peoples of the world should, finally, beon guard to prevent colonialism from trading on theinternal weaknesses and difficulties of the small inde-pendent States and returning to the scene or infiltratinginto the countrY in new guises. Any intervention by amore powerful State in the domestic affairs of anotherand any economic, political or ideological pressurebeing applied from outside with the intention of dis-rupting the normal functioning of the domestic insti-tutions of a country thus constitute the basic elementsof a neo-colonialism which is incompatible withnational independence and sovereignty and with thepurposes and principles of the United Nations Charter.

: II

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68. (13)Since a newly independent State must imme-diately meet grave problems of all kinds, first andforemost the problems resulting from its colonialheritage, it is particularly necessary that the UnitedNations should give it all the economic, technical,social, cultural and other assistance it needs to passthrough the initial stages of its independence. It isto the interest of the newly independent peoples thatthe great Powers, which are anxious to bring themaid and assistance, should likewise do so, as far aspossible, through the United Nations and its specializedagencies so that no Power whatever should lay uponthese peoples any obligation which might limit theirfreedom of action and thus impede their taking theirown independent road towards their own destiny. ''69. (14)In order to enable the newly emancipated

peoples to devote all their human and economic re-sources to their national plans of reconstruct[on anddevelopment, all Member States, and in particular the,great Powers, should act in such a way that these

will never find it necessary, for reasons ofnational defence, to allocate to military expenditurefUnds essential to their national development. More

:lÿrtieularly, the great Powers are in duty bound tofrom any action which directly or indireetlyis

to increase the military burden borne by thecountries.

(15) It is of course understood that any act ofagainst an independent State constitutes a

against humanity. This crime takes on an evencomplexion when it is directed against a coun-

which has just attained its independence and isthe difficult initial stages of development.

"We are happy that a considerable number ofcolonial countries have attained freedom and inde-pendence and are already taking part in the work ofthe United Nations and that others will in the futurefollow in their footsteps. From the bottom of ourhearts we congratulate them on their achievementof freedom and wish them all possible prosperityand happiness in their path to true progress inaccordance with the principles of democracy and thespirit of the United Nations Charter."

75. Those who have played a part in preparing thisdraft are best able to bear witness to the constructivespirit shown by its authors. There is no doubt, forexample, that many of the co-sponsors of this draft

74. My delegation is most proud to have taken anactive part in the preparation of the draft declarationwhich now stands before you [A/L.323 and Add.l] inthe name of a large majority of African-Asian Powers,and deems it an honour to be one of the co-sponsorsof the document. This draft declaration, which solemn-ly proclaims the necessity of bringing to a speedyaffd unconditional end to colonialism in all its formsand manifestations, also contains most of the principleswhich we feel should be adopted by the Assembly asa whole.

73. Such are the few principles which my delegationdeemed it appropriate to recall as we embark on ourdebate on the general problem of the attainment ofindependence by the colonial countries and theirpeoples. They are principles which we have alwaysbeen proud to champion and support during the wholecourse of our participation in the work of the UnitedNations. My country, though it has never sufferedfrom colonialism as such, is nevertheless proud thatit has at all times, without exception, pleaded thecause of its less fortunate sister countries of Asiaand Africa and contributed its moral support to thecause of all the colonial peoples fighting for theirright to independence. Only a short time ago, HisMajesty the Shahinshah made himself the mouthpieceof the unanimous sentiments of all the Iranian peoplewhen, at the inaugural meeting of the Senate, con-gratulating the African countries which had achievedindependence, he said:

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declaration who have suffered greatly from the ravagesof colonialism would have preferred a more expressivetext, including clauses condemning colonialism in itsmost culpable aspects. However, in order to rally allcurrents of opinion in the Assembly in favour of atext acceptable to all the Members of the UnitedNations, they have, in a spirit of conciliation, acceptedcertain phrases of a much more moderate nature. Wehope that the same spirit of constructive co-operationwill inspire all the Members of this Assembly, andwe also hope that they will unanimously support a textof such great historical importance which at thissolemn moment is the instrument for the expression• of the universal conscience of man in regard to the

problem of colonialism in our time.

76. My delegation has the honour warmly to commendthe draft declaration in document A/L.323 and Add.1to the attention of the Members of the Assembly andmore particularly to appeal to the AdministeringPowers to accord it their unreserved support.

77. In conclusion, my delegation would like to thankthe Soviet Union delegation for taking the initiative inplacing this problem on the agenda of the GeneralAssembly's fifteenth session. However, for reasonshaving to do firstly with the positive ideas containedin our draft resolution, secondly with the need forSecuring the largest possible majority for the prin-ciples which should govern our attitude of anti-colonialism, and lastly withthe needto limit any actionwhich the Assembly may take on this point to thoseaspects of the question having an essential and exclu-sive connexion with the problem of colonialism, mydelegation will be unable to support the Soviet declara-tion. Indeed, it earnestly hopes that the Soviet dele-gation will appreciate the reasons whichhave impelledthe majority of the African-Asian powers to submittheir own draft resolution, and will graciously with-draw its draft, making it possible for this Assemblyto adopt the African-Asian draft resolution [A/L.323and Add.l] unanimously. Such unanimityÿit cannot besaid too oftenmwill give the present draft the historicplace which rightfully belongs to it in the annals ofanti-colonialism.

78. Mr. NOSEK (Czechoslovakia): The General As-sembly has come to the consideration of one of themost important items on its agenda, that is, the decla-ration on the granting of independence to colonialcountries and peoples. It is a question of great inter-national bearing, whose' immediate solution is of vitalinterest to the oppressed and exploited peoples of thecolonial and dependent countries and, together withthem, to the freedom-loving people all over the world.

79. Today, colonialism still keeps inbondage, merci-lessly exploits, and' oppresses tens of millions ofpeople in Africa, Asia, Latin America andthe Pacific.Mankind would be burdened by immense shame if,at a time when it learned to split the atom, when itcan harness natural forces, and it prepares to masterouter space, it should fail to break the chains ofimpudent co!onialism and to compel ÿe colonialist.ÿogrant without delay liberty and independence to the.millions of people leading a miserable existence inthe colonial countries.

80. The process of complete elimination of colonial-ism is a historic necessity of our time. The nationalliberation movement of the colonial and dependentcountries makes every year a change in the politicalmap of the world. If, prior to the Second World War,-

the map showed vast territories in Africa, Asia afldother parts of the world in the few colours depictingthe colonial systems of several colonial powers, aglance at this map today shows the substanial changeswhich have occurred in the world. From the terri.tories of previous colonies there have emerged tensof sovereign States which won their freedom andindependence in a long and hard struggle. The colonial.ists have been putting various obstacles in the way ofthe struggle of the colonial nations for their nationalliberation. Sometimes they use such unscrupulousmeans as napalm bombs and grenades, sometimes thetactics of pitting one colonial nation against the other.Of late, we often hear the contention that this or thatnation is not developed, mature enough to shoulder theresponsibilities of its freedom and independence andto organize a State of its own. There is no need for thecolonialists to be unduly concerned and to cover theirunwillingness to put an end to the shameful colonialsystem by showing "concern" over whether the colonialnations will be capable of running their countries.The example ofmanynew independent countries provesthat after their peoples have freed themselves fromcolonial slavery, they know well how to rule theircountries and to build their economies.

81. Another argument we hear from some colonialistcountries is the contention that their colonial terri-tories are not in fact colonies, but, as they say, over-seas provinces; that is, part of their homeland. Thereis as little logic or truth in this contention as if wesaid that some metropolitan countries were not partof Europe, but of the African continent0r the Indiansub-continent.

82. The decline of colonialism, engendered by thenational liberation movement of the colonial peoples,is inevitable and cannot be stopped by any kind offorceÿ intrigue or juridical formula. It is a historicalprocess which is bound to be crowned bythe victoriesof the idea of liberty and independence.

83. However, the matter now is whether the completedecline of colonialism will be brought about by san-guineous struggles in which further hundreds of thou-sands of peoples will perish or whether ways and meanswill be found to accelerate and make easier the in-evitable downfall of colonialism.

84. The United Nations, too, must help to find suchways and means. It must try its best to see that,throughout the world, not a single nation remainssubjugated by other nations, that the peoples of colonialand Trust Territories be given full independence.

85. Long ago, the people of the world pronouncedtheir verdict on colonialism, andthis irrevocablever-dict should now receive the full backing of the authorityof the United Nations. In any case, it is a debt whichthe United Nations has, for fifteen years, owed to thepurposes and principles" embodied in its Charter.Keeping a single nation or even a tribe in the yoke ofcolonialism is a mockery of the lofty ideals of theUnited Nations.

86. A passing comparison between the development ofmetropolitan countries and the development of theircolonies suffices to make it clear for everybody whata monstrosity is concealed in the very substance ofcolonialism. In the metropolitan Countries we seeexamples of wealth and welfare which are the resultof a long, unscrupulous robbing of millions of peoplesin the colonies and the plunder of the natural wealth


powers, a.al changesthe terri.erged tensedom ande colonial.the way ofir nationalcrupulous

Letimes the •:: the other. :his or that :(:oulder the

]dence and :::i:::3ed for the:over theirul colonialhe colonialco.tries:les proves31yes fromrule their :::ÿ:

iilcolonialist : ÿ:,nial terri-:say,.and.

on as ifre not part' the Indian

red by theÿ::i!al peoplesiny kindL historicale victories

of foreign countries. The result of the colonialistadministration of the oppressed countries is that the

leS there live in conditions of utmost poverty,racy, disease; they are doomed to the shortest

life span in the world, and more thanhalf of the popu-lÿgon dies during infancy.

7 The nations which are struggling against theoiordalists for their independence take over their

countries in a state which gives an astonishing testi-mony of the care and the civilizing mission of theirformer colonial overlords. Such instances as there not

a single factory, an enterprise of the countrywhich could meet the requirements of the population,are not exceptional. The case of the Congo,which wonits independence in a situation when there was noCongolese doctor or lawyer, engineer or officer in thecountry, is not an isolated one. The statistics whichare available to the United Nations and the informationwhich leaks from the colonial countries present a

picture of the results of the century ofcolonial rule. A good deal of information on this hasbeen disclosed during the general debate at this sessionof the General Assembly by the most competent au-thorities-the representatives of the African countries.

the colonial nations in subjugation by the most brutalmethods. We cannot pass over the oppression of thecolonial nations and the unscrupulous squandering oftheir national wealth. We cannot close our eyes whenwe are confronted with colonial wars and the sheddingof blood in Algeria, Kenya, Rhodesia, Oman, in thePortugnese colonies and elsewhere, when confrontedwith the fact that the colonial Powers use every meansof naked force to prevent the people of colonial coun-tries to assert their inalienable right to self-deter-mination. The United Nations must exert all effortsaimed at the earliest possible removal of this shame-ful situation. This is the categorical demand of ourtime. Consequently, the GeneralAssembly should adoptthe declaration on the immediate elimination of colo-nialism and the granting of independence to all colonialand trust territories.

88. But there cannot be other results because all thectivitiss of the colonialists in their colonies have

always been subordinated to a single purpose, that is,to ensure maximum profits for metropolitan monopo-lists. That is why the colonial countries have servedas the raw material appendage of the imperialistcountries, as a marketplace for metropolitan products;cheap manpower in the colonies and the output of rawmaterials and their export to the metropolitan coun-tries, at almost no cost whatever, enable the colonial-ists to get huge profits from sellingthe raw materialsand foodstuffs on world markets. That is why thecolonialists deliberately retarded the developmentof local industries in the colonies and in so far as suchindustries were developed at all, they were merelyraw material processing industries and light industry.

pronounce!ocable ver-le authoritydebt which

owed to theCharter.ÿ:

the yoke ofieals of the l

elopment ofent of their:ybody whalubstance 0ties we seCe the resull3 of peOpleÿxLral wealtl

92. Czechoslovak public opinion welcomed the factthat at the Second Conference of Independent AfricanStates at Addis Ababa in June 1960, the African nationsthemselves expressed their determination to eliminatecolonialism in Africa in the resolution onthe eradica-tion of colonial rule from Africa, which they adopted.The fact that the people of the African countries areever more resolutely taking their affairs in their ownhands is a matter of great significance as well asan important prerequisite for the earliest possibletermination of the complete and final elimination of thecolonial system. The determination of the youngAfri-can States to continue to strive for complete liberationof Africa, a determination about which we learned fromstatements made in this General Assembly by suchoutstanding African representatives as the Presidentof Ghana, Dr. Nkrumah, the President of Guinea, SÿkouTou_rÿ, and others, makes the Czechoslovak delegationbelieve that the peoples of the remainingAfrieanterri-tories will also take their destinies firmly in theirown hands.

89. The colontaHsts used to draw attention to all therailways, roads, harbours and Communication facili-ties which they built in the colonies. However, they didnot build them in the interests of the local populationbut in their own interest, in the interest of an easierand intensified exploitation of the colonial people andtheir natural wealth. This situation in the colonialterritories can hardly be a different one; it logicallystems from the very substance of the oppressing andpiratical nature of colonialism which, despite havingbeen buried by the Prime Minister of the UnitedKingdom during his statement at this session of theGeneral Assembly, is not yet dead.

90. President Sukarno aptly characterized the presentstate of colonialism when he said at the curreiit ses-sion of the General Assembly:

WPeople sometimes say that imperialism andcolonialism are dead. No, imperialism is not yetdead. It is dying, yes .... Still--and mark my wordswell.-the dying imperialism is dangerous, as danger-'ÿous as the wounded tiger in a tropical jungle."[880th meeting, para. 63.]

91.' The United Nations, which embodied the respector the principles of equality of rights and self-termination of nations, as well as human rights, in

Charter, cannot continue to stand idly by when thecolonialists ruthlessly trample on these rights and keep

;o find suchto see thatm remains;of colonialÿ

idence.

e complete ÿ;ÿiout by san-: ;I:ds of thou. i, and means :ÿder the in-ÿo

93. Recent developments have also shown that the per-petuation of the colonial system creates repeatedinternational crises which threaten to drag mankindinto the catastrophe of a world war. The immediateelimination of colonialism and all its vestiges wouldremove one of the sources of permanent tension andconflict in the world and considerably diminish thedanger of war. Is it notwellknownthat the disintegra-tion of the colonial system has always been accom-panied by provocations, military interventions, andmuch too often by colonial wars? It is sufficient torecall the colonial wars in Indonesia, Viet-Nam, Laos,Cambodia, the imperialist aggression against Egypt,the armed intervention of the colonialists In the Congo,and others. The United Nations must exert all itsefforts to remove the common roots of these crisesin Africa, Asia and Latin America, that is, the colonialsystem.

94. The United Nations must strive to enable thecolonial nations to embarkuponthe road of independentfree development. The problem of the consolidationof peace in the world, which is the basic task to whichthe United Nations must address itself is, therefore,most closely connected with the elimination of colonial-ism.

95. The Czechoslovak delegation, fully subscribes tothe views expressed by the President of Ghana, Mr.Nkrumah, who stated in the general debate of thisAssembly:

998 General Assembly- Fifteenth Session--Plenary Meetings

"As long as a single foot of African soil remainsunder foreign domination, the world will know nopeace .... The United Nations must call upon allnations that have colonies in Africa to grant com-plete independence to the territories stillunder theircontrol. In my view possession of colonies is nowquite incompatible with membership in the UnitedNations." [869th meeting, para. 5.]

of world trade, and is beneficial to ali countr{es. Theimmediate elimination of colonialism likewise WOuld heof tremendous importance for the raising of the stand.ards of living and the culture of the peoples of thecolonial countries, and for the liquidation of illiteracyand the diseases scourging the population.

96. No one can question the great importance of theemergence of the independent States after the SecondWorld War for the maintenance of peace in the world.The overwhelming majority of these new countriesenergetically pursue a policy of positive neutralityand peace and refuse to take part in the aggressivegroupings of the imperialists. Therefore, nobody candoubt that the immediate liberation of the remainingcolonial peoples would be a great contribution to thefuture destinies and the development of human society.If the colonial Powers are sincerely in favour of theconsolidation of peace, as they repeatedly proclaim,and if they take sincerely their commitments towardsthe United Nations, they should adopt the proposalscontained in the declaration submitted by the SovietUnion [A/4502 and Corr.1], that is, they should firstof all immediately grant complete independence andfreedom to ali colonial, trust and other non-self-governing countries and territories, remove allstrongholds of colonialism maintained in the form ofvarious domains and leased areas on alien territories,and all countries should strictly respect the sover-eignty and territorial invioiabiHty of countries whichhave recently gained or which will gain, after theadoption of the declaration, their independence.

97. By the adoption of the declaration, the colonialnations would have realistic prospects of achievingfreedom by peaceful means, and peace in the worldwould thus be considerably strengthened. In our view,however, it is not sufficient merely to eliminatecolonialism in its old form. The peoples of the coun-tries which have liberated themselves or which willliberate themselves from colonial slavery must beextremely vigilant and stand on their guard againstvarious forms ofneo-colonialismwhiehthe imperialistPowers try to impose upon them. I have in mind par-ticularly the attempts to drag the African-Asian coun-tries into the aggressive alliances of the imperialists,forcing these countries to make available their terri-tories for the military bases of the imperialists andto accept various kinds of unequal economic agree-ments and assistance.

98. In this connexion, we cannot pass over the ever-increasing activities oftheruiing circles of the FederalRepublic of Germany, which, by means of economicpenetration into the countries of Asia and Africa,are covertly seeking to regain the lost positions ofimperial Germany, which was one of the most brutalof the colonial countries.

99. The immediate elimination of colonialism wouldalso be of tremendous importance for the developmentof international economic co-operation and the ecoÿnomic development of the present colonies. The colo-nialists ruthlessly plundered the wealth of the colonialcountries, opposed their industrialization, and crip-pled their economies as a whole by forcing them tomaintain a one-crop agricultural production. Theliberation of the colonial countries from colonialbondage creates favourable prerequisites for a normaldevelopment of their economies, increases the volume

100. That the immediate elimination of the shamefulsystem of colonial slavery would be to the commonbenefit of all nations is clearly apparent from therich experience gained in the period following theSecond World War, when approximately thirty conn,tries with a population of 1,500 million people liberatedthemselves from the colonial yoke. Bearing this ex-perience in mind, the Czechoslovak delegation deemsit right for the United Nations to appeal to a!l thepeoples of the world not to remain indifferent to thesuffering of the colonial nations. The United Nationsmust emphatically call upon the Powers which possesscolonial dominions to initiate without delay, and on anequal footing, negotiations with the representatives ofthe colonial countries on the establishment of freedomand independence in all colonial, trust and non-self.governing territories and countries. If the colonialPowers attempt to delay the liberation of the coloniesand deny to their peoples their inalienable rights tofreedom and independence, then the peace-lovingnations wili have to render every material assistanceto the people of the colonial countries intheir struggleagainst the oppressors.

101. The warm sympathies of the Czechoslovakpeoplefor the national and liberation movements have deeproots. They stem from the bitter experience of thehard times of the Hitlerite occupation, when foreignintruders unscrupulously oppressed our peoples andplundered our country. We proceed, therefore, fromthe principle that every nation has an absolute rightto self-determination and to an independent existence.The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic maintains veryclose and all-round relations, established ontheprin-ciple of equality and mutual advantage, with the Statesof Asia and Africa which have liberated themselvesfrom colonial rule. particularly in the field of eco-nomic co-operÿtion, Czechoslovakia contributes with-in its power and possibilities to enabling these newcountries to overcome their present economic back-wardness and thus strengthen their political andeconomic independence. Basing itself on the unshakableprinciples of the Czechoslovak foreign policy, the dele-gation of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic fullysupports the proposal on the inunediate eliminationof colonial reglmes and the granting of full inde-pendence and liberty to the colonial nations. _ThePresident of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic; ÿdr.NovStny, expressed the will of all the Czechoslovakpeople when he stated in the general debate of thissession of the General Assembly:

"We are convinced that it is necessary to abolishforever the whole system of colonialism and giveall nations every opportunity to gain freedom. Thisis why we unreservedly endorse agenda item 87:Declaration on the granting of independence tocolonial countries and peoples, submitted by thedelegation of the Soviet Union at the present sessionof the General Assembly." [871st meeting, para. 56.]

102. The delegation of the Czechoslovak SocialistRepublic fully supports the proposal 0fthe declarationon the granting of independence to colonial countriesand peoples submitted by the delegation of the Union


,tries. The :i!ÿe woaldhe : (!iithe stand.

ples of the,f illiteracy

e shamefulle c oInlÿlont from the.lowing theirty couaÿ

ke liberatedng this ex,tion deems i::i1 to all the::,ÿrent to the !ed Nations

[ch possess', and on an

mtatives of i; of freedomd non-self.he colonia!:he coloniesle rights toace-loving !! :assistance

,ir struggle ;iÿ

of Soviet Socialist Republics [A/4502 and Corr.1].The adoption of this declaration by the General As-sembly would be a significant contribution by theUnited Nations for the improvement of internationalrelations, in the consolidation of peace in the worldand the development of friendly international co-operation.

103. This afternoon a twenty-eight-Power draft reso-lution has been submitted [A/L.323 and Add.l] andinÿToduced by the representative of Cambodia. Ireserve my right to comment on it at a later stageof our deliberations.

unequivocal declaration to the effect that they arewilling ÿo grant immediate freedom and independenceto the oppressed peoples in colonies, in harmony withthe noble principles and objectives of the Charter ofthe United Nations, in place of offensive attacks againstthe socialist countries in the spirit of the cold war.

104. Before concluding, I consider it necessary toreply to the statement made this morning [925thmeeting] by the representative of the United Kingdom,who tried to take advantage of the debate on the im-mediate liquidation of colonialism and attacked slan-derously the socialist States. These attacks are aimedat diverting the attention of the Assembly, as well aspublic opinion, from the solution of the urgent problemof the immediate liquidation of colonialism and theliberation of nations living so far under the colonialyoke. The representative of the United Kingdom en-deavoured to divert the Assembly's attention from thequestion we have under consideration and to substitutethe serious, business-like debate on the liquidation ofcolonialism by offensive attacks against the socialistStates in the spirit of the cold war.

Mr. Nesbitt (Canada), Vice-President, took theChair.

akde

[al c ountrielof the

106. The hundreds of millions of dollars officiallyalloted every year to financing the subversive activi-ties against the socialist countries, the dispatching ofagents and saboteurs, the organization of inflammatorycampaigns, the attempts at interference, and otherprovocations, have proved to be of little help. It iswell known that rea! freedom, independence and thesovereignty of States cannot be evaluated either by thesonority of phrases and statements made in the UnitedNations or by the rudeness and impertinence of at-tacks against the socialist States, but, for example,by such criteria as the assurance of equal rights forall, irrespective of eolour, sex or denomination, orby economic, cultural and social development, andgrowth in the living standards of the population.

107. The principal task of our discussion on thisquestion is to adopt an unequivocal declaration on theimmediate liquidation of colonialism, to renouncecolonialism as a disgTaee and dishonour to mankindin the twentieth century. Our debate should be con-ducive to the adoption of anurgent appeal to colonialistPowers that they grant, without delay, flmdamentalrights to peoples Living so far under the servile andttadigÿified conditions of the colonial rule. Neitherthe imperialist colonial Powers, which under variousPretexts rule and exploit the people in colonies, northe countries which support the former, can avoid theSolution of this urgent question by slanderous attacksagainst the socialist countries. The democratic lJublicopinion of the World expects from them, by right, an

105. We are not surprised by these attacks. Somerepresentatives--and the representative of the UnitedKingdom did it this morning--are following this coursebecause of their hatred of the socialist countries,whose peoples have in the past freely and irrevocablydecided their course, namely that of building socialismin their comatries: There is no power in the worldwhich could stop the advance of the socialist countries,and the imperialists should realize that.

.ovak peopleS have deep:i (ence of the i):'hen foreign iiÿpeoples andllefore, from :ÿisolute right:i::.Lt existence./i[ntains very%!:on the prin-:!:i::th the Statesthemselvesÿi::ield of eco-i)(:ibutes with-i:iÿ:!:g these neF:(lomic backÿ!' :olitical andÿunsha hl i

cy, the deleÿi:i ÿ,publiceliminationf full indeÿ,!iations. TheepubHc, Mr.:!ÿ::izechoslovakii::bate of thiS(:ÿ

:y to abolishÿ:im and give

eedom. ThiSbe!!::Lda item 87i:iipendenee tb:idtted by thei:!::;sent sessioaag, para. 56.

108. Mr. PERERA (Ceylon): The delegation of Ceylonis privileged to co-sponsor the draft resolution whichhas been presented as document A/L.323 and Add.1.While sponsoring the draft resolution, the delegationof Ceylon also ventures to submit that the item whichhas resulted in the present discussion marks a turningpoint in the development of international society andthe community of nations.

109. Indeed, I would not be able to improve on thewords used by Mr. Khrushchev, Chairman of theCouncil of Ministers of the Union of Soviet SocialistRepublics, contained in document A/4502, on 23 Sep-tember 1960. I would like to quote a few sentencesfrom that document, wherein the Chairman of theCouncil of Ministers of the Soviet Union said:

"Ours is an era of swift renewal of society; anera in which more progressive and equitable waysof life are being affirmed; an era in which man issoaring upwards to unprecedented mastery overforces of nature. The time has come for the com-plete and final liberation of peoples languishing incolonial bondage." [A/45 02 ]

110. Indeed, we cannot remind ourselves too often ofthe maxim: "People that oppress other peoples cannotbe free". Chairman Khrushchev in the very samedocument, as well as President S6kou Tourÿ of Guineawhen addressing this Assembly at the fourteenth ses-sion [837th meeting], cited this maxim, It is, there-fore, in this context that the delegation of Ceylon'makes this intervention.

111. The emancipation of subject peoples has alwaysbeen dear to the hearts of the people of Ceylon. If

• I may be pardoned for so stating, Ceylon played anot inconsiderable role at some of the great inter-national conferences at which the subject of the endingof colonialism was discussed. And may I say that theGovernment of Ceylon would prefer to use the term"the ending of colonialism" than "the granting of

• independence". I refer, in particular, to the AsianPeoples Conference held in New Delhi in 1947 and theBandung Conference of 1955. Since Bandung, we inCeylon have not only accepted the declarations of theindependent African States at the conferences held inAccra, Conakry and Addle Ababa, but we have beeninspired and guided by these principles in the execu-tion of our policies. In fact, the end of colonialismwas a cardinal tenet in the policy of the People'sGovernment, which came into power in April 1956,under Prime Minister Bandaranaike. The present Gov-ernment, headed by Mrs. Bandaranaike, has intensifiedthis policy; and I am not overstating my case when Isay that our people regard the ending of colonialismas the first principle of their faith and also the lastarticle of their creed.

112. I do not intend to examine the arcana imperil ofthe colonialist Powers, either of the past or of thepresent, but I am constrained to say that the "raisond'Stre" of the draft resolution now before this As-sembly derives from the existence of colonialism in

1000 General Assembly -- Fifteenth

its various manifestations. It is therefore imperativethat we take immediate measures tobring colonialismto an end. Let me remind representatives who wereonce subject people that we cannot be too gratefulnot only to the Chairman of the Council of Ministersof the Soviet Union, Mr. Khrushehev, for Iris untiringand determined efforts to place this item tm the agendaof the fifteenth session, but a!so for the ceaselessactivity of the Soviet Union since the Bolshevikrevolu-tion of 1917, to this end.

113. We do not accept the thesis that independence isgranted to subject nations. I recall Mr. KristmaMenon'S words in addressing this Assembly during thecourse of the general debate on mere than one occa-sion, when he said that the more correct terminologywould be "the ending of foreign rule or foreign domi-nation'. Of course, in some instances the term "trans-fer of power" is used. Be that as it may, we believethat the independence of subject peoples or peoplessubject to domination, political and economic, has beenwon either by political struggle or by political strugglecombined with international pressures that may beexerted by international bodies like the United Nations,or perhaps by the determined efforts and the standtaken by anti-colonialist Powers in helping those whowere once dependent to gain their independence. Wehave long learned to despise the ignorance or, as somewould say, the hypocrisy of those who speak of givingfreedom, and here again I am reminded of the words

of the poet who said:A gi£t of that which never can be givenBy all the blended powers of earth and heaven.

114. We have before us certain documents, and I, onbehalf of the delegation of Ceylon, would like to attempta dispassionate analysis both of those documents andof the draft resolution which has now been submittedby twenty-eight Asian and African Powers.

115. I must say that I was rather disturbed by theintervention of the Minister of State of the UnitedKingdom, Mr. Ormsby-Gore, this morning [925thmeeting], when he read into document A/4502 anattempt to fan the cold war. I have sought in vain tofind any semblance of this attempt to fan the cold warin this document. On the contrary, it is this documenton which we have based our discussions, and that is whythe delegation of Ceylon would like to place it beforethe representatives and perhaps draw the attention ofrepresentatives to certain passages, because we arehere discussing the ending of colonialism and noteither the continuation or the cessation of the coldwar. In point of fact, the delegation of Ceylon, or, forthat matter, the Government of Ceylon, is no partyto such a war, even if such a war does exist. Perhapswe are naive enough not to believe that there is sucha war. But we are at the moment concerned with theending of colonialism. May I, therefore, go to the pithof the matter as contained in document A/4502, be-cause it is for that reason that we ourselves aresponsoring a draft resolution. I refer to one sentencefrom that document: "The elimination of colonialismwould be a key measure in reducing internationaltension." [A/4502]116. That is one aspect of the matter. The secondand perhaps a more important one for our purposeis this, and I quote again from the same document:

, Together with the infamous system of colonialism,the variant of the colonial rÿgime known as the

Session -- Plenary Meetings

Trusteeship System has also outlived itself. Beinga vestigial remnant of the Mandates System of theLeague of Nations, the present Trusteeship Systemin accordance with the United Nations Charter shouldhave promoted the development of the Trust Terri.tories towards self-government and independence.Fifteen years have elapsed, however, since theCharter was adopted, but only four out of elevenTrust Teriteries have attained independence.

".oJ

"The Trusteeship System has not justified itself• anywhere and should be buried together with theentire colonial system, which is an anachronism.,

1A/4502.]117. AS i said, the pith of the document lies in theseparagraphs. There are also demands at the end of thedocument, and it is perhaps in respect of the demandsthat we, that is, the twonty-eighi African-Asian Statesthat have submitted the draft resolution, may appearto be at cross purposes. It is my hope that we may beable to find a solution at the end of our debate.

118. If one examines the proposals in documentA/4502 and if one examines the draft resolutionwhiehwe have submitted [A/L.323 and Add.l], one alsofindsthat there is a sort of golden thread underlying bothdocuments. Perhaps in some instances we are inagreement, and in some we are not, but one thing Icould say with some confidence is that this very sub-]oct, when the question was debated of the allocationof the item either to the First Committee or to plenarymeeting, was adopted by acclamation. When the itemdealt with in document A/4502, entitled "Declarationon the granting of independence to colonial countriesand peoples", was placedbefore the General As-sembly [903rd meeting], it was adopted without anydissension as such, and, what is more, there was noquestion of the c01d was being involved in this. Thatis why it is disturbing to find that this issue has beenraised.119. On 'the other hand, we from Ceylon would liketo consider this as a matter which concerns theworld commurdty as a whole. No doubt we still haveTrust Territories, Non-Self-Governing Territoriesand perhaps colonies in various stages of politicaland economic development, and that is why I said thatit is not for me at this stage to go into it, except verygenerally; I do not wish to go into the secrets of thenicer points of comparative colonial policy. But ImaYbe permitted to quote from what the Secretary-Generalat that time, Mr. Trygve Lie, said almost at the be-ginning of this Assembly. I shall quote from a docu-ment dated 26 March 1947, as this is necessary formy argxunent. These are his words:

,... the international Trusteeship System is no mereprolongation of the Mandates System under theLeague of Nations. Iris anew system of internationalsupervision. Its scope is wider, its powers broader,and its potentialities far greater than those of theMandates System."ÿ

120. Bearing that in mind, we must examine it inrelation to what document A/4502, submitted by theSoviet Union, states. That is why I submit to this:ÿssembly that, if we consider the ending of coloniaNism, we must also examine the practical usefulneSS

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Session, first meeting, p. 4.

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926th meeting ÿ 28 November 1960 i001

the Trusteeship System as well. We all know that that is how it strikes us in Asia and it is a fact thatiVlandates System which was propounded at the end colonialism in its various manifestations does exist.

First World War, if it did not achieve any It appears under different names and in point of factadvantages for the subject poeples under the I would argue that Chapters Xl, Xll and XIII of the

;s--of course, there were the variants, the Charter became necessary because of the existence"B" and "C" Mandates-at least influenced pubHc of colonialism. It still exists, in different forms per-

but are we content with that? The Second haps. Its manifestations, or perhaps a better wordWar perhaps ereated and unleashed forces which would be its purposes, are many, and that is why wecst World War did not. In this context the representatives from African-Asian countries in the

TrusteeshiP System has now been working for nearly Assembly, some of which won their independence quiterecently, have not forgotten them and feel we ought to

fifteenyears- make a contribution to the ending of colonialism.

sion of the Generaÿ ÿmÿ, ÿ ÿ ÿ ....

bÿitted by the then Secretary-General m ale A_s- 125. In the past colonialism appeared in variousuo. ÿ - --;ÿvrivings were expressed as to the guises; the whole doctrine of extra-territoriality, the

semDlY, somÿ mÿ doctrine of capitulationsÿthese were all facets ofucceSS of the TruSteeship System as well as about

Se purposes for which it was created and how those colonialism, as was also the divisien of the world interms of colonialism. Even international lawyers

purposes were being served by the Administeringuthorities. I refer also to document A/C.4/SR.245, talked in terms of colonialism and not in terms of a

of 12 January 1952, and a summary of that document, world or international community. It is perhaps awhich various views were expressed, clearly indi- hackneyed reference, but I may be permitted to refer

caring that there were reasons why the Trusteeship to this. It was in the nineteenth century that a verySystem was not working properly, the reasons being-- famous international lawyer, Professor Lorimer, Pro-I will give just a few--that certain Administering fessor of International Law at Edinburgh, divided theAuthorities were not complying with their obligations, world into three Mnds of humanity. There was civilizedIn some cases, they had argued that the obligations humanity, as represented by Europe; there was bar-

barous humanity, as represented by a few Powers

were wholly unacceptable. What is more, the non-administering Powers repeatedlypointedoutthatthose llke Turkey and Iraq--because it was after the TreatyAdministering Authorities were not only not fulfilling of 1856--and therewas savage humanity,whicheoveredtheir obligations but in some cases were actually the rest of Africa and Asia. We have travelled a longviolating them. In other words, actionwas takenby the way since that time, but nevertheless, if I may put itTrusteeshiP Council to call the attention of the Ad- this way, the damnosa hereditas of colonial rule gaveministering Authorities to their remissness and their rise to the problems which the world of 1945 had tolapses, and also a genuine attempt was made to put face, and that is why Chapters XI, XII and XIII of theright the system. We did not, however, find that the Charter had to be formulated to provide a system toAdministering Authorities responded to the high calling end colonialism. Today we are not discussing themerits of Chapters XI, XII and XIII, but having foundof the dignity of their office, them wanting, we are now trying to find a way out.

122. Perhaps I am generalizing, but on the otherhand these are facts. It is for that reason that the 126. For the moment I am not raising the questionissue now raised demands our closeattention,because of changing the Charter--far be it for me to attemptit is not sufficient for us to comment that a system that--but what I want to point out is that the Trustee-already exists; it is for us to find ways and means to ship System has been found wanting. I would like toend colonialism and colonial rule or domination. At subscribe to the view that perhaps certain Administer-the present moment, I submit on behalf of the dele- ing Authorities do observe strictly Article 73 of the

gation of Ceylon, there is no positive evidence to Charter, but some do not. We know that; we have onlysupport the oft-repeated argument that trusteeship to ask any member of the Fourth Committee to dis-is the surest and quickest way of ensuring the goal cover that. Some do not, and then there are others whoof self-government or independence. I say this with a would argue that Article 84 of the Charter gives acertain amount of emphasis because if the present certain neutral status to the Administering AuthorityTrusteeship System did provide such a guarantee I vis-a-vis the General ASsembly itself. Be that as it

:would not be standing here appealing for support for may, today document A/4502 focuses our attentionthe draft resolution presented by the African-ASian on the grave lacuna that exists in the Charter itself,countries, and thus we go outside the strictly legal interpreta-

tion of the Charter to the existing realities of theIt is in this connexion that I should like to re-call certain cardinal principles which have motivated world. That is why the movements in Asia and Africa,

in this respect. The representative of I.ran in his the conferences to which I referred, marked a kumingown way attempted a definition of colonialism. This is point not only in the history of Asia and Africa but

concept, a political as well as perhaps a juri- in the history of the world. Most of us belong to Stateswhich have really no armed power as such; we dependconcept which could be defined in many ways,

we subscribe to the view that colonialism on the mobilization of public opinion and the justiceeconomic exploitation, political domination and of our cause. By remaining silent on this matter,arrogance, and perhaps, in the process of ÿby refraining from saying what we ought to say, it

the aims of the Power dominating the sub- might be maintained that we are contributing to theor dependent people, a system whereby the moral purpose of history. But in this context I would say

of the inÿgenous population is brought that if the General Assembly did remain silent on amatter like this it might, in future years, come to beby the raping of its intellect, regarded as perhaps an unconscious to01 of history,

1002 General Assembly -- Fifteenth Session m Plenary Meetings

become the conscious tool of the historical processand do something to end colonialism?

127. I should also refer to the fact that when we talkof the manifestations of colonialism we moan--and thisis what the draft resolution tries to meet--the variousmethods, procedures and legal figments which areused by the colonial Powers to cover the nakednessof rank colonialism. For instance, as I said earlier,there is the question of the transfer of power. Some-times the transfer of power mustwaituntilthe correctparty, or the correct group of men,havebeen found ina colony to whom the power may be transferred. Wehave to wait, sometimes it is said, until people arepolitically and socially educated to be the equals ofthe people of the Administering Authority, and that iswhy the transfer of power is delayed. We have alsoseen that monstrous figment that has been brought uphere more than once whereby it is argued that over-seas territories are provinces of the metropolis, whichmakes those areas part of the metropolitan countryand therefore not colonies or subject countries. Thatpoint was well argued elsewhere, andas Iam discuss-ing general principles I do not want to pursue thepoint, but we know that it is under the guise of thesefigments that some of the most brutal struggles con-cerning the subject peoples have been going on, whererank inequality has been continued for several yearsto justify this legal figment that they belong to themetropolis.

132. In this context I would say--and here I am notsaying so because I want topursue the point as againstthe representative of the United Kingdom who Spokethis morning--that it is not a question of repeatinÿMarxist texts or Leninist incantations. It is the radicaÿtradition--I am using the word in averybroad senseÿwhich has always guided a country's destinies in ulti.mate fulfilment of its goal. I can only, in this context,without going into comparative studies, refer to theradical tradition of England which was responsible forenlightened colonial policy at certain phases in itshistory. And that tradition continues, and it is becauseof that radical tradition that no less a man than Leninhimself, who in his famous book ImperlaliÿHighest Stage of Capitalism, acknowledged a debt toJ. Hobson, the English economist, who at the close ofthe nineteenth century wrote his classic book Imperial.ism. It is not a question of repeating Leninisÿ.tio---ns; it is a question of taking the struggle to a cer.tain point. It is not a dogma like the Charter, forinstance. Is the Charter made for all time? Are theorgans and systems which were created in the Charterin 1945 good for all time ?

128. So, in that context it is my submission that un-der the guise of these legal figments we have ignoredthe Charter. After all, it does not require great intel-ligence or great wisdom to see that Articles 73, 76and, what is more, Article 1, paragraph 2, of theCharter, or Article 55, are very simple matters,propositions which are accepted by the world com-munity, and yet, in the implementation of these Ar-ticles we find that these authorities have not conformedto the obligations, and that is, as I say, the justifica-tion for our draft resolution and the justification forthe declaration presented by the Soviet Union.

129. I dealt only in a general way with the basis ofChapters XIÿ xII and XIII. We are now faced also withanother aspect of the problem. There have been un-equal treaties, which is always a form or manifesta-tion of colonialism---some have referred to this asneo-colonialism. There have been occasiouswheretheAdministering Authority or the dominant Power, whileabdicating its power or transferring power, has stillretained its economic stranglehold. We may call itneo-colonlalism--the term does not matter.

130. Many years ago--and here in this context onecannot forget; one need not subscribe to the doctrineof communism or socialism as such--but it has beenpointed out that the time may come--and here it wasafter the Congress of Berlin in the nineteenth cen-tury-it was pointed out by socialist theorists that thetime may come when the conflict between the colonialPowers' may lead to the point where they might com-bine to keep jointly a colonial stranglehold on somecountries and territories.

131. I would like strictly to adhere to my subject,and this is why I am not mentioning any particularPower. Whether we call it neo-colonialism, or, asanother author called it, ultra-imperialism, it is stillthere.

133. Institutions, like human beings, are subject tode cay. It is for us, therefore, we who want institutions,to see the ways and means whereby we may improvethose institutions. It is in that sense that I would arguethat one must not forget--it is nota question, I repeat,of Leninist incantations, but it is the strong radicaltradition which has been displayed, or the Hberaltradition displayed by those who fought for freedom--for example, even the countries of Latin America, ifthey had waited until all of them were so refined orso educated or politically and socially the equals ofthe colonial Powers, they would still have to waitperhaps until doomsday. In the long run we will allbe dead and that is whyitisnecessary, at a particularstage in the history of human affairs, that we takestock of these things.

134. It is in that sense that I would argue that whenwe adopted by acclamation the inscription of this itemon the agenda of the Assembly,wetookupon ourselvesa burden, the task of formulating either by some reso-lution or other measure--a declaration, if you careto put it that way--a proclamation whereby we wouldnot only offer hope to those who are still in thecolonies, but something which would be implementedby the colonial Powers as such.

135. I would like to regard the draft resolution whichwe have submitted as comingin the long line of variousdeclarations which have nowbecome international law.It is not a question here of a pure juridical conceptor the creation of law; on the contrary, it is a ques-tion of trying to find the proper place in the develop-ment of lmman society for this particular measure.

136. I would argue that in the same way-and hereit may be that some States were not parties to someof the great laws which today mark and perhaps en-rich history; for instance, I refer to the Declarationof Paris in 1856, which marked the turning point inthe laws of land warfare. I refer to the Declarationof St, Petersburg in 1868 which again took a furtherStep in the development of the humanization of war.I refer, for instance, to the Hague Conventions of 1899and 1907. Similarly, one could argue that here inour draft resolution perhapsÿI would have not only todefend it but see in it certain merits, which may beabsent from the Soviet declaration, but I think, and I


re I aIi1 not: as againstL who spokef repeatingthe radical

cad sense...

ties in ultt.his context,cefer to theponsible forroses in itsit is because1 thanlalism-.'

the close 6f :ik .Ira. perial."

dst incanta:.,ÿIe to a cerÿCharter, forme ? Are theÿ

'e subject 1

naywould.on, I

zcongc the)rlso refined €the equalhave ton we will all

mit, that the two are complementary; there is nomental disagreement in our basic objectives, and

vchÿt is more, we can see that on the basic issues weare in agreement although we may say it in differentways.137. I do not want to repeat that point, but I wouldlike, in addressing an international Assembly likeSis, to point out that ff these great declarations ofthe past, of the nineteenth century, culminating per-haps in the greatest declarations of our time,namely,the Charter, the judgements and the principles ofNuremberg, if they have been accepted by this As-sembly, if they have passed into international law, itwould be with a view to achieving a certain objective.It is in that light that I would like to ask the repre-sentatives to pass the declaration contained in ourdraft resolution [A/L.323 and Add.1]o

138. Here again, may I say that as an internationalbody we may not be a lawmaking body as such. Thedraft resolution which is before this Assembly has asanction. It is the public opinion behind it, or themoral opinion of the world represented here. Perhapsin this declaration we would also find the moraljudgement of the nations.

139. On this particular point, letme recall--because Iam sure that the speakers who follow me tomorrowwill go into the draft resolution in detail.the history,as it was, of one of the most important aspects ofcolonialism in the past, I regard it as colonialismbecause it was one form of colonialism of which,perhaps, we are not aware today. Historically, Iwouldstate that at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 it wasthe British delegate, Castlereagh himself, who pro-posed that in the Final Act of the Congress of Viennathere should be a clause eliminating or dealing withthe suppression of the slavs-trade, and so it was em-bodied, but that did not mean that Slavery came toan end.

142. So you willseethattherehasbeena long history,and I have taken just one emÿmple. It is a long historybut, unfortunately, in the context of global politicstoday the world, and especially subjectpeoples are notcontent to wait so long for the implementation of suchresolutions or such declarations. It is therefore es-sential that here in this body, where there are Ad-ministering Authorities--the so-called TrusteeshipPowers, with their obligations to subjectpeoples--andwhere at the same time there are present, participa-ting on a basis of equality, those who do not possesscolonies or Non-Self-Governing Territories; it is es-sential, I repeat, that both sides--that is, the Ad-ministering Authorities and the non-AdministeringAuthorities--subscribe to the view that we have statedas regards the general principles underlying the dee-laration eontaifled in our draft resolution.

a of this iterÿourselv i

y some reS!, if you ca!:eby we wm:e still in !

plemen!

solution whicine of variÿ.,rnational ÿidical conce, it is a que!a the develo]r measure:

way--and 1,!• ÿrties to sÿ

Ld perhapse Declara[

Lÿming poln!he Declaraftook a furÿlzation of Wentions of !Ie that hereave not oÿ1], which mÿY,t I think,,ÿ

143. It is for that reason that I submit that the decla-ration and the draft resolution mark a stage in thedevelopment of the international conscience of man-kind. In point of fact, I would go further and say that

• the success of the resolution does not depend on themere adoption of it because we know that we cannotgo to war on the ending of colonialism. The strugglecontinues because freedom is something whichis dearto those people who are struggling for it. We may betold that there are peoples in Africa who perhaps stilldo not want freedom in that sense, who are content tobe under the yoke of their colonial masters. It doesnot require a very brilliant thesis from me to dis-prove that. But that is the argument which is alwaysadduced. But we here, who have perhaps seen theactual worldng Of the Trusteeship System, we whohave seen its effects, realize that without such adeclaration it is not possible to take another stepfurther because year in and year outwe find the lapsesof the Administering Authorities, we find the interplayof world politics coming into question. We also findthat sometimes, when there is no argument to justifythe withholding of independence, the argument is thatthe Administering Authority must protect the subjectpeoples, the dependent peoples from a pernicious dec-trine like communism. I think it was in the eighteenthcentury that Dr. Johnson, a well-known figure inBritish literary circles, said that "Patriotismwas the

• last refuge of a scoundrel". I am not one to say thatthose who now argue that we nmstkeep these people inthe subject territories immune to communism wouldsubscribe to Dr. Johnson's statement. I am not goingto say that here, but very often this argument hasbeen put forward. It is on that basis perhaps that weall know that after the First World War certain Stateswere created to keep Bolshevism out of Europe; butthat did not prevent it.

140. That is what I am concerned with when dis-cussing the draft resolution--what was embodied in theFinal Act in 1815. Similarly, as I argued--in 1919 wehad the Mandates System, perhaps a manifestation ofthe then enlightened conscience of Europe, and in 1945the Trusteeship System, but if I am to state the laterhistory of the slave-trade--because it iS pertinent to

: my task--as the slave-trade was not abolished im-mediately after 1815 because certain countries didnot

in their national legislation provide for itsabolition. It was only in 1885, when,bythe Berlin Act,it was formally adopted by all the nations. At that

the number of nations had increased since theof the Congress of Vienna.

141. There was a further development in 1890. TheBrussels Act also dealt with the suppression of theslave-trade, but unfortunately for the world, both theseActs dealt only with the Congo BaSin, where the slaveÿtrade was rampant. Therefore, the world had to waitfor several years, even for the implementation of that

)Act. As recently as 1919, after the First World War,the peace ÿeaties were being debated and negoÿ

it was by the Treaty of Saint-Germain in 1919the civilized world admitted that the slave-tradegoing on in certain areas and that it had to be

by the authorities concerned. So we have theConventions of 1926 and 1956, the supplement-

provisions, being dealt with by the InternationalOrganisation, a specialized agency of the United

144. So we in ÿsia, we who have perhaps seen betterdays and worse days, we who still may have a longway to go in the evolution of our own society, can,I submit, take a more correct view of the developmentof human society, and it is for that reason that thedelegation of Ceylon, while supporting the draft reso-lution, would also like to say that we are prepared toaccept any suggestion--I think I am spealdng onbehalfof all the co-sponsors--which would improve the reso-lution so that we could end colonialism once and forall; the sooner the better for all of us. I submit thatthe day such a declaration is adopted, it will mark amoment in the conscience of civilized mankind.

The meeting rose at 5.45 p.m.

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