Pioneering procreation: Israel's first test‐tube baby

PIONEERING PROCREATION:Israel's First Test-tube Baby

DAPHNA BIRENBAUM-CARMELI

In Western Europe and in North America, in vitro fertilization(ivf) has been severely challenged as an economically unfair,

male-dominated scientific "con" that drains life savings, ruinswomen's careers, and technologizes gynecology (e.g., Corea,1985; Baruch, 1988; Spallone, 1989; Klein, 1989,1991; McNeil,1990, 1992; Franklin, 1990; Bartholet, 1993). In contrast to suchharsh criticisms, in Israel ivf has never been criticised. Since itsintroduction in the early 1980's, ivf has been accepted by layper-sons and health professionals alike as an effective, legitimatetherapy for female, male, and unexplained infertility (Solomon,1991). Neither the Jewish orthodox, establishment nor feministshave criticised its extensive use (Solomon, 1991). Why has ivfbeen embraced by Israelis?

This essay follows the press presentation of the first pregnancythat resulted from an ivf treatment conducted in Israel in 1982. Itanalyses the coverage of the treatment, pregnancy, and delivery asprovided by Yedioth Aharonoth ("Latest News"), the country'smost popular daily newspaper, read at that time by 55 percent ofIsraeli newspaper readers (Public Opinion Research, 1982). Theanalysis discloses the culturally contextual nature of the socialeffects of new procreative technologies and illustrates how culturalcontexts can be mobilised to shape perceptions of a technology.These processes are realised in the material and organisationaldevelopment of the technology. I suggest that the Israeli public,which learned about the technology primarily from the media,

Address correspondence to Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli, Department of Hu-man Services and School of Nursing, Haifa University, Haifa, Israel, Fax:972-4-8249282, e-mail: [email protected]

526 SCIENCE AS CULTURE

greeted ivf within a conservative framework that combined ele-ments of two prominent Israeli belief systems: the Biblical and theZionist. The revolutionary potential encapsulated in the innovativetechnology was ignored by the press, which emphasized its thera-peutic potential for infertile couples. Men and women who partici-pated in the process, whether as patients or professionals, weredescribed in the media accounts according to traditional gender-role images. In addition, the entire effort was depicted in terms ofpioneering, modesty, and asceticism. Local contributions to ivfresearch were highlighted as sources of national pride and interna-tional glory. At the same time, legal or medical ethical issues werenot discussed or even mentioned. The press discourse on ivf waslimited to the promising therapeutic-potential and Israel's nationalaccomplishment, framed by Jewish-Zionist elements.

A pregnancy was first achieved by ivf in Israel in 1982. OnJanuary 26, Yedioth Aharonoth published an article on its frontpage entitled TEST-TUBE FERTILIZATION ACCOMPLISHED, BUTTHE BIRTH IS STILL A LONG WAY AHEAD. With the metaphor of anobstacle course—"We jumped a high hurdle, and now the racestarts"1—the writer described the pregnancy as the first success outof 13 treatment cycles, at a cost of 80,000 Israeli shekels(US$4,800) per cycle. She also mentioned that the woman whohad conceived had previously undergone unsuccessful fertilitytreatments in Britain, which had cost her about a million liras(US$6,000)2. The Israeli achievement (1 in 13) was presented asequal to the 5% success rate reported by the world's greatestcenters, and even suggested as being slightly superior.

The local accomplishment gained additional significance frombeing compared with the achievements and track records of leadingcentres abroad. Only three weeks earlier, on January 3, 1982,Yedioth Aharonoth had reported the birth of the first Americanbaby following ivf. Such reports secured Israel's place in the mindsof local readers as lagging only slightly behind powerful countrieslike the USA, whose first 'ivf baby' was born only a few weeksbefore Israel had accomplished "its" first pregnancy by 'test tubefertilization'.3

PIONEERING PROCREATION 527

Three weeks after the report of the pregnancy (February 17), abold title, again on the paper's front page, stated: "SHEB A [hospital]DOCTORSDEPICTHEARTBEATOFFIRSTISRAELITEST-TUBEBABY.The pregnant woman was described as the 32-year-old wife of anational celebrity, whose name was not revealed. The writermentioned that the baby was due 'right on Rosh Hashana' (theJewish New Year). It went on to tell about another Israeli woman,living in the United States, who had undergone six unsuccessfulivf cycles in Britain, performed by 'Dr. Steptoe, the world'spioneer of ivf. After detailing her high expenses and despair, thereporter wrote that the woman had approached the Israeli ivf clinicas a last resort. The traditional Jewish theme of 'Light unto theNations', which would later become more salient, appeared herefor the first time. There appeared another traditional Jewish-Zion-ist theme, which emphasizes the familial interpretation of theBiblical command of 'Be fruitful and multiply'. The article statedthat Israel was the only country where sterility—as it was consis-tently termed in the press—was classified as a disease and, there-fore, fully covered by medical insurance.

The Israeli press did not mention any risk, uncertainty, or in-convenience associated with the treatment—other than its possi-ble failure. This optimistic perception was shared by profession-als, too. This is exemplified by an article about an Israeli couplewho had adopted a baby four months earlier, after six years ofwaiting. When the authorities found out that the adopting motherhad applied for ivf, the couple was ordered to return the babybecause—so it was claimed—they would soon have a baby oftheir own (February 21). That official order hints at the enthusi-asm and faith with which Israeli professionals embraced the newtechnology.

Similar eagerness was expressed by the head of an Ob/Gyn wardof a prestigious Jerusalem university hospital (March 6). In alecture at the Israeli Academy of Science, this senior physicianannounced that the first Israeli ivf baby had been delivered in hisward the previous day. After describing ivf studies conducted inthe ward, he showed a photograph of the baby born after ivf


treatment 'to a woman we treated'. When questioned about the factthat the technology had been approved by the Ministry of Healthonly four months earlier, the speaker avoided a direct answer. Itturned out that although the delivery indeed took place in Jerusa-lem, the treatment preceding the pregnancy had been performed inBritain.

On the lay side, the fearless endorsement of the technology canbe illustrated by another report on the paper's front page: A [n Israeli]MOTHER OF THREE IS READY TO UNDERGO A "TEST-TUBE BIRTH"FOR HER FRIEND (April 2). The case was discussed seriously, andthe reporter listed the formal procedures conducted in order to setthe process in motion.

Throughout the following months, the 'test-tube pregnancy' waskept in the minds of Israeli readers by various reminders, such asthe front-page headline: THE FIRST TEST-TUBE BABY ALREADYSUCKS A FINGER (May 17). Such a humanised depiction of anembryo again alludes to pro-natalism (Duden, 1992; Taylor,1992), typical of the Israeli attitude to the subject. Other ivf newsfrom Israel was soon reported, usually as a topic of nationalstanding, particularly national excellence and pride: TWO MOREPREGNANCIES ACHIEVED BY IVF (July 7); ISRAELI PHYSICIANSIMPROVE THE IVF PROCESS (July 20). One reporter stressed: 'De-spite the [Lebanon] war and the mobilization of many doctors, thenumber of test-tube fertilizations performed in Sheba Hospital hasincreased'. A British colleague on a visit was quoted as saying:"This [ivf] centre has a great future" (September 15).

National overtones were also central to the press build-up of theforthcoming birth. Somewhat dissociated from his future parents,the baby became a symbolic national representative: ISRAEL WILLENTER THE TEST-TUBE BABY CLUB THIS WEEK (September 2). Intwo days times, the delivery, later entitled "a historical moment"(September 29), was reported prominently on the paper's frontpage (September 2). The head of the Ob/Gyn Department waspresented as 'the one who had performed the test-tube fertilizationthat resulted in the pregnancy, as well as the Caesarean section'.He was quoted:


This is a superior accomplishment for Israeli medicine. It is aday of 'hag' [celebration, same Hebrew word as holiday] for allof us. The Israeli staff improved the procedure as compared withthe routine used abroad.

Besides the pride derived from the scientific accomplishment,there recurred a claim to superiority over colleagues abroad.

• THE COUPLEOn the day of the birth, the newspaper published an article on theparents of the newborn. The couple was described as a romantic,glamorous pair, whose dream of family life had been shattered bythe inability to conceive:

Six years ago, in a luxurious hotel, in one of the country's resortcenters, there stood a couple under the Khuppah [weddingcanopy]. Many celebrities were there, champagne flowed likewater, kisses filled the air, and the greetings came from the depthof the hearts. When the groom, 198 cm tall, broke the glass, thestatuesque bride shed a tear.

However, within one year, the dreams of happiness evapo-rated. After a series of medical examinations, the woman real-ised she suffered from mechanical sterility, which preventspregnancy. The 'ViaDolorosa' of the young couple, particularlythe woman's ended yesterday at dawn, when the couple becamethe parents of the first 'test-tube baby' in Israel.

[A description of the numerous surgeries that the womanhad undergone ensues. Then the article continues:] In all thesestages the devoted husband accompanied his wife and held herhand.. . .

[On the day of the delivery] the father wore jeans and astriped T-shirt. She wore a light summer dress and, for thedelivery, adorned herself and braided her long hair around herhead. . . . At 1:00 a.m., we saw the wife . . . coming out of aroom, almost running, straight to the operating room. At the end


of the hall, her loving husband sat quietly, contemplating. Hestayed with her until the very last moment. (September 22).

The writer seemed to highlight those traits of the couple that areconsidered attractive from an Israeli middle-class perspective.Physically, they were depicted as good looking: the husband,previously introduced to the readers as a celebrity (February 17),is tall, as is his "statuesque" wife. By the way they dress, theyconformed to conventional gender images, with the man in jeansand a T-shirt, and the woman in a summer dress. Economically,the description of their wedding suggested financial wealth. So-cially, they adhered to traditional sex roles: it was the bride whoshed a tear at the wedding ceremony. She is delicate and emotional,while he is remote and introverted. The feminine image of the newmother would further be enhanced a few days later (September 29),when she is described as bursting into tears whenever a strangerstood at her door. Already at this early stage, the woman wascomplimented, in the same conservative vein, for another achieve-ment—having lost the 22 kilograms she had gained during thepregnancy.

On the interpersonal level, the couple's relations were depictedas romantic and cooperative, with the man actively sharing hisfemale partner's experiences, demonstrating his solidarity by sup-porting and accompanying her as much as he possibly could. Theproblem that prevented them from realising their dream of havinga baby was, however, diagnosed as residing in the woman'sbody—the traditional locus of infertility. The description of herpainful treatments alluded to traditional myths of women whoendured suffering in order to become mothers. Some of thesecharacters, like the Biblical Rachel and Hannah, are old Jewishtraditions. Others are anchored in modern Israeli culture, such asthe Hebrew poet Rachel, who wrote about the agony of herchildlessness. These and others are well known in contemporaryIsrael and comprise an integral element of its ethos.

Eventually the story has a happy ending, with the birth of a baby.Even this ending is in line with the Israeli ethos: those who


persevere reach their goals. The very dream of this couple to havea baby was very Israeli, given the strong familial orientationdominant in Israeli culture and official policy.

Ivf was, thus, positioned within the presumably safe realms ofIsraeli middle-class familial culture, Jewish tradition and Zionistethos, all unchallenged in 1982 Israel.

• THE PROFESSIONALSSuch beliefs also guided portrayals of the health professionals,

primarily focused on the head of the Ob/Gyn department. Hisdescription centered around the physician's traditional virtues:professional competence, devotion to patients and personal integ-rity. At the same time, traditional sex roles, gender-power rela-tions, and national excellence underlay the description:

Of average height, chubby, with a fatherly smile—this is Prof.Shlomo Mashiach, the head of the Ob/Gyn Department at theSheba Medical Center, a professor at the Tel Aviv UniversitySchool of Medicine. The man, who for years has been devotedto the search for new solutions to problems of women's sterility,repeatedly said they mustn't give up and that there was renewedhope.

Prof. Mashiach, the head of the Test-Tube FertilizationUnit, who has put Israel on the world map of test-tube fertiliza-tion, reminds us: 'Without my loyal partners, Dr. Shuki Dor andDr. Edwina Rudak, and all the doctors, nurses, and lab techni-cians, who worked industriously and devotedly for a whole year,we could not have accomplished this achievement.... '

Several hours after the birth of the first 'test-tube baby',Prof. Mashiach is tired, he radiates warmth and is happy, as if itwere his own baby . . . .

Prof. Mashiach is married and the father of two sons, theelder of whom serves in the Israeli Defense Force. He dedicatedthis past year entirely to the subject of test-tube fertilization andother sterility treatments. To his anxieties, worries and happi-ness, his wife, Helit, was a loyal partner. When they did not have


the time to talk at home, they did it at work. Helit Mashiach, forthose who do not know, is the chief nurse-midwife of ShebaMedical Center. The husband is the boss.

On a personal level, the doctor's family was depicted as typicallyIsraeli, a microcosm of the Israeli middle class: married plus twochildren, one of whom is serving his military duty. The family isalso typical and traditional occupationally: the man is a seniorphysician, highly valued and well-known nationwide. His partnerhas a traditional female occupation. She is at the top of her career,filling the most senior position she could possibly reach as anurse-midwife. Still, as such, she is subordinate to a male boss—her husband. The couple is presented as collaborating profession-ally, yet in a clearly hierarchical, male-dominated manner. Thewife's standing was illustrated by the anecdotal tone of the refer-ence to her.

Professionally, Prof. Mashiah, the senior gynecologist, was por-trayed as an embodiment of the traditional doctor, the one whosedevotion to his patients goes beyond professional obligation ('asif it were his own baby'). He is also loyal to his colleagues, publiclyhighlighting their vital contribution to the medical success, whichhe described as the result of team work.

Beyond its collegial significance, the theme of team work hadZionist overtones. Cooperation and mutual support have long beenestablished as central values in the Zionist ethods, which haveproliferated into contexts of supreme national significance, like theabsorption of immigration, settling the land, fighting wars. Thus,stressing the cooperation among the professionals had an extrameaning for Israeli readers. In this vein, Prof. Mashiach contrib-uted his exceptional techno-medical accomplishments to the en-hancement of the country's scientific reputation. His devotion wasdepicted as upgrading Israeli biomedicine to the level of prosper-ous Western countries.

Owing to their particular significance in the Israeli context, thetraits of cooperation, and devotion to one's patients and countrybestow a unique glory, even an aura, onto the person who demon-


strates them. In fact, the doctor's very name—Mashiach—whichis the Hebrew term for Messiah, a Redeemer, a Saviour, is chargedwith additional symbolic meanings.

Another member of the ivf staff who figured prominently in theYedioth Aharonoth coverage was Dr. Edwina Rudak. The follow-ing are excerpts from an article entitled, THE FEMININE TOUCH INTHE FERTILIZATION TEAM (October 5):

"Dr. Edwina Rudak, the doctor-researcher who participated inthe operation of the birth of the test-tube baby, lives in thestudents' dormitory, works in a small, crowded laboratory, andis happy about her pioneering work."

It was 1:30 a.m. Very few people stood near the operatingroom, adjacent to the delivery rooms at Sheba Hospital. At theend of the corridor stood a tall young man. Suddenly, the dooropened. A tall blonde rushed out. She ran towards the youngman, kissed him, and said in English: 'It's a girl!'

This was Edwina Rudak, the only woman doctor who waspresent at the birth of Israel's first 'test-tube baby'. A biologistand geneticist, born in England, she was the feminine rib of theIsraeli test-tube fertilization team.

'I received four job offers from research centers in largecountries, including the USA, which explore the subject offertilization. I did not foresee my future in the laboratory only.I prefer to see real children as the result of my work. Somethingattracted me here. It was a challenge. I decided to come over andstart, with the Israelis, a new way. Today, two years after I camehere, I have only one problem: I have not yet got used to Israelimen', she says smiling shyly.

[A description of her uncomfortable physical work condi-tions proceeds the following comments:] . . . certainly not theideal conditions she could get in the US, but she is happy. Shefeels like a pioneer in her work. Under these conditions, it is awonder we achieved one delivery and two more pregnancies ina year.

. . . We were told that she is very delicate, sensitive, and


vulnerable. She does not understand why Israeli men are soaggressive. Maybe this is the reason she will stay single, evenin Israel, where she has plenty of suitors.

Dr. Rudak's attractive photograph is captioned: 'Dr. Rudak: "Ihave not yet become used to Israeli men".'

The presentation of Dr. Rudak is another aspect of the conser-vative national climate that surrounded ivf in the Israeli press ofthe early 1980s. The article conveyed a dual message, paying moreor less equal attention to Dr. Rudak as a scientist and as a woman.Personally, she was portrayed along traditional female lines, con-forming to conservative concepts. The traditional tone started withthe allusion to the primary biblical metaphor of the 'feminine rib'.It went on to the description of her physical appearance as a tallblonde (the stereotypical image of the Western non-Jew), who isalso 'very delicate, sensitive, and vulnerable'. She is an attractivewoman who has many suitors. Her single state was not attributedto reservations regarding marriage in general, but rather to afeminine dislike of aggressive Israeli men. This explanation sug-gested her otherwise willingness to marry and have a family. Thewriter's interest in highlighting this seemingly conservative aspectof Dr. Rudak's life was revealed in the choice of the provocativeheadline of the article and the photograph's caption, both present-ing the scientist as a stereotypical woman. Moreover, one maysuggest that the entire description, coupled with that of Prof.Mashiach, sketches a metaphorical family, with Dr. Rudak andProf. Mashiach the parents of the test-tube baby.

The traditional female perspective dominated even the profes-sional description, presenting Dr. Rudak as the excited blonde whoruns in the hallway to kiss the father of the newborn. This descrip-tion introduced her wish, mentioned later in the article, to see herwork materialise in the birth of real children, an accomplishmentshe considers the goal and climax of her scientific work.

The description of Dr. Rudak, like that of the other participants,went beyond the personal level. Her professional description em-phasized her scientific excellence ("proved" by the job offers she


has received) and professional choice to glorify the Israeli clinic—perhaps Israel in general—which she preferred. Dr. Rudak's deci-sion to join the Israeli team was explained by the appeal ofpioneering, another prominent theme in the Zionist ethos. Usuallydescribing builders of new settlements, the use of the pioneeringmotive in the article somewhat 'Zionizes' the British scientist, whois neither Israeli nor Jewish. This attribute was enhanced by herpersonal depiction as modest and ascetic, ready to make personalsacrifices for a valued collective goal.

Thus, working in a crowded laboratory and living in a students'dormitory did not diminish Dr. Rudak's satisfaction from workingin Israel. The contrary was true: it was the pioneering nature of herwork, the excitement of building something new, that was hercompensation. Indeed, like Mashiach, Rudak praised the localaccomplishment as exceptional, given the scant resources allo-cated to the team.

• SCIENTIFIC ACHIEVEMENTS AND NATIONAL PRIDEThe national motives and overtones that were present throughoutthe coverage of the 'test-tube birth' were further developed in theYom Kippur holiday supplement, published a few days after thebirth. A central two-page article was headlined by a Biblicalparaphrase: 'Be Fruitful and Multiply with the aid of the test-tube'(September 26). The following is a translation of parts of thisarticle:

'She is here—the test-tube baby. It is not science fiction, it isnot a dream'—screamed newspaper headlines four years ago,when the first test-tube baby was born in England. Now, Israel,too, has entered the exclusive club, with the help of Shebadoctors, who say: 'With not too big a budget, we can bringhappiness to another hundred couples every year'.

The first 'blue and white' baby [the colours of the Israeliflag, which stand for made in Israel] has placed Israel on theinternational map and granted us the entry ticket to the exclusiveclub of large countries with huge research budgets, like England,


USA, Australia, France, and Germany, where test-tube babieshave already been born. . . .

When the Edwards-Steptoe team wished to improve theirfertilization technique by fertilizing several eggs rather than asingle one, they used a hormone that had been developed inIsrael. Today, all doctors around the world use this method.Sheba Medical Center is considered the most advanced in thestudy and treatment of sterile women. [The Hebrew version canbe read as both 'advanced' and 'the most advanced'].

Of 115 women, we achieved fertilization in 60 cases, ofwhich six conceived—that is 10%! This achievement parallelsthat of foreign countries. We have nothing to be ashamed of.With a small staff and without special resources, we establisheda unit that has brought honor to Israeli medicine. It is true thatof these six pregnancies, three were miscarried, but this alsohappens to geniuses like Edwards and Steptoe.

A photo inserted in the article was captioned: This is the onlypair of twins born via test-tube assistance in Australia. Prof. CarlWood, who achieved this record, used the technique developed inIsrael in order to increase ovulation.'

Allusions to the bible and Jewish traditions were scatteredthroughout the various Yedioth Aharonoth articles devoted to theivf pregnancy. When the conception was first reported, the readerswere referred to the symbolism of the date of the expected birth,on Rosh Hashanah. When the event actually occurred, a majorarticle was headlined by a quotation of the parents: [The baby is]THE NICEST GIFT WE RECEIVED FOR THE NEW YEAR (September23). This was followed by the paraphrasing title: REPRODUCE ANDMULTIPLY VIA THE TEST-TUBE.

This traditional, Biblical origin of the Israeli pronatalist/familialpreference (Kaplan, 1973; Hazelton, 1977) was supported byexplanations and reasoning of a more contemporary nature. Re-searchers have listed as the most central themes in this categorythe current centrality of religion in Israel; the ethnic composition


of the Israeli population, which splits about equally betweenEuropean/American descendents and those of African/Asian ori-gin; and an ideology of a political/economic need to enlarge theJewish population (Schiff, 1978; Lazerowitz, 1980; Davids, 1983;Hartman, 1984; Peres, 1994). Probably owing to these factors,pro-natalism has never been seriously challenged in Israel.

A comparison with North America and Western Europe showsthat Israelis are significantly more familial, with higher birthrates(at least one child more than in most European countries), lowerdivorce rates, and fewer births out of wedlock (Friedlander &Feldmann, 1993; Peres, 1994). The state uses subsidies to encour-age Jewish procreation, e.g., a universal birth endowment andcontinuous child support to age 18 from the first child. Paidmaternity leave has been compulsory for decades, and day-carecentres are established and subsidized by the state. Abortion isnot allowed unless approved by a special committee of socialworkers, religion representatives, and physicians, who label thewoman 'a reproductive deviant' (Amir & Biniamin, 1991). Thisregulation has been analysed as seeking to restrict fertility amongthe poor, while encouraging it among the general Jewish popu-lation (Yishai, 1993). Physicians have been depicted as pro-natal-ist because of their undermining couples' attempts to control theirown fertility (Basker, 1986). The excellence of Israeli doctors inthe field of fertility and their significant contribution to ivf re-search (Solomon, 1991) can also be attributed, at least partially,to this general atmosphere, which is complemented by budgetsand prestige allocated to the expanding field. This trend comple-ments findings that show that having children, especially manychildren, is considered a major goal in the lives of most Israelis(Shuval, 1992).

In this cultural context, the consensual celebration of ivf met nosuspicion or criticism. This portrayal also served to promote theexpansion of Sheba's ivf clinic (and, later on, the establishment ofnew such clinics) as an urgent matter, lest any delay prolong theagony of infertile couples.


Alongside the pro-natalist overtones, the pioneering theme keptreappearing. Over and over again, the journalists highlighted thescarce resources available to the Israeli team and the fact that theprofessionals did their work voluntarily. This situation was pre-sented as a sharp contrast to ivf centres abroad, which used largebudgets to achieve just as few pregnancies. Nevertheless, theIsraeli physicians were described as skillful enough to make crucialcontributions to the development of the new technology. Framedwithin this context of economic disadvantage, Israel was proudlyincluded in the same category as major Western countries (En-gland, United States, Australia, France, and Germany). At the sametime, it made the Israeli achievement somewhat superior to that ofits affluent counterparts.

The combination of national disadvantage and superiority is notunfamiliar to Israeli culture. From the Biblical David and Goliathto the 1967 victory in the Six Day War, images of 'few againstmany', of spiritual superiority despite material inferiority, consti-tute a central theme in Israeli myths of struggle and endurance(Gertz, 1986). Here the elements of modesty and ascetism, promi-nent in the ethos of settling the land and absorbing large numbersof immigrants, converge with the Biblical themes of 'The ChosenPeople' and 'Light unto the Nations'. The Jew is thereby consti-tuted as a source of reason, enlightening his surroundings. In thiscontext, scientific excellence is more than a source of nationalpride. It confirms a collective belief in and a claim for worth anddistinction.

Thus, ivf illustrates the mobilisation of key symbols and nationalmyths for their traditional purposes of aggrandising Israeli peopleand culture, as well as praising Israel's competence and power.Such meanings helped legitimise the innovative technology of ivfand promote its smooth acceptance by both professionals and laypersons. Rather than a threat to traditional cosmology, ivf wasdepicted as linking tradition and progress, a means of glorifyingboth Jewish tradition and present-day Israel.


• NOTES1 The "obstacle course" metaphor for pregnancy in general and ivf pregnancies

in particular is also prevalent in other countries (Franklin, 1986).2 In the early 1980s, owing to hyperinflation, Israel changed its currency: 10

liras = 1 shekel (not to be confused with New Israeli Shekels [NIS] introducedlater). By the alternative use of currencies, the writer manipulated the impres-sion created by the large sums quoted in lirot

3 This is the term used by the journalist. It is printed consistently in quotationmarks.

• REFERENCESAmir, D., & Biniamin, O. (1991) Abortion approval as a ritual of symbolic

control, Women and Criminal Justice, 3(1):5-25.Basker, E. (1986) The 'natural' control of fertility, Sociology of Health and

Illness, 8(1):3-25.Bartholet, E. (1993) Family Bonds. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.Baruch, E. H. (1988) A womb of his own, in E. H. Baruch, A. F. D' Amadeo &

J. Seager (eds.) Embryos, Ethics and Women's Rights. New York: HarringtonPress.

Corea, G. (1985) The Mother Machine. New York: Harper & Row.Davids, L. (1983) 'What's happening in the Israeli family? Recent demographic

trends, Israel Social Science Research, 1(1):34-40.Duden, B. (1992)' Vizualizing "life"', Science as Culture, 3(4):562-600.Franklin, S. (1990) 'Deconstructing "desparateness": The social construction of

infertility in popular representations of new reproductive technologies, in M.McNeil, I. Varcoe & S. Yearley (eds.), The New Reproductive Technologies.Hampshire and London: MacMillan Press Ltd.

Friedlander, D. & Feldmann C. (1993) 'The modern shift to below-replacementfertility: Has Israel's population joined the process?', Population Studies,47(2):295-306.

Gertz, N. (1986) 'Social myths in literary and political texts', Poetics Today,7(4):621-649.

Hartman, M. (1984). Pronatalistic tendencies and religiosity in Israel, Sociologyand Social Research, 68(2):247-258.

Hazelton, L. (1977) Israeli women: The reality behind the myth. New York:Simon and Shuster.

Klein D. (1989). Infertility: Women Speak Out. London: Sage.(1991) 'Women as body parts in the era of reproductive and genetic

engineering', Health Care for Women International, 12(4):393-405.Lazerowitz, B. (1980) 'Religiosity and fertility: How strong a connection?'

Contemporary Jewry, 5(1):56-63.McNeil M. (1990) 'Reproductive technologies: A new terrain for the sociology


of technology', in M. McNeil, I. Varcoe & S. Yearley (eds.), The NewReproductive Technologies. Hampshire and London: MacMillan Press Ltd.

(1992). 'New reproductive technologies: Dreams and broken promises',Science as Culture, 3(4):483-506.

Peres, Y. (1994) New developments in the Israeli family. International Socio-logical Association Annual Conference.

Schiff, G.S. (1978) 'The politics of population policy in Israel, Forum on theJewish People, Zionism and Israel, 28-29: 173-192.

Solomon, A., (1991) 'Anything for a baby: Reproductive technology in Israel'in B. Swirsky & P. Safir (eds.), Calling Equality Bluff: Women in Israel. NewYork: Pergamon Press.

Spallone, P. (1989) Beyond Conception: The New Politics of Reproduction.Massachusetts: Bergin and Garvey Publishers.

Shuval, J. T. (1992) Social Dimensions of Health: The Israeli Experience.Westport and London: Praeger.

Taylor J. S. (1992) 'The public foetus and the family car: From abortion politicsto a Volvo advertisement', Science as Culture, 3(4):601-618.

Yishai, Y. (1993). 'The hidden agenda: Abortion politics in Israel', Journal ofSocial Policy, 22(2): 193-212.

Pioneering procreation: Israel's first test‐tube baby

Documents

Transcript of Pioneering procreation: Israel's first test‐tube baby