Pilgrims on the Ice: Robert Falcon Scott's First Antarctic Expedition by T. H. BaughmanReview by: David E. SugdenThe English Historical Review, Vol. 115, No. 464 (Nov., 2000), pp. 1355-1356Published by: Oxford University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/579058 .Accessed: 21/03/2013 21:57

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2000 SHORTER NOTICES I355

Employment (Labour) Exchanges scheme (which he had negotiated for with the Liberal government) by the Trades Union Congress in I9IO. In examining Shackleton's career, Martin presents an accessible, detailed, analytic and sympathetic study, which says as much about the early Labour party as it does about Shackleton. It is a worthy addition to the growing stock of biographies of Labour's leaders.

University of Huddersfield KEITH LAYBOURN

Pilgrims on the Ice: Robert Falcon Scott's First Antarctic Expedition, by T. H. Baughman (Lincoln/London: U. of Nebraska P., 1999; pp. 334. N.p.), is a fascinating new insight into the Discovery expedition. For much of the last century our view of the expedition has been overshadowed by the subsequent travails of key participants, for example, Robert Scott, Ernest Shackleton, Edward Wilson and Frank Wild. Here, they are seen cutting their teeth in an unfamiliar Antarctic setting. The expedition was the brainchild of Sir Clements Markham, President of the Royal Geographical Society, and was co-sponsored by the society and the Royal Society. The Discovery was specially built in Dundee and spent two Antarctic winters frozen into sea ice at the southern tip of Ross Island near the site of the present-day McMurdo base. A relief ship, the Morning, visited during the subsequent summer (1902-3) and was joined by the Terra Nova in the next summer (1903-4). While based on the ice-bound Discovery, expedition members carried out continuous scientific observations and made sledging trips into the Ferrar Glacier area of the Transantarctic Mountains and for hundreds of kilometres over the Ross Ice Shelf to the south and east. The southern party suffered from scurvy, and Shackleton, a junior officer, was sent home on the first relief ship. The author, T. C. Baughman, exploits the wealth of records in the libraries of the Royal Geographical Society and Scott Polar Research Institute to present a balanced view of the expedition as a whole and the intrigues that accompanied its birth and execution. One of the most illuminating insights is the depth of the tension between adventure and science, a tension which underpinned all aspects of the expedition and continues to this day in Antarctic affairs. In a Joint Committee of the two societies, Sir Clements Markham, backed by veteran Arctic explorers, saw adventure as the prime aim, preferably in the proud naval tradition of nineteenth-century arctic exploration. The Royal Society members, backed by some from the RGS, favoured an expedition with a scientist in control, as was the case with three other antarctic expeditions at the time. A compromise was suggested, with the ship under the command of a Navy captain and a scientist in charge of a winter land station. Tensions were such that there were walk-outs from committee meetings, the Scientific Director, J. W. Gregory, resigned from the expedition, the scientific credentials of W. S. Bruce were overlooked, and there are suspicions that the Discovery was frozen in at least partly to ensure that Captain Scott remained in charge of the winter base. The supreme irony is that the records show that Scott was extremely supportive of the scientists and indeed highlighted the urgent need for a glaciologist. The expedition discovered the nature of the Ross Ice Shelf and the Transantarctic Mountains, demon- strated the depth and variability of the antarctic winter, and carried out baseline studies in geology, biology and geophysics. Moreover, the various records

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I356 SHORTER NOTICES November suggest that Scott was respected and ran a happy ship in very difficult conditions. So here is a book full of interest which synthesises a remarkable variety of written records. It is a marvellous read and greatly increases our respect for a venture combining the strengths and weaknesses of both the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

University of Edinburgh DAVID E. SUGDEN

Giovanni Orsina has written a valuable contribution to the history of political parties in Liberal Italy. Senza Chiesa ne classe. Ilpartito radicale nell'ett giolittiana (Rome: Carocci, I998; pp. 3I0. L 34,000) is a thorough investigation of the Radical Party. The study is divided into four chapters. The first chapter investigates the culture of radical liberalism and carefully differentiates the legacies of Garibaldi and Cavallotti with the more modern political culture of the early twentieth century. The relationship between positivism and the reformist and anti-clerical culture of the Radicals is approached in a carefully measured fashion. For the Radicals of the Giolittian era, education of the masses was necessary before they could be entrusted with power. The political culture of the Radicals assumed that a political neutral and efficient State would hold the ring as Italian society was democratized. Of course, as the author notes, this Radical political culture had its cross-currents: if a majority of Radicals endorsed a moderate dose of collectivism, the Free Trade economists were suspicious of any sort of State protectionism or monopoly. The second chapter deals with ideology. Orsina demonstrates quite conclusively the hegemony of the Free Masons and Masonic ideas in the Radical Party. The party's anti-clericalism, its campaign for lay education and its reformist overtures to the reformist socialist and labour Left based on the conciliation of classes rather than the class war are traced back to the influence of the Masons in Rome. The third chapter deals with party organization. The Radical Party in its modern guise was only founded in I904. However, as Orsina shows, national party organization remained rudimentary. The parliamentary party lacked discipline, indeed it is difficult for the author of this study to give a firm number of the deputies in parliament who were officially Radicals or merely within its political area. The strength of the party was located in the local and municipal organizations and the networks of associations and clubs that gained support from artisans, workers and the middle classes. Like their on-off allies and competitors, the Socialists, the Radicals put down roots in local institutions and clubs. However, unlike the Socialists, the party remained an elite organization, without a mass membership. More popularly based than the notable Liberals, nevertheless, the Radicals never became a modern party. As the Socialists began winning their voters in the North, the party increased its strength in the South, as the lower classes received the vote. Here the party scored victories until I914 because the Socialists were weak. They won through notable politics in certain areas, but also as the party of democratic municipal reform in others. The Radical Party remained a party of and for the educated middle classes. The party's parliamentary deputies and its leaders were from the class of free professionals, but so was its party base. The Radicals remained important throughout the Giolittian era and served in cabinet due to their role as a bridge between the reformist wing of the Socialists and the rest of the Estrema and the

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Article Contentsp. 1355p. 1356

Issue Table of ContentsThe English Historical Review, Vol. 115, No. 464 (Nov., 2000), pp. 1109-1407Volume Information [pp. 1383-1407]Front MatterVenantius Fortunatus and the Image of Episcopal Authority in Late Antique and Early Merovingian Gaul [pp. 1109-1137]Jews and the Law in England, 1275-90 [pp. 1138-1158]'Divided into Parties': Exclusion Crisis Origins in Monmouth [pp. 1159-1183]Henry Brougham and Law Reform [pp. 1184-1215]Notes and DocumentsDefining the Fundamental Laws of France: The Proposed First Article of the Third Estate at the French Estates General of 1614 [pp. 1216-1230]

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Other Publications [pp. 1373-1381]Back Matter