Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

19
AEGAEUM 33 Annales liégeoises et PASPiennes d’archéologie égéenne KOSMOS JEWELLERY, ADORNMENT AND TEXTILES IN THE AEGEAN BRONZE AGE Proceedings of the 13 th International Aegean Conference/ 13 e Rencontre égéenne internationale, University of Copenhagen, Danish National Research Foundation’s Centre for Textile Research, 21-26 April 2010 Edited by Marie-Louise NOSCH and Robert LAFFINEUR PEETERS LEUVEN - LIEGE 2012

Transcript of Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

Page 1: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

AEGAEUM 33Annales lieacutegeoises et PASPiennes drsquoarcheacuteologie eacutegeacuteenne

KOSMOS

JEWELLERY ADORNMENT AND TEXTILES IN THE AEGEAN BRONZE AGE

Proceedings of the 13th International Aegean Conference 13e Rencontre eacutegeacuteenne internationale University of Copenhagen

Danish National Research Foundationrsquos Centre for Textile Research 21-26 April 2010

Edited by Marie-Louise NOSCH and Robert LAFFINEUR

PEETERSLEUVEN - LIEGE

2012

95274_Aegaeum 33 vwk I Sec11 250412 0954

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface viiAbbreviations ix

KEYNOTE ADDRESS

Robert LAFFINEUR For a Kosmology of the Aegean Bronze Age 3

I ASPECTS OF KOSMOS

Elizabeth JW BARBERSome Evidence for Traditional Ritual Costume in the Bronze Age Aegean 25

Jean-Claude POURSATOf Looms and Pebbles Weaving at Minoan Coastal Settlements 31

Andreas VLACHOPOULOS and Fragoula GEORMAJewellery and Adornment at Akrotiri Thera The Evidence from the Wall Paintings and the Finds 35

Marie-Louise NOSCHFrom Texts to Textiles in the Aegean Bronze Age 43

II TEXTILES

Evanthia PAPADOPOULOUTextile Technology in Northern Greece Evidence for a Domestic Craft Industry from

Early Bronze Age Archontiko 57

Malgorzata SIENNICKATextile Poduction in Early Helladic Tiryns 65

Vassilis P PETRAKISlsquoMinoanrsquo to lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Thoughts on the Emergence of the Knossian Textile Industry 77

Maria Emanuela ALBERTI Vassilis L ARAVANTINOS Maurizio DEL FREO Ioannis FAPPAS Athina PAPADAKI and Franccediloise ROUGEMONTTextile Production in Mycenaean Thebes A First Overview 87

Marta GUZOWSKA Ralf BECKS and Eva ANDERSSON STRANDldquoShe was weaving a great Webrdquo Textiles in Troia 107

Margarita GLEBA and Joanne CUTLERTextile Production in Bronze Age Miletos First Observations 113

Peter PAVUacuteKOf Spools and Discoid Loom-Weights Aegean-type Weaving at Troy Revisited 121

Richard FIRTHThe Textile Tools of Demircihuumlyuumlk 131

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Sascha MAUELSummarizing Results of a New Analysis of the Textile Tools from the Bronze Age Settlement

of Kastanas Central Macedonia 139

Joanne CUTLERAriadnersquos Thread The Adoption of Cretan Weaving Technology in the Wider Southern Aegean

in the Mid-Second Millennium BC 145

Carlos VARIASThe Textile Industry in the Argolid in the Late Bronze Age from the Written Sources 155

Trevor VAN DAMMEReviewing the Evidence for a Bronze Age Silk Industry 163

Brendan BURKELooking for Sea-Silk in the Bronze Age Aegean 171

Vili APOSTOLAKOU Thomas M BROGAN and Philip P BETANCOURTThe Minoan Settlement on Chryssi and its Murex Dye Industry 179

Philip P BETANCOURT Vili APOSTOLAKOU and Thomas M BROGANThe Workshop for Making Dyes at Pefka Crete 183

Thomas M BROGAN Philip P BETANCOURT and Vili APOSTOLAKOUThe Purple Dye Industry of Eastern Crete 187

Helegravene WHITTAKERSome Reflections on the Use and Meaning of Colour in Dress and Adornment

in the Aegean Bronze Age 193

Pietro MILITELLOTextile Activity in Neolithic Crete the Evidence from Phaistos 199

Eva ANDERSSON STRANDFrom Spindle Whorls and Loom Weights to Fabrics in the Bronze Age Aegean

and Eastern Mediterranean 207

Sophia VAKIRTZIAkr 8794 A Miniature Artifact from Akrotiri Thera and the ldquoWhorl or Beadrdquo Question

in Light of New Textile Evidence 215

Bernice JONESThe Construction and Significance of the Minoan Side-Pleated Skirt 221

Janice L CROWLEYPrestige Clothing in the Bronze Age Aegean 231

Joanna S SMITHTapestries in the Mediterranean Late Bronze Age 241

Abby LILLETHUNFinding the Flounced Skirt (Back Apron) 251

Valeria LENUZZADressing Priestly Shoulders Suggestions from the Campstool Fresco 255

Eleni KONSTANTINIDI-SYVRIDIA Fashion Model of Mycenaean Times The Ivory Lady from Prosymna 265

TABLE OF CONTENTS iii

Alessandro GRECOThe Background of Mycenaean Fashion a Comparison between Near Eastern and Knossos

Documents on Sheep Husbandry 271

Joann GULIZIOTextiles for the Gods Linear B Evidence for the Use of Textiles in Religious Ceremonies 279

Joumlrg WEILHARTNERGender Dimorphism in the Linear A and Linear B Tablets 287

Anne P CHAPINDo Clothes Make the Man (or Woman) Sex Gender Costume and the Aegean

Color Convention 297

David A WARBURTONEconomic Aspects of Textiles from the Egyptian Standpoint in the Context of the Ancient Near East 305

Katherina ASLANIDOUSome Textile Patterns from the Aegean Wall-Paintings of Tell el-Dablsquoa (lsquoEzbet Helmi)

Preliminary Reconstructions and comparative Study 311

Emily Catherine EGANCut from the Same Cloth The Textile Connection between Palace Style Jars and Knossian

Wall Paintings 317

Fritz BLAKOLMERBody Marks and Textile Ornaments in Aegean Iconography Their Meaning and Symbolism 325

Elisabetta BORGNARemarks on Female Attire of Minoan and Mycenaean Clay Figures 335

III JEWELLERY

Eleni SALAVOURAMycenaean ldquoEar pickrdquo A Rare Metal Burial Gift Toilette or Medical Implement 345

Birgitta P HALLAGERPins and Buttons in Late Minoan III Dresses 353

Ute GUumlNKEL-MASCHEKReflections on the Symbolic Meaning of the Olive Branch as Head-Ornament in the Wall

Paintings of Building Xesteacute 3 Akrotiri 361

Cynthia COLBURN Bodily Adornment in the Early Bronze Age Aegean and Near East 369

Evangelos KYRIAKIDISHow to see the Minoan Signet Rings Transformations in Minoan Miniature Iconography

379Julie HRUBY

Identity and the Visual Identification of Seals 389

Konstantinos KOPANIASRaw Material Exotic Jewellery or Magic Objects The Use of Imported Near Eastern

Seals in the Aegean 397

Salvatore VITALEDressing Up the Dead The Significance of Late Helladic IIIB Adornments from Eleona

and Langada at Kos 407

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Petya HRISTOVA Overlaying Mycenaersquos Masks in Funerary and Living Contexts of Symbolic Action Jewellery for Body Adornment Portraits or Else 417

Judit HAAS-LEBEGYEVConstructions of Gendered Identity through Jewellery in Early Mycenaean Greece 425

Maia POMADEgraveREDressing and Adorning Children in the Aegean Bronze Age Material and Symbolic Protections

as well as Marks of an Age Group 433

Robert Angus K SMITH and Mary K DABNEY Children and Adornment in Mycenaean Funerary Ritual at Ayia Sotira Nemea 441

Lena PAPAZOGLOU-MANIOUDAKI Gold and Ivory Objects at Mycenae and Dendra Revealed Private Luxury andor Insignia Dignitatis 447

Jeffrey S SOLES The Symbolism of Certain MinoanMycenaean Beads from Mochlos 457

Walter MUumlLLER Concepts of Value in the Aegean Bronze Age Some Remarks on the Use of Precious Materials for Seals and Finger Rings 463

Anastasia DAKOURI-HILD Making La Diffeacuterence The Production and Consumption of Ornaments in Late Bronze Age Boeotia 471

Jacke PHILLIPS On the Use and Re-Use of Jewellery Elements 483

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS and Lilian KARALI Floral or Faunal Determining Forces on Minoan and Mycenaean Jewellery Motif Selection with a GIS 493

Magda PIENIĄŻEK Luxury and Prestige on the Edge of the Mediterranean World Jewellery from Troia and the Northern Aegean in the 2nd Millennium BC and its Context 501

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN Mycenaean Jewellery and Adornment at Midea 509

Thanasis J PAPADOPOULOS and Litsa KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU Specific Types of Jewellery from Late Bronze Age Tombs in Western Greece as Evidence for Social Differentiation 515

Jane HICKMAN Gold and Silver Jewelry Production in Prepalatial Crete 523

Elisabeth VOumlLLING Nicole REIFARTH and Jochen VOGL The Intercultural Context of Treasure A in Troy - Jewellery and Textiles 531

Naya SGOURITSA Remarks on Jewels from the Mycenaean Settlement and Cemetery at Lazarides on Eastern Aegina 539

Constantinos PASCHALIDIS Reflections of Eternal Beauty The Unpublished Context of a Wealthy Female Burial from Koukaki Athens and the Occurrence of Mirrors in Mycenaean Tombs 547

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 2: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface viiAbbreviations ix

KEYNOTE ADDRESS

Robert LAFFINEUR For a Kosmology of the Aegean Bronze Age 3

I ASPECTS OF KOSMOS

Elizabeth JW BARBERSome Evidence for Traditional Ritual Costume in the Bronze Age Aegean 25

Jean-Claude POURSATOf Looms and Pebbles Weaving at Minoan Coastal Settlements 31

Andreas VLACHOPOULOS and Fragoula GEORMAJewellery and Adornment at Akrotiri Thera The Evidence from the Wall Paintings and the Finds 35

Marie-Louise NOSCHFrom Texts to Textiles in the Aegean Bronze Age 43

II TEXTILES

Evanthia PAPADOPOULOUTextile Technology in Northern Greece Evidence for a Domestic Craft Industry from

Early Bronze Age Archontiko 57

Malgorzata SIENNICKATextile Poduction in Early Helladic Tiryns 65

Vassilis P PETRAKISlsquoMinoanrsquo to lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Thoughts on the Emergence of the Knossian Textile Industry 77

Maria Emanuela ALBERTI Vassilis L ARAVANTINOS Maurizio DEL FREO Ioannis FAPPAS Athina PAPADAKI and Franccediloise ROUGEMONTTextile Production in Mycenaean Thebes A First Overview 87

Marta GUZOWSKA Ralf BECKS and Eva ANDERSSON STRANDldquoShe was weaving a great Webrdquo Textiles in Troia 107

Margarita GLEBA and Joanne CUTLERTextile Production in Bronze Age Miletos First Observations 113

Peter PAVUacuteKOf Spools and Discoid Loom-Weights Aegean-type Weaving at Troy Revisited 121

Richard FIRTHThe Textile Tools of Demircihuumlyuumlk 131

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Sascha MAUELSummarizing Results of a New Analysis of the Textile Tools from the Bronze Age Settlement

of Kastanas Central Macedonia 139

Joanne CUTLERAriadnersquos Thread The Adoption of Cretan Weaving Technology in the Wider Southern Aegean

in the Mid-Second Millennium BC 145

Carlos VARIASThe Textile Industry in the Argolid in the Late Bronze Age from the Written Sources 155

Trevor VAN DAMMEReviewing the Evidence for a Bronze Age Silk Industry 163

Brendan BURKELooking for Sea-Silk in the Bronze Age Aegean 171

Vili APOSTOLAKOU Thomas M BROGAN and Philip P BETANCOURTThe Minoan Settlement on Chryssi and its Murex Dye Industry 179

Philip P BETANCOURT Vili APOSTOLAKOU and Thomas M BROGANThe Workshop for Making Dyes at Pefka Crete 183

Thomas M BROGAN Philip P BETANCOURT and Vili APOSTOLAKOUThe Purple Dye Industry of Eastern Crete 187

Helegravene WHITTAKERSome Reflections on the Use and Meaning of Colour in Dress and Adornment

in the Aegean Bronze Age 193

Pietro MILITELLOTextile Activity in Neolithic Crete the Evidence from Phaistos 199

Eva ANDERSSON STRANDFrom Spindle Whorls and Loom Weights to Fabrics in the Bronze Age Aegean

and Eastern Mediterranean 207

Sophia VAKIRTZIAkr 8794 A Miniature Artifact from Akrotiri Thera and the ldquoWhorl or Beadrdquo Question

in Light of New Textile Evidence 215

Bernice JONESThe Construction and Significance of the Minoan Side-Pleated Skirt 221

Janice L CROWLEYPrestige Clothing in the Bronze Age Aegean 231

Joanna S SMITHTapestries in the Mediterranean Late Bronze Age 241

Abby LILLETHUNFinding the Flounced Skirt (Back Apron) 251

Valeria LENUZZADressing Priestly Shoulders Suggestions from the Campstool Fresco 255

Eleni KONSTANTINIDI-SYVRIDIA Fashion Model of Mycenaean Times The Ivory Lady from Prosymna 265

TABLE OF CONTENTS iii

Alessandro GRECOThe Background of Mycenaean Fashion a Comparison between Near Eastern and Knossos

Documents on Sheep Husbandry 271

Joann GULIZIOTextiles for the Gods Linear B Evidence for the Use of Textiles in Religious Ceremonies 279

Joumlrg WEILHARTNERGender Dimorphism in the Linear A and Linear B Tablets 287

Anne P CHAPINDo Clothes Make the Man (or Woman) Sex Gender Costume and the Aegean

Color Convention 297

David A WARBURTONEconomic Aspects of Textiles from the Egyptian Standpoint in the Context of the Ancient Near East 305

Katherina ASLANIDOUSome Textile Patterns from the Aegean Wall-Paintings of Tell el-Dablsquoa (lsquoEzbet Helmi)

Preliminary Reconstructions and comparative Study 311

Emily Catherine EGANCut from the Same Cloth The Textile Connection between Palace Style Jars and Knossian

Wall Paintings 317

Fritz BLAKOLMERBody Marks and Textile Ornaments in Aegean Iconography Their Meaning and Symbolism 325

Elisabetta BORGNARemarks on Female Attire of Minoan and Mycenaean Clay Figures 335

III JEWELLERY

Eleni SALAVOURAMycenaean ldquoEar pickrdquo A Rare Metal Burial Gift Toilette or Medical Implement 345

Birgitta P HALLAGERPins and Buttons in Late Minoan III Dresses 353

Ute GUumlNKEL-MASCHEKReflections on the Symbolic Meaning of the Olive Branch as Head-Ornament in the Wall

Paintings of Building Xesteacute 3 Akrotiri 361

Cynthia COLBURN Bodily Adornment in the Early Bronze Age Aegean and Near East 369

Evangelos KYRIAKIDISHow to see the Minoan Signet Rings Transformations in Minoan Miniature Iconography

379Julie HRUBY

Identity and the Visual Identification of Seals 389

Konstantinos KOPANIASRaw Material Exotic Jewellery or Magic Objects The Use of Imported Near Eastern

Seals in the Aegean 397

Salvatore VITALEDressing Up the Dead The Significance of Late Helladic IIIB Adornments from Eleona

and Langada at Kos 407

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Petya HRISTOVA Overlaying Mycenaersquos Masks in Funerary and Living Contexts of Symbolic Action Jewellery for Body Adornment Portraits or Else 417

Judit HAAS-LEBEGYEVConstructions of Gendered Identity through Jewellery in Early Mycenaean Greece 425

Maia POMADEgraveREDressing and Adorning Children in the Aegean Bronze Age Material and Symbolic Protections

as well as Marks of an Age Group 433

Robert Angus K SMITH and Mary K DABNEY Children and Adornment in Mycenaean Funerary Ritual at Ayia Sotira Nemea 441

Lena PAPAZOGLOU-MANIOUDAKI Gold and Ivory Objects at Mycenae and Dendra Revealed Private Luxury andor Insignia Dignitatis 447

Jeffrey S SOLES The Symbolism of Certain MinoanMycenaean Beads from Mochlos 457

Walter MUumlLLER Concepts of Value in the Aegean Bronze Age Some Remarks on the Use of Precious Materials for Seals and Finger Rings 463

Anastasia DAKOURI-HILD Making La Diffeacuterence The Production and Consumption of Ornaments in Late Bronze Age Boeotia 471

Jacke PHILLIPS On the Use and Re-Use of Jewellery Elements 483

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS and Lilian KARALI Floral or Faunal Determining Forces on Minoan and Mycenaean Jewellery Motif Selection with a GIS 493

Magda PIENIĄŻEK Luxury and Prestige on the Edge of the Mediterranean World Jewellery from Troia and the Northern Aegean in the 2nd Millennium BC and its Context 501

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN Mycenaean Jewellery and Adornment at Midea 509

Thanasis J PAPADOPOULOS and Litsa KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU Specific Types of Jewellery from Late Bronze Age Tombs in Western Greece as Evidence for Social Differentiation 515

Jane HICKMAN Gold and Silver Jewelry Production in Prepalatial Crete 523

Elisabeth VOumlLLING Nicole REIFARTH and Jochen VOGL The Intercultural Context of Treasure A in Troy - Jewellery and Textiles 531

Naya SGOURITSA Remarks on Jewels from the Mycenaean Settlement and Cemetery at Lazarides on Eastern Aegina 539

Constantinos PASCHALIDIS Reflections of Eternal Beauty The Unpublished Context of a Wealthy Female Burial from Koukaki Athens and the Occurrence of Mirrors in Mycenaean Tombs 547

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 3: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

ii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Sascha MAUELSummarizing Results of a New Analysis of the Textile Tools from the Bronze Age Settlement

of Kastanas Central Macedonia 139

Joanne CUTLERAriadnersquos Thread The Adoption of Cretan Weaving Technology in the Wider Southern Aegean

in the Mid-Second Millennium BC 145

Carlos VARIASThe Textile Industry in the Argolid in the Late Bronze Age from the Written Sources 155

Trevor VAN DAMMEReviewing the Evidence for a Bronze Age Silk Industry 163

Brendan BURKELooking for Sea-Silk in the Bronze Age Aegean 171

Vili APOSTOLAKOU Thomas M BROGAN and Philip P BETANCOURTThe Minoan Settlement on Chryssi and its Murex Dye Industry 179

Philip P BETANCOURT Vili APOSTOLAKOU and Thomas M BROGANThe Workshop for Making Dyes at Pefka Crete 183

Thomas M BROGAN Philip P BETANCOURT and Vili APOSTOLAKOUThe Purple Dye Industry of Eastern Crete 187

Helegravene WHITTAKERSome Reflections on the Use and Meaning of Colour in Dress and Adornment

in the Aegean Bronze Age 193

Pietro MILITELLOTextile Activity in Neolithic Crete the Evidence from Phaistos 199

Eva ANDERSSON STRANDFrom Spindle Whorls and Loom Weights to Fabrics in the Bronze Age Aegean

and Eastern Mediterranean 207

Sophia VAKIRTZIAkr 8794 A Miniature Artifact from Akrotiri Thera and the ldquoWhorl or Beadrdquo Question

in Light of New Textile Evidence 215

Bernice JONESThe Construction and Significance of the Minoan Side-Pleated Skirt 221

Janice L CROWLEYPrestige Clothing in the Bronze Age Aegean 231

Joanna S SMITHTapestries in the Mediterranean Late Bronze Age 241

Abby LILLETHUNFinding the Flounced Skirt (Back Apron) 251

Valeria LENUZZADressing Priestly Shoulders Suggestions from the Campstool Fresco 255

Eleni KONSTANTINIDI-SYVRIDIA Fashion Model of Mycenaean Times The Ivory Lady from Prosymna 265

TABLE OF CONTENTS iii

Alessandro GRECOThe Background of Mycenaean Fashion a Comparison between Near Eastern and Knossos

Documents on Sheep Husbandry 271

Joann GULIZIOTextiles for the Gods Linear B Evidence for the Use of Textiles in Religious Ceremonies 279

Joumlrg WEILHARTNERGender Dimorphism in the Linear A and Linear B Tablets 287

Anne P CHAPINDo Clothes Make the Man (or Woman) Sex Gender Costume and the Aegean

Color Convention 297

David A WARBURTONEconomic Aspects of Textiles from the Egyptian Standpoint in the Context of the Ancient Near East 305

Katherina ASLANIDOUSome Textile Patterns from the Aegean Wall-Paintings of Tell el-Dablsquoa (lsquoEzbet Helmi)

Preliminary Reconstructions and comparative Study 311

Emily Catherine EGANCut from the Same Cloth The Textile Connection between Palace Style Jars and Knossian

Wall Paintings 317

Fritz BLAKOLMERBody Marks and Textile Ornaments in Aegean Iconography Their Meaning and Symbolism 325

Elisabetta BORGNARemarks on Female Attire of Minoan and Mycenaean Clay Figures 335

III JEWELLERY

Eleni SALAVOURAMycenaean ldquoEar pickrdquo A Rare Metal Burial Gift Toilette or Medical Implement 345

Birgitta P HALLAGERPins and Buttons in Late Minoan III Dresses 353

Ute GUumlNKEL-MASCHEKReflections on the Symbolic Meaning of the Olive Branch as Head-Ornament in the Wall

Paintings of Building Xesteacute 3 Akrotiri 361

Cynthia COLBURN Bodily Adornment in the Early Bronze Age Aegean and Near East 369

Evangelos KYRIAKIDISHow to see the Minoan Signet Rings Transformations in Minoan Miniature Iconography

379Julie HRUBY

Identity and the Visual Identification of Seals 389

Konstantinos KOPANIASRaw Material Exotic Jewellery or Magic Objects The Use of Imported Near Eastern

Seals in the Aegean 397

Salvatore VITALEDressing Up the Dead The Significance of Late Helladic IIIB Adornments from Eleona

and Langada at Kos 407

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Petya HRISTOVA Overlaying Mycenaersquos Masks in Funerary and Living Contexts of Symbolic Action Jewellery for Body Adornment Portraits or Else 417

Judit HAAS-LEBEGYEVConstructions of Gendered Identity through Jewellery in Early Mycenaean Greece 425

Maia POMADEgraveREDressing and Adorning Children in the Aegean Bronze Age Material and Symbolic Protections

as well as Marks of an Age Group 433

Robert Angus K SMITH and Mary K DABNEY Children and Adornment in Mycenaean Funerary Ritual at Ayia Sotira Nemea 441

Lena PAPAZOGLOU-MANIOUDAKI Gold and Ivory Objects at Mycenae and Dendra Revealed Private Luxury andor Insignia Dignitatis 447

Jeffrey S SOLES The Symbolism of Certain MinoanMycenaean Beads from Mochlos 457

Walter MUumlLLER Concepts of Value in the Aegean Bronze Age Some Remarks on the Use of Precious Materials for Seals and Finger Rings 463

Anastasia DAKOURI-HILD Making La Diffeacuterence The Production and Consumption of Ornaments in Late Bronze Age Boeotia 471

Jacke PHILLIPS On the Use and Re-Use of Jewellery Elements 483

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS and Lilian KARALI Floral or Faunal Determining Forces on Minoan and Mycenaean Jewellery Motif Selection with a GIS 493

Magda PIENIĄŻEK Luxury and Prestige on the Edge of the Mediterranean World Jewellery from Troia and the Northern Aegean in the 2nd Millennium BC and its Context 501

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN Mycenaean Jewellery and Adornment at Midea 509

Thanasis J PAPADOPOULOS and Litsa KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU Specific Types of Jewellery from Late Bronze Age Tombs in Western Greece as Evidence for Social Differentiation 515

Jane HICKMAN Gold and Silver Jewelry Production in Prepalatial Crete 523

Elisabeth VOumlLLING Nicole REIFARTH and Jochen VOGL The Intercultural Context of Treasure A in Troy - Jewellery and Textiles 531

Naya SGOURITSA Remarks on Jewels from the Mycenaean Settlement and Cemetery at Lazarides on Eastern Aegina 539

Constantinos PASCHALIDIS Reflections of Eternal Beauty The Unpublished Context of a Wealthy Female Burial from Koukaki Athens and the Occurrence of Mirrors in Mycenaean Tombs 547

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 4: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

TABLE OF CONTENTS iii

Alessandro GRECOThe Background of Mycenaean Fashion a Comparison between Near Eastern and Knossos

Documents on Sheep Husbandry 271

Joann GULIZIOTextiles for the Gods Linear B Evidence for the Use of Textiles in Religious Ceremonies 279

Joumlrg WEILHARTNERGender Dimorphism in the Linear A and Linear B Tablets 287

Anne P CHAPINDo Clothes Make the Man (or Woman) Sex Gender Costume and the Aegean

Color Convention 297

David A WARBURTONEconomic Aspects of Textiles from the Egyptian Standpoint in the Context of the Ancient Near East 305

Katherina ASLANIDOUSome Textile Patterns from the Aegean Wall-Paintings of Tell el-Dablsquoa (lsquoEzbet Helmi)

Preliminary Reconstructions and comparative Study 311

Emily Catherine EGANCut from the Same Cloth The Textile Connection between Palace Style Jars and Knossian

Wall Paintings 317

Fritz BLAKOLMERBody Marks and Textile Ornaments in Aegean Iconography Their Meaning and Symbolism 325

Elisabetta BORGNARemarks on Female Attire of Minoan and Mycenaean Clay Figures 335

III JEWELLERY

Eleni SALAVOURAMycenaean ldquoEar pickrdquo A Rare Metal Burial Gift Toilette or Medical Implement 345

Birgitta P HALLAGERPins and Buttons in Late Minoan III Dresses 353

Ute GUumlNKEL-MASCHEKReflections on the Symbolic Meaning of the Olive Branch as Head-Ornament in the Wall

Paintings of Building Xesteacute 3 Akrotiri 361

Cynthia COLBURN Bodily Adornment in the Early Bronze Age Aegean and Near East 369

Evangelos KYRIAKIDISHow to see the Minoan Signet Rings Transformations in Minoan Miniature Iconography

379Julie HRUBY

Identity and the Visual Identification of Seals 389

Konstantinos KOPANIASRaw Material Exotic Jewellery or Magic Objects The Use of Imported Near Eastern

Seals in the Aegean 397

Salvatore VITALEDressing Up the Dead The Significance of Late Helladic IIIB Adornments from Eleona

and Langada at Kos 407

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Petya HRISTOVA Overlaying Mycenaersquos Masks in Funerary and Living Contexts of Symbolic Action Jewellery for Body Adornment Portraits or Else 417

Judit HAAS-LEBEGYEVConstructions of Gendered Identity through Jewellery in Early Mycenaean Greece 425

Maia POMADEgraveREDressing and Adorning Children in the Aegean Bronze Age Material and Symbolic Protections

as well as Marks of an Age Group 433

Robert Angus K SMITH and Mary K DABNEY Children and Adornment in Mycenaean Funerary Ritual at Ayia Sotira Nemea 441

Lena PAPAZOGLOU-MANIOUDAKI Gold and Ivory Objects at Mycenae and Dendra Revealed Private Luxury andor Insignia Dignitatis 447

Jeffrey S SOLES The Symbolism of Certain MinoanMycenaean Beads from Mochlos 457

Walter MUumlLLER Concepts of Value in the Aegean Bronze Age Some Remarks on the Use of Precious Materials for Seals and Finger Rings 463

Anastasia DAKOURI-HILD Making La Diffeacuterence The Production and Consumption of Ornaments in Late Bronze Age Boeotia 471

Jacke PHILLIPS On the Use and Re-Use of Jewellery Elements 483

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS and Lilian KARALI Floral or Faunal Determining Forces on Minoan and Mycenaean Jewellery Motif Selection with a GIS 493

Magda PIENIĄŻEK Luxury and Prestige on the Edge of the Mediterranean World Jewellery from Troia and the Northern Aegean in the 2nd Millennium BC and its Context 501

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN Mycenaean Jewellery and Adornment at Midea 509

Thanasis J PAPADOPOULOS and Litsa KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU Specific Types of Jewellery from Late Bronze Age Tombs in Western Greece as Evidence for Social Differentiation 515

Jane HICKMAN Gold and Silver Jewelry Production in Prepalatial Crete 523

Elisabeth VOumlLLING Nicole REIFARTH and Jochen VOGL The Intercultural Context of Treasure A in Troy - Jewellery and Textiles 531

Naya SGOURITSA Remarks on Jewels from the Mycenaean Settlement and Cemetery at Lazarides on Eastern Aegina 539

Constantinos PASCHALIDIS Reflections of Eternal Beauty The Unpublished Context of a Wealthy Female Burial from Koukaki Athens and the Occurrence of Mirrors in Mycenaean Tombs 547

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 5: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

iv TABLE OF CONTENTS

Petya HRISTOVA Overlaying Mycenaersquos Masks in Funerary and Living Contexts of Symbolic Action Jewellery for Body Adornment Portraits or Else 417

Judit HAAS-LEBEGYEVConstructions of Gendered Identity through Jewellery in Early Mycenaean Greece 425

Maia POMADEgraveREDressing and Adorning Children in the Aegean Bronze Age Material and Symbolic Protections

as well as Marks of an Age Group 433

Robert Angus K SMITH and Mary K DABNEY Children and Adornment in Mycenaean Funerary Ritual at Ayia Sotira Nemea 441

Lena PAPAZOGLOU-MANIOUDAKI Gold and Ivory Objects at Mycenae and Dendra Revealed Private Luxury andor Insignia Dignitatis 447

Jeffrey S SOLES The Symbolism of Certain MinoanMycenaean Beads from Mochlos 457

Walter MUumlLLER Concepts of Value in the Aegean Bronze Age Some Remarks on the Use of Precious Materials for Seals and Finger Rings 463

Anastasia DAKOURI-HILD Making La Diffeacuterence The Production and Consumption of Ornaments in Late Bronze Age Boeotia 471

Jacke PHILLIPS On the Use and Re-Use of Jewellery Elements 483

Dora CONSTANTINIDIS and Lilian KARALI Floral or Faunal Determining Forces on Minoan and Mycenaean Jewellery Motif Selection with a GIS 493

Magda PIENIĄŻEK Luxury and Prestige on the Edge of the Mediterranean World Jewellery from Troia and the Northern Aegean in the 2nd Millennium BC and its Context 501

Ann-Louise SCHALLIN Mycenaean Jewellery and Adornment at Midea 509

Thanasis J PAPADOPOULOS and Litsa KONTORLI-PAPADOPOULOU Specific Types of Jewellery from Late Bronze Age Tombs in Western Greece as Evidence for Social Differentiation 515

Jane HICKMAN Gold and Silver Jewelry Production in Prepalatial Crete 523

Elisabeth VOumlLLING Nicole REIFARTH and Jochen VOGL The Intercultural Context of Treasure A in Troy - Jewellery and Textiles 531

Naya SGOURITSA Remarks on Jewels from the Mycenaean Settlement and Cemetery at Lazarides on Eastern Aegina 539

Constantinos PASCHALIDIS Reflections of Eternal Beauty The Unpublished Context of a Wealthy Female Burial from Koukaki Athens and the Occurrence of Mirrors in Mycenaean Tombs 547

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 6: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

TABLE OF CONTENTS v

Elizabeth SHANK The Jewelry worn by the Procession of Mature Women from Xeste 3 Akrotiri 559

Helena TOMAS Alleged Aegean Jewellery from the Eastern Adriatic Coast 567

IV ADORNMENT

Carole GILLIS Color for the Dead Status for the Living 579

Marcia NUGENT Natural Adornment by Design Beauty andor Function Botanic Motifs of the Bronze Age Cycladic Islands 589

Anna SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAW and Fay STEVENS Adorning the Body Animals as Ornaments in Bronze Age Crete 597

Vassiliki PLIATSIKA Simply Divine the Jewellery Dress and Body Adornment of the Mycenaean Clay Female Figures in Light of New Evidence from Mycenae 609

Eugenio R LUJAacuteN and Alberto BERNABEacute Ivory and Horn Production in Mycenaean Texts 627

Josephine VERDUCI Wasp-waisted Minoans Costume Belts and Body Modification in the Late Bronze Age Aegean 639

Angelos PAPADOPOULOS Dressing a Late Bronze Age Warrior The Role of lsquoUniformsrsquo and Weaponry according to the Iconographical Evidence 647

Mary Jane CUYLER Rose Sage Cyperus and e-ti The Adornment of Olive Oil at the Palace of Nestor 655

Louise A HITCHCOCK Dressed to Impress Architectural Adornment as an Exotic Marker of Elite Identity in the Eastern Mediterranean 663

Karen Polinger FOSTER The Adornment of Aegean Boats 673

Cynthia W SHELMERDINE Mycenaean Furniture and Vessels Text and Image 685

Thomas G PALAIMA Kosmos in the Mycenaean Tablets the Response of Mycenaean lsquoScribesrsquo to the Mycenaean Culture of Kosmos 697

Annette Hoslashjen SOslashRENSEN A Toast to Diplomacy Cups in Diplomacy and Trade the Case of Minoica in Cyprus and the Levant 2000-1500 BC 705

Iphiyenia TOURNAVITOUFresco Decoration and Politics in a Mycenaean Palatial Centre The Case of the West House

at Mycenae 723

Maria C SHAW Shields made of Cloth Interpreting a Wall Painting in the Mycenaean Palace at Pylos 731

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 7: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Olga KRZYSZKOWSKA Worn to Impress Symbol and Status in Aegean Glyptic 739

John G YOUNGER Mycenaean Collections of Seals The Role of Blue 749

Nancy R THOMAS Adorning with the Brush and Burin Cross-Craft in Aegean Ivory Fresco and Inlaid Metal 755

Anaya SARPAKI and Melpo SKOULA Case Studies of the Ethnobotany of Adornment and Dyeing in Crete Insights for a Dialogue with Archaeological Models in Greece 765

Jason W EARLE Cosmetics and Cult Practices in the Bronze Age Aegean A Case Study of Women with Red Ears 771

Aikaterini PAPANTHIMOU and Ioannis FAPPAS Ceremonial Adornment and Purification Practices in Mycenaean Greece Indigenous Developments and Near Eastern Influences 779

Caroline ZAITOUN The ldquoImmanentrdquo Process of Cosmetic Adornment Similarities between Mycenaean and Egyptian Ritual Preparations 789

Katherine M HARRELL The Weaponrsquos Beauty A Reconsideration of the Ornamentation of the Shaft Grave Swords 799

ldquoQUrsquoIL EST PERMIS DE RIRE rdquo

Thomas G PALAIMAKO Ko 2010 Cloth Fragments of the Rapinewiad 807

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 8: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

lsquoMINOANrsquo TO lsquoMYCENAEANrsquo THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCEOF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY

The use of the pseudo-ethnic terms lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo in the title makes it imperative to clarify that these are meant in the only sense in which they can be historically accurate as conventional chronological labels denoting the Neopalatial and Late Minoan II-III periods respectively As may hopefully emerge however lsquoMinoanrsquo and lsquoMycenaeanrsquo adjectives modified two different political economies The Knossian Linear B administration emerging from the remnants of a literate administrative background which Mainland bureaucracies lacked offers intriguing interpretative opportunities to compensate for the much lamented deficiencies in documentation from this site

I Neopalatial epigraphic evidence apart from the obvious constraint of our insufficient knowledge of the Linear A writing system suffers also from the fact that the vast majority of the documents that comprise it come from sites where unlike Knossos the LM IB phase was the final period of administrative practice such as Ayia Triada Phaistos or Kato Zakros This is one of the etically negative side-effects of the continuing function of the Knossian complex as a literate centre for which there is no true compensation Since the interpretation of Linear A record is an extremely slippery field I follow here a relatively safer course and focus on the Neopalatial ancestry of those Linear B ideograms that are securely associated with textile production

Inscriptions from LM IB Ayia Triada LC I Akrotiri and Tel-Haror record the familiar lsquobannerrsquo sign 159 which is distinguished from its homomorph1 syllabogram AB 54 (Pl XXVI 1a-e) both in form and in the fact that the former is present in ligatures We have the plain variant on HT 162 204 and the roundel Wc 3019 and the ligatures AB 159+AB 81 [= A 535] and AB 159+A 312 [= A 536] on the same tablet HT 383 (Pl XXVI 1f-j) If I note here the similarity of the latter to the attested Linear B ligatures TELA+KU or TELA+ZO (Pl XXVI 1m-q) it is not because I intend to follow the thread of the phonetic equality between A-B homomorphs the similarity demonstrates a survival of ideograms through the LM III lsquowatershedrsquo which in turn implies written (or graphemic) transmission from one system to the other

I wish to thank Professors Marie-Louise B Nosch and Robert Laffineur for the opportunity to present these ideas at Copenhagen I feel grateful to Maria-Emanuela Alberti Christos Boulotis Yves Duhoux Giorgos St Korres Dimitris Nakassis Marie-Louise B Nosch Franccediloise Rougemont Helena Tomas and once again Joseacute L Melena for providing me with hard-to-find or forthcoming works as well as to L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Boulotis for their kind permission to reproduce images for this study I am indebted to Joumlrg Weilhartner for presenting my communication when I could not reach Denmark for volcanic reasons as well as for his insightful queries The following special abbreviations are used DEacuteLG-n = P CHANTRAINE Dictionnaire eacutetymologique de la langue grecque Histoire des mots (Revised Edition with Supplement) (2009) DMic I II = F AURA JORRO Diccionario Miceacutenico I-II [= Diccionario Griego ndash Espantildeol Aneja I-II] (1985-1993) GORILA = L GODART amp J-P OLIVIER Recueil des inscriptions en Lineacuteaire A volumes 1-5 [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 211-5] (1976-1985) CoMIK = J CHADWICK L GODART JT KILLEN J-P OLIVIER A SACCONI amp I SAKELLARAKIS Corpus of Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Volumes 1-4 [Incunabula Graeca 88] (1986-1998) TN = place-name PN = personal name To avoid complications unnecessary for the purposes of this paper the term lsquoideogramrsquo is used in its familiar -albeit admittedly imperfect (even arguably flawed)- Mycenological use that of the non-syllabogram (see EL BENNETT Jr ldquoNames for Linear B writing and for its signsrdquo Kadmos 22 [1963] 98-123 at 121-122)

1 The term lsquohomomorphrsquo indicates here a similarity in form but not necessarily in meaning use or function GORILA 5 records both the syllabographic and the lsquoideogrammaticrsquo forms under AB 54 Here 159 will refer to those cases where the sign functions certainly as an ideogram Clear differences in function (and also occasionally in form) and function strongly support the differentiation between AB 54 and 159

Vassilis
Cross-Out

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 9: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

78 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

To this evidence we might add the remarkable graffito sherd from Tel Haror (Israel)2 with its somewhat obscure middle sign resembling a ligature AB 159+AB 04 which survived in Linear B as TELA+TE (Pl XXVI 1k r-s)3 It is however quite difficult to place this inscription within known Aegean palaeographic traditions4 If this is indeed an ancestor of Linear B 159 the absence of fringes make it non-canonical

Although not all Linear A ligatures of AB 159 are attested in Linear B there are important links to be emphasised In THE 8 a small fragment of a Linear A tablet from Akrotiri we have a new ligature possibly AB 159+AB 09 a homomorph to a so far unattested TELA+SE5 (Pl XXVI 1l) If the identification of the ligature proves to be correct it is interesting that AB 09 is ligatured to the probably textile-related 168 in the Knossos Pp tablets by scribe 119 and used as an adjunct to ewes in Knossos series Do by scribe 1066

In Linear A a monogram consisting of signs AB 80+AB 26 [= A 558-560] is absolutely similar to the structure of the Linear B wool ideogram 145 (LANA)7 This occurs on tablets from Ayia Triada (HT 124 24a1-5) Phaistos (PH 3a1 2 3) and Khania (KH 431) (Pl XXVI 2a-h) The physical association of HT 24 with numerous spindle-whorls in the SW Sector of the lsquoVilla Realersquo8 confirms the identity of the Linear A sign with its Linear B near-homomorph

The four known variants of AB 164 known from a number of Khaniote (Katre 10 deposit) roundels (KH Wc 2036-2045 2095 2111) could also represent corresponding different kinds of textile (Pl XXVII 1a-d) a fact which agrees with the later Knossian use of the sign (cf KN L5201-3 6981) (Pl XXVII 1g-j) At the same time its occurrence within sign sequences on HT191 (and 171) shows that this sign also had a syllabographic homomorph (Pl XXVII 1e-f)

2 E OREN J-P OLIVIER Y GOREN PhP BETANCOURT GH MYER amp J YELLIN ldquoA Minoan graffito from Tel Haror (Negev Israel)rdquo Cretan Studies 5 (1996) 91-118 PM DAY ED OREN L JOINER amp PS QUINN ldquoPetrographic analysis of the Tel Haror inscribed sherd Seeking provenance within Creterdquo in PhP BETANCOURT V KARAGEORGHIS R LAFFINEUR amp W-D NIEMEIER (eds) MELETEMATA Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H Wiener as he Enters his 65th Year Aegaeum 20 (1999) 191-196 A KARNAVA ldquoThe Tel Haror inscription and Crete A further linkrdquo in EMPORIA 837-843

3 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 101-1054 OLIVIER apud OREN et al (supra n 2) 109 KARNAVA (supra n 2) supports an Hieroglyphic connection

The associated Cretan Hieroglyphic sign is 163 which again differs from the corresponding syllabogram 041 in having lsquofringesrsquo on both the upper and the lower sides of its rectangle Its rare attestations (J-P OLIVIER amp L GODART Corpus Hieroglyphicarum Inscriptionum Cretae [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 31 1996] 103b and just possibly on 121a) do not permit any definite conclusion as to its use and function Additionally morphological differences between 163 and Linear A cloth ideograms inhibit their immediate association At this point I would like to emphasise the similarity between the Tel Haror sign and the Linear A sign KNZb 34 identified in GORILA as a 131a+AB 04 ligature [= A 588] If this comparison is valid it may dissolve the textile associations of the Tel Haror sign altogether

5 Chr BOULOTIS ldquoΟι πινακίδες Γραμμικής Α από το Ακρωτήρι (THE 7-12) Όψεις της οικονομικής ζωής του οικισμούrdquo in CG DOUMAS (ed) Ακρωτήρι Θήρας Τριάντα Χρόνια Έρευνας 1967-1997 (Επιστημονική Συνάντηση 19-20 Δεκεμβρίου 1997) (2008) 67-94 (THE 8 at 68 fig2 discussion at 80-82)

6 On 168 Y DUHOUX ldquoLes ideacuteogrammes 168 et 181 du Lineacuteaire Brdquo Kadmos 14 (1975) 117-124 (at 117-120) J L MELENA Studies on Some Mycenaean Inscriptions from Knossos Dealing with Textiles [Suplementos a Minos 5] (1975) 129-134 Both the find-place of the Pp tablets (the SE corner of West Magazine VIII) in whose environs the majority of Knossian textile records were found as well as their attribution to Scribe 119 who records OVISm from ku-ta-to in the Dk(2) set independently support the textile associations of 168 The se adjunct to OVISf in the Do set would also make more sense if 168 was related to the textile industry The latter can hardly be se-to-i-ja since this TN is fully spelled in at least four instances (Do 1054a 7087a 7613a 7740a)

7 JT KILLEN ldquoThe wool ideogram in Linear B textsrdquo Hermathena 96 (1962) 38-72 A highly useful palaeographic conspectus of the Knossian LANA is given by M-LB NOSCH The Knossos Od Series An Epigraphical Study (2007) 11-23

8 For HT 24 (threshold between Corridor 9 and Room 26) see P MILITELLO ldquoA notebook by Halbherr and the findspots of the Ayia Triada tabletsrdquo Creta Antica 3 (2002) 111-120 with references for the spindle-whorls (Room 27) see F HALBHERR E STEFANI amp L BANTI ldquoHaghia Triada nel periodo tardo palazialerdquo ASAtene NS 39 (1977) 44 It is also very attractive to associate a plausible reconstruction of 45 wool units on HT 24 with the 45 nodules found against the west wall of Room 27 (E HALLAGER ldquoOne Linear A tablet and 45 nodulirdquo Creta Antica 3 [2002] 105-109) This implies a numerical equation 1 nodule = 1 wool unit which is quite intriguing However as the nodules were uninscribed and the association is not paralleled in other contexts we are virtually lsquoblocked-offrsquo from confirming this relation

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 10: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 79

This evidence meagre though it is shows the preservation of Neopalatial ideograms into Linear B This presupposes some significant scribal interference between the two systems and betrays eloquently the symbiotic environment within which any lsquotransitionrsquo must have taken place Although the study of the administrative geography of Neopalatial Crete is fraught with its own complex agenda we may be certain that it was fundamentally different from the LM III picture Even if Bennetrsquos lsquosecondaryrsquo lsquosatellitersquo centres preserved a portion of their Neopalatial status they had evidently ceased to be seats of literate administrations Admittedly this is deduced ex silentio but not unjustifiably Ayia Triada although a thriving centre in LM IIIA2 did not yield signs of contemporary literacy the entire far-east of Crete was probably beyond Knossian reach after LM I9 Even if future discoveries modify the picture somewhat we may confidently remark that Crete had less tablet-making sites in LM III than in LM I

Such centripetal flow of commodities and information appears to be the backbone of the genesis of the Knossian Linear B system and implies that industrial organisation and economic geography on Crete before and after the end of the Neopalatial administrations must have been laid on quite different bases10 It is important to examine the emergence of the Knossian textile industry against this pattern

II Any reference to Jan Driessenrsquos LM II-IIIA1 date of the deposit of documents from the lsquoRoom of the Chariot Tabletsrsquo (hereafter RCT) in the West Wing of the complex is bound to generate long and often ferocious arguments over Knossian architecture taphonomy palaeography and the reliability of Evansrsquo documentation11 Due to space constraints it is impossible even to summarise this discussion here but viewing the RCT as the earliest Linear B deposit is no more and no less than the most likely available explanation for its isolation and other peculiarities

Among the admittedly fragmentary Ce records we have a minimum of 843 animals probably intended for consumption a situation perhaps comparable to the Dm records by scribe 117 (a3-mi-re-we and e-ka-ra-e-we rams) It is important that unlike the Da-Dg documents rams (castrated or not) are here the minority However KN Ce 162 with the highest numeral in the deposit (10000) would suffice to indicate that the management of large numbers of sheep -gender unspecified- was already a major concern of the Knossian administrators The interpretation of this elliptical record is unfortunately crucial for our understanding the RCT interest on these animals12

The cloth ideogram appears in both simple and ligatured forms [TELA2 TELA3+PA] in three tablets KN L 104 178 and 192 which are all attributed to scribe 124-x (Pl XXVII 2a-c) Ideogram 178 on U(1) 95 by the same hand13 (Pl XXVII 2d) could indicate some textile or garment which would also suit an anticipated specialisation of this scribe as elsewhere at Knossos Its interpretation is unknown14 although one is intrigued by Driessenrsquos suggestion that this unique sign is a variant of TELA2+ZO a ligature of Neopalatial ancestry also known from Knossian Linear B15 The ligature occurs on KN L 433 (Pl XXVI 1o) by an unidentifiable

9 J BENNET ldquoThe wild country east of Dikte The problem of East Crete in the LM III periodrdquo in JT KILLEN JL MELENA amp J-P OLIVIER (eds) Studies in Mycenaean and Classical Greek Presented to John Chadwick [=Minos 20-22] (1987) 77-88 ID ldquoThe structure of the Linear B administration of Knossosrdquo AJA 892 (1985) 231-249

10 P MILITELLO ldquoTextile industry and Minoan palacesrdquo in Ancient Textiles 35-45 reached a similarly negative conclusion

11 JM DRIESSEN An Early Destruction in the Mycenaean Palace at Knossos A New Interpretation of the Excavation Field-Notes of the South-East Area of the West Wing (1990) and ID The Scribes of the Room of the Chariot Tablets at Knossos Interdisciplinary Approach to the Study of a Linear B Deposit [Suplementos a Minos 15] (2000) Reviews of the former are by J BENNET AJA 97 (1993) 172-174 (favourable) MR POPHAM JHS 113 (1993) 174-178 (critical) and P WARREN The Classical Review NS 421 (1992) 137-139 (critical)

12 LM BENDALL Economics of Religion in the Mycenaean World Resources Dedicated to Religion in the Mycenaean Palace Economy (2007) 212-214 Table 6-8 In the RCT amongst the scarce amount of preserved sheep records of the Ce series (Ce 162 excepted) an amount of 1265 animals can be deduced by simple summation Unfortunately none of these records can be explicitly linked with wool production

13 124-x also wrote the unclassified KN Xd 122 and 214 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 8714 F VANDENABEELE amp J-P OLIVIER Les ideacuteogrammes archeacuteologiques du Lineacuteaire B [Eacutetudes creacutetoises 24] (1979)

28615 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 87 138 fig 323 A possible textile interpretation of 178 would suggest a

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 11: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

80 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

hand the only tablet reported from the adjacent ldquoPassage on E side of the Room of the Chariot Tabletsrdquo We are tempted to wonder whether L 433 is also a RCT document that went astray on the other hand it is not apparent why 124-x whose TELA examples we do have (Pl XXVI 2a-c) would draw the same sign so differently on U(1) 95 It is not explicable why the zo-like component would be placed above the rectangle instead of within it (as in TELA+ZO on L433 and other TELA ligatures) but if we hesitate to accept Driessenrsquos suggestion because of the strange structure of the supposed ligature we should also consider that the same lsquosign-piled-on-signrsquo structure (which is more characteristic of monograms) appears on the ligature TELA+KU onHT 383 (Pl XXVI 1i) If this arrangement can be an index of affinity to Neopalatial practice this would conform to the earlier date of the deposit

Sealing KN Ws(1) [ex Wm] 8493 records wool (Pl XXVI 2j) Driessen has justifiably commented on the unusual structure of this inscription since it is the only inscribed sealing at Knossos that bears a clear geographical reference se-to-i-ja Adjunct te to the left of the LANA ideogram might indicate that that this wool was intended (or appropriate) for the production of TELA+TE or te-pa The anticipation of TE cloth from female workers at this very place is also reflected on KN Lc(1) 525 from above West Magazine XI where their quality is already indicated by the contrastive adjective wa-na-ka-te-ra lsquowanax-relatedrsquo16 Both sign sequences on 8493 occur in relation to the textile industry elsewhere at Knossos17 A parallel to the eloquence and sentence structure of this sealing is KN Ws(1) 1707β which comes from the Area of Bull Relief a deposit of tablets that also resembles the RCT as far as thematic diversity is concerned

It should not go unnoticed that RCT records do testify to a central lsquopalatialrsquo interest on large numbers of sheep (KN Ce 162) and the record of textiles and incoming wool from central Crete (where se-to-i-ja can arguably be placed) As is the case with lsquoScribersquo 103 above the Western Magazines we have evidence for a literate official (Scribe 124-x) seemingly specialised in textile management although the quantity of his preserved opus is nothing like that of the prolific 103 Such indications may show that elements fundamental to the later Knossian organisation of the industry were already present in LM II-IIIA1 On the other hand the presence of unique forms such as 178 might agree with the experimentation expected for a lsquotransitionalrsquo administration

III When the rest of the Knossian deposits are taken into account we are allowed to bring a vast amount of textual documentation into the picture The Knossian textile industry engaged an enormous amount of administrative energy over a highly complex and multi-staged process which in our preserved records began in the rearing of wethers (Da-Dg) and ended in the storage of finished cloth or garments (Ld sets) The sheer quantity of the documents themselves must lie beyond a mere taphonomic chance Plurality of find-spots is also significant because it transcends a notorious feature of the Knossian administration departmentalisation

Division of recording duties supported by palaeographic attributions demonstrates that Knossian administrators involved in the wool and textile industry treated central and western Crete as different entities Although the role of western Crete within the Knossian system remains a vast historical problem it is difficult not to associate the absence of all TNs associated with west Crete from the abundant Knossian sheep records18 with the fact that Khania has so

reclassification of tablet as L 9516 It is irregular for the wool ideogram to be thus designated although an adjunct pe (perhaps for pelt-ko-togt

cloth) occurs on the right of the sign on KN Od(3) 1062 and 1063 (scribes unidentified) Although pe-ko-to modifies TELA in Lc(1) documents PE is never ligatured to TELA although it is to 146 (KN M 7373 adjunct on M(1) 16452)

17 DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000) 209 ki-ri-ta-de looks like an allative -de lsquotowards ki-ri-tarsquo but it is notoriously difficult to identify such types if the TN is not otherwise known Having said that ki-ri-ta-i occurs on wool record KN Od 5003A (if it is a Locative) The syntax and function of ki-ri-ta on KN Ld(2) 7851 (Hand 114) is not clear ki-ri-ta-de appears on the unclassified fragment KN X 8768 (unknown scribe findspot)

18 ThG PALAIMA ldquoInscribed stirrup jars and regionalism in Linear B Creterdquo SMEA 25 (1984) 189-203 at 195-196 Based on calculations by J DRIESSEN ldquoCentre and periphery Some observations on the administration of the kingdom of Knossosrdquo in S VOUTSAKI amp JT KILLEN (eds) Economy and Politics in the Mycenaean Palace States Proceedings of a Conference Held on 1-3 July 1999 in the Faculty of Classics (2001) 96-112 (at 108) 32 TNs occur 856 times on the Da-Dg records by lsquoScribersquo 117 and constitute no less than 825 of the Knossian geographic references Under such circumstances the absence of an entire grouping of TNs from these

Vassilis
Text Box
TNs occur 478 times on the Da-Dg tablets by Scribe 117 and constitute no less than half of the Knossian
Vassilis
Sticky Note
Accepted set by Vassilis

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 12: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 81

far proved to be the only tablet-making (ie processing economic information in an advanced administrative stage) site in LM III Crete except from Knossos itself It is intriguing that West Crete appears to be involved only at a later stage of Knossian textile production (in the Lc(2)set by collaborating scribes 113 and 115)19 but is not subject to the intense control of sheep-rearing that we witness for the D-series TNs

Although the administrative concentration demonstrated by the much reduced distribution of Linear B tablets seems to be a post-Neopalatial phenomenon the main commodities of the textile industry (sheep wool cloth and flax linen) not only continue are recorded by ideograms that show varying degrees of Linear A associations However the symbiosis of IE Greek and Hellenised non-IE stems on Knossian textile records may reveal patterns of use that may be historically significant It is generally known but no less remarkable that many technical terms in this industry have no clear Greek etymology It does not immediately follow that these lexical items are of Minoan origin but this conclusion seems difficult to escape since their more dense concentration is on Knossian documents Crucial occupational terms such as a-ra-ka-te-ja lsquospindle [ἠλακάτη] workers or the vague a-ke-ti-ri-ja lsquofinishersrsquo vel sim cannot be firmly associated with IE stems The situation is even clearer when terms for types of cloth or garments are surveyed Leaving aside unclear types such as ko-u-ra or tu-na-no we have certain uniquely Greek words such as pa-we-a or te-pa (even if the latter is related to τάπης) pe-ko-to and to-u-ka can be -albeit not without hesitation- associated with IE Greek verbal stems (πέκω and τεύχω respectively) As for o-nu-ka and its derivatives their inclusion within the semantic realms of ὄνυξ is rather forced Would it be unjustified to read much into the silence among the prolific Knossian textile documentation of such IE terms as i-te-we lsquoloom workersrsquo ka-na-pe-we lsquofullersrsquo or we-a2-no (a specific kind of garment) which only occur on Mainland documents20

Other non-Greek words may be more elusive AB 31 SA is put into ideogrammatic use for recording flax on the Pylian Na and the Knossian Nc tablets A reconsideration of the Pylian terms ke-u-po-da and e-sa-re-u by Killen suggested that e-sa-re-u is an official title modifying the PN ke-u-po-da rather than the other way around as was thought before21 The presence of the term at Knossos is testified by the Dative e-sa-re-we (KN As(2) 1517 verso 12) and the fragment KN X 7768 which preserves e-sa-re-wi[-ja It would be very tempting to recognise within this enigmatic and probably non-Greek title the stem that would be acrophonically recorded as SA22 The latter may have been the Minoan term for flax23 An Hesychian gloss indicates the flaxlinen associations of a possibly similar stem σαρῶνες τὰ τῶν θηρατῶν λίνα The possibility of etymologically associating of e-sa-re-u with what is implied by SA remains intriguing though

records is highly meaningful19 Textile workers for West Crete may be recorded on Ak 7827 7830 and 8330 (JT KILLEN ldquoEpigraphy

and interpretation in Knossos woman and cloth recordsrdquo in J-P OLIVIER amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Texts Tablets and Scribes Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L Bennett Jr [Suplementos a Minos 10] [1988] 167-183 at 171-172)

20 a-ra-ka-te-ja DMic I 93-94 DEacuteLG-n 392 1304 sv ἠλακάτη (for its frequently incorrect translation as ldquodistaffrdquo see Prehistoric Textiles 246) a-ke-ti-ri-ja (and other variant spellings) DMic I 42-43 DEacuteLG-n 118-119 sv ἀσκέω ko-u-ra DMic I 394 sv tu-na-no DMic II 376 sv pa-wo (pl pa-we-a) DMic II 91-92 DEacuteLG-n 1136-1137 te-pa DMic II 331-332 sv (cf DEacuteLG-n 1054-1055 sv τάπης) pe-ko-to pe-ki-ti-ra2 DMic II 97-98 DEacuteLG-n 840-841 sv πέκω to-u-ka DMic II 372 DEacuteLG-n 1072 sv τεύχω o-nu-ka DMic II 28-30 DEacuteLG-n 776-777 i-te-we DMic I 288-289 (i-te-u appears as a PN on KN As(2) 15169) DEacuteLG-n 453-454 sv ἱστός ka-na-pe-we DMic I 312-313 DEacuteLG-n 525-526 sv κνάπτω we-a2-no-i DMic II 414 sv DEacuteLG-n 334 sv ἕννυμι A stem resembling the unknown μίτος might also appear as the second component of to-mi-ka (DMic II 361 sv DEacuteLG-n 680 sv)

21 DMic I 251-252 sv e-sa-re-u JT KILLEN ldquoke-u-po-da e-sa-re-u and the exemptions on the Pylos Na tabletsrdquo Minos 27-28 (1992-1993) 109-123

22 Pylian e-sa-re-wi-ja (DMic I 251 sv) has been associated with e-sa-re-u by KILLEN (supra n 21) 112-113 The occurrence of this term in TN position should not confuse us If e-sa-re-u is connected to SA lsquoflaxrsquo and if this is a titre parlant (as most titles initially were) it is reasonable enough that such phytonymic TNs could be applied wherever flax was grown

23 Although we do not know clear instances of AB 31 being used ideographically in Linear A a minuscule version appears as an adjunct to AB 180 (MA 4a) which has tentatively been identified as a lsquohidersquo (DRIESSEN [supra n 11 2000] 141) but could indicate various materials in the lsquotextilersquo category

Vassilis
Text Box
but13lt

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 13: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

82 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

not compelling24

The language of the tablets had two stems to designate lsquowoolrsquo One is apparent in the aforementioned adjective we-we-e-a which was to lose its initial and intervocalic digamma in later times25 It is an interesting feature shared by textile records from the RCT and the Area of Bull Relief (North Entrance Passage) that the syllabographic designation we-we-e-a modifying TELA3+PA26 and TELA in the environment of TUN+RI and TUN+KI respectively (KN L 178 and L 870 by 114)27 we-we-e-a is probably the Nom Acc Plural neuter adjective ϝερϝέhεhᾰ lsquowoollenrsquo28 This term is exclusively used as an additional clarification to the cloth ideogram and quite tellingly only appears on documents from those two Knossian deposits that display the greatest thematic variety This may not be coincidental and may reflect the special administrative circumstances in these areas probably a step closer to a true lsquoarchiversquo stage29 faced with the need to file information that had been physically removed from its subject-matter lsquoscribesrsquo had to produce more eloquent records and information that could otherwise be visually checked now needed to be written down It may be significant that it is the IE stem that is utilised for this purpose

It may be important to refer to a specific meaning of the etymologically akin Latin ueruex (or by assimilation verbex berbex) as lsquocastrated male sheeprsquo It could be argued that this might imply an original meaning of we-wo as wool deriving specifically from wethers an interpretation not only in nearly perfect accord with Killenrsquos interpretation of the Da-Dg tablets but also a strong indication that the conceptual link between wool and the castration of male sheep (with led to the intensification of wool production) was made more explicit in a stem common to Greek and Latin (but not necessarily IE in general) This semantic etymological association might be an added indication that intensive exploitation of castrated rams was introduced by Greek-speakers This hint rises to significance when set against the uses of livestock ideograms in Linear A and Linear B The high diversity of adjuncts attached to the ram ideogram at Knossos is not really paralleled in any of the supposedly livestock ideograms in Linear A or in any other livestock ideogram of the Linear B administration at any other site We are justified in considering this as a specifically Knossian trait and a post-LM I development30

The situation is different when the other stem for lsquowoolrsquo is examined μαλλός is arguably the Hellenised form of a Minoan term that could have sounded close to ma-ru the probable syllabographic reading of the Linear A monogram The sign-sequence (AB 80-26) actually occurs

24 When comparing e-sa-re-u and SA the initial e- is admittedly problematic However if it is accepted that the term crossed a linguistic frontier we might allow ourselves to be reminded of other occurrences of initial e- unexplained by IE phonetics such as the ἐθέλω θέλω alternation or the e- in the Greek word for lsquoninersquo (ἐννέα) which occurs in none of its IE parallels (cf Toch A-B ntildeu Latin novem Old Irish noiacute Sanskrit naacuteva Lith devynigrave Goth niun)

25 M LEJEUNE ldquoLa nom grec de la lainerdquo in A ERNOUT (ed) Meacutelanges de linguistique et de philologie grecque offerts agrave Pierre Chantraine [Eacutetudes et Commentaires 79] (1972) 93-104 DEacuteLG-n 309-310 sv εἶρος The physical consequences of castration -sexual incompetence and idleness- triggered the subsequent metonymic use of ueruex as a swearword DEacuteLG-n 310 supports albeit somewhat sceptically the same etymological connection

26 This ligature is also modified by superscript 161 which has no agreed interpretation although it appears nearly exclusively as an adjunct to Knossian TELA ideograms See also MELENA (supra n 6) 94-117

27 It is interesting that cloth had to be explicitly marked as lsquowoollenrsquo since in most cases we understand that the use of TELA sufficed to imply woollen textiles The co-existence of TELA and TUN in both instances implies that the lsquowoollenrsquo demarcation was necessary for TELA because TUN was -by default- not woollen This seems to confirm that RI on the KN L 178 ligature acrophonically stands for ri-no lsquolinenrsquo

28 DMic II 425 sv The lsquoCollectorrsquosrsquo name we-we-si-jo (DMic II 425-426 sv) is certainly related etymologically (the fact that he is mentioned in records of sheep and textiles being coincidental since no other lsquoCollectorrsquo bears such a nom parlant) Pylian we-we-si-je-ja (DMic II 425 sv PY Ab 217B Ad 318 Aa 762) could either be lsquo(female) wool workersrsquo or lsquoworkers of we-we-si-jorsquo (a homonym appears also on Pylos bronze records) Records of ri-ne-ja lsquoflaxlinen workersrsquo on the same series (DMic II 255 sv) are decisive in favor of the former interpretation

29 J DRIESSEN ldquoThe Northern Entrance Passage at Knossos Some preliminary observations on its potential role as lsquocentral archivesrsquordquo in S DEGER-JALKOTZY S HILLER amp O PANAGL (eds) Floreant Studia Mycenaea Akten des X Internationalen Mykenologischen Colloquiums in Salzburg vom 1-5 Mai 1995 Bd II [Veroumlffentlichungen der mykenischen Kommission 18] (1999) 205-226

30 JT KILLEN ldquoSome adjuncts to the sheep ideogram on Knossos tabletsrdquo Eranos 61 (1963) 69-93 M VENTRIS amp J CHADWICK Documents in Mycenaean Greek (19732) 197 432-433

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 14: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 83

as a lexeme (ie between lsquodividersrsquo) on HT 117a3 (cf Hesychius μάλλυκες τρίχες) (Pl XXVI 2i) It is important to juxtapose the consistent composition of the Linear A lsquowoolrsquo sign to the morphological diversity of Linear B LANA which occurs even among records by the same scribe (Pl XXVI 2k-l)31 Such diversity speaks of course overwhelmingly against the monogrammatic nature of the Linear B LANA32 but its monogrammatic origin is still on the table It seems arguable that Mycenaean lsquoscribesrsquo unlike their Minoan predecessors treated LANA as a coherent entity whose slight variations could not create any confusion precisely because the complex no longer had any phonetic significance This development in my opinion points inter alia at the need for intense use of the wool ideogram within the new administrative system Its form had to be standardised in order to make it immediately comprehensible and accessible to people who acted peripherally to the Knossian bureaucracy but might have not been fully literate The syllabic conceptualisation of the sign as a monogram would no longer be efficient33

The same end is served by an increased divergence between ideograms and their homomorph syllabograms If Linear A 21f is indeed the ancestor of Linear B OVISf lsquoewersquo we must pay close attention to the fact that the former is used both ideographically and in sign-sequences (thus presumably syllabographically) at the same sites and on the same type of document (tablets)34 Linear B reserved this sign for ideographic use only and standardised the form of each variant35 Although patterns of use of these signs are far more complex than that a part of the answer in their differentiated function is the vast shift in the management scale of these animals which as in the case of wool prompted the intense use and standardisation of the sign It is likely that Linear B scribes saw the need to differentiate more lucidly between the syllabic and the ideographic functions of homomorphs or quasi-homomorph signs The distinction was further facilitated by the formulaic format of most sheep records and a combination of isolation and majuscule treatment aimed at distinguishing the ideogram The same development is also attested for 164 unlike Linear A the Linear B ideogram no longer had a homomorph syllabogram

The above selective epigraphic survey of the Knossian textile industry aimed to demonstrate that forms inherited from Neopalatial traditions were utilised in different ways The transformation of the wool monogram into a genuine ideogram and an explosive invention and application of adjuncts that are particularly aimed at enriching information on ram or wether records point strongly to the conclusion that the massive scale of the Knossian exploitation of predominantly central Cretan resources was taking place within a power landscape that was different from the Neopalatial situation On the other hand we have to account specifically for the fact that a Greek-speaking elite allowed so many technical terms of non-Greek (Minoan) origin to be retained in use The crucial question that remains is lsquowhy such attention invested on textilesrsquo

IV It is the textiles perhaps more explicitly than any other textually documented palatial industry in the Bronze Age Aegean that underscore the difficulties in distinguishing between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealth financersquo36 More often than not textiles cannot be firmly placed in one or

31 NOSCH (supra n 7) 11 fig1 [structure] 15-20 Tables 3a 3b 7 8 9 [variations within lsquoScribesrsquo 103 118-120]

32 KILLEN (supra n 7) 5033 Two well-known features of the Linear B administrations restriction of literacy and concentration of

managerial control may well find their reflection in these or similar developments This is further pursued in a forthcoming paper (ldquoReverse phonetisation From syllabogram to sematogram in Aegean scriptsrdquo at the 13th International Colloquium of Mycenaean Studies Paris 19-23 September 2010)

34 Main livestock ideograms (when not designating gender) common in Linear A and B have syllabographic homomorphs (OVIS lsquosheeprsquo 21 qi CAP lsquogoatrsquo 22 mi2 or pi2 and BOS lsquocattlersquo 23 mu) An acrophonic principle might have been operating in Neopalatial times although this is impossible to confirm without actually deciphering Linear A It is however clear that such supposed lsquoacrophoniesrsquo do not make sense in Greek Interestingly another exclusively Knossian use of 21 and 23 is as measurement units (QI on the RCT Np(1) saffron records by 124-E and MU on KN Fh 3471 371 5452 by 141 from the Room of the Column Bases)

35 Cf GORILA 5 xxxi [Linear A] and DRIESSEN (supra n 11 2000 ) pl 44 [comparison of 21 in Linear A and B]

36 T DrsquoALTROY amp T EARLE ldquoStaple finance wealth finance and storage in the Inka political economyrdquo

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 15: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

84 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

the other category in this inconveniently bipolar scheme they are rather located upon an edge cutting both ways With its products covering some basic subsistence needs and responding to the desire to express luxury the manipulation of any textile industry has a great potential of occupying a no less than pivotal role in preindustrial political economies

Taking a broader Aegean perspective we are allowed to view the high political importance of textile production for the LBA III literate administrations as a given fact It is pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth that forms the sole exception to the notorious lack of inter-palatial transactions37 MY X508 from the Mycenae lsquoHouse of the Shieldsrsquo records this commodity as destined te-qa-de lsquoto (a) Thebesrsquo38 It is also indicative that the Mycenaean ruler is associated with textile manufacture in all three sites that have yielded sufficient number of documents with products as well as with specialised craftsmen39 Such personal involvement of none less than the ruler himself in this industry implied by occurrences of the adjective wa-na-ka-te-ro should warn us that the significance of this production was not merely economical and aimed at the end result it was also deeply political and focused on the process

It has been observed that the Knossian textile industry with its multiple stages of production and its reliance upon technical experience and expertise lends itself easily to centralised control40 I would like to take this idea a step further and propose that the political motivation behind such emphasis on textile production on a massive scale at lsquoMycenaeanrsquo Knossos was its use as a medium for access to local economies and gaining control over a bewildering spectrum of activities Through this massive enterprise the lsquopalacersquo was able to mobilise and engage a remarkable amount of personnel lsquoshepherdsrsquo the so-called lsquoCollectorsrsquo intriguingly interpreted long ago by John Bennet as members of local elites of Neopalatial descent41 and specialised wool and textile makers from a great number of sites to this we must add a network of officials of varying degrees of affiliation to the centre which must have been certainly active although they remain textually invisible so far and they in turn became attached to and consequently depended on the palace for their subsistence and economic political status the dense concentration of most Knossian geographic references on the sheep records42 underscores the key-role of this management for central control This industry could have been the lsquolong armrsquo of Knossos at least in central Crete and a means for active involvement and hence control over a hinterland that would have been otherwise out of palatial reach That western Crete plausibly under the leadership of Khania Knossosrsquo lesser() counterpart was only very slightly integrated within this closely supervised system and not at all exploited for sheep breeding is precisely what we should expect

Current Anthropology 26(2) 187-206 D NAKASSIS ldquoReevaluating staple and wealth finance at Mycenaean Pylosrdquo in D PULLEN (ed) Political Economies of the Aegean Bronze Age Papers from the Langford Conference Florida State University Tallahassee February 22-24 2007 (2010) 127-148 (at 127-129) dealt with the often problematic distinction between lsquostaplersquo and lsquowealthrsquo commodities and argued persuasively that what matters the most is not so much ldquothe form in which the material support is mobilisedrdquo (DrsquoALTROY amp EARLE op cit 188) but rather the purpose the commodity is used for economic activities had better be placed in a continuum between lsquosubsistence economicrsquo and lsquosymbolic ideologicalrsquo uses

37 BENDALL ([supra n 12] 288) has noted that except for religious offerings the lsquofinalrsquo out-go of most commodities in Linear B documents is barely recorded

38 It might be significant then that this document records a type of textile whose status we would have had reasons to assume otherwise pu-ka-ta-ri-ja cloth is also mentioned explicitly or in ligatured abbreviation (TELA+PU) as lsquopurple-dyedrsquo (po-pu-re-jo) at least twice in the Knossian corpus (KN L(7) 474 L 758) and is so far the only sort of textile designated as such

39 wanaktera cloth (probably of the TElt-pagt type) and wanaktera purple-dyed textiles (or wanakterai purple-workers) at Knossos (KN Lc(1) 525A Le 6544 X 976) a wanakteros lsquofullerrsquo at Pylos (PY En 743 23 Eo1603 2762) and an unspecified number of wanakterai askētriai lsquofinishersrsquo at Thebes (TH Of 361) all seem too compatible with each other to be merely coincidental

40 JT KILLEN ldquoThebes sealings Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquetsrdquo BICS 23 (1994) 67-84 (at 68)41 J BENNET ldquolsquoCollectorsrsquo or lsquoOwnersrsquo An examination of their possible functions within the palatial economy

of LM III Creterdquo in J-P OLIVIER (ed) Mykenaiumlka Actes du IXe colloque sur les textes myceacuteniens et eacutegeacuteens Athegravenes 2-6 Octobre 1990 [BCH Suppleacutement 25] (1992) 65-101 (at 96-97)

42 See supra n 18

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

edca b

f g h i j k l

m n o p q r s

a b c d e f g h

ij

k l

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVI 40412 0858

XXVII

ba c d

e f

g h i j

a

c

b

d

1

2

95274_Aegeum Cartes XXVII 40412 0858

Page 16: Petrakis Kosmos 2010 2012 CORR

THOUGHTS ON THE EMERGENCE OF THE KNOSSIAN TEXTILE INDUSTRY 85

Maria Alberti has been among the latest to suggest that the Knossian textile industry be viewed as ldquothe adaptation of a pre-existing Neopalatial industry by Mycenaean administrative formsrdquo43 I hope that this paper has suggested possible ways of using epigraphic evidence for explaining how and why such an lsquoadaptationrsquo might have taken place

Vassilis P PETRAKIS

43 M-E ALBERTI ldquoThe Minoan textile industry and the territory from Neopalatial to Mycenaean times Some first thoughtsrdquo Creta Antica 8 (2007) 243-263 (at 251) Cf JT KILLEN ldquoThe textile industries at Pylos and Knossosrdquo in CW SHELMERDINE amp ThG PALAIMA (eds) Pylos Comes Alive Administration and Economy in a Mycenaean Palace A Symposium of the New York Society of the Archaeological Institute of America and Fordham University in Memory of Claireve Grandjouan May 4-5 1984 (1984) 49-63 (at 60-61)

86 Vassilis P PETRAKIS

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

XXVI

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LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Pl XXVI 1 Textile ideograms in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 1a-e Syllabographic AB 54 in Linear A (PK Za 11 HT 85b4 IO Za 2a1 MA 10b1 IO Za

3) 1f-l 159 from HT Wc 3019 162 204 383 (A535 = 159+AB81) 383 (A536 = 159+A312)

Tel Haror sherd (159+AB04) THE 8 (159+AB09) 1m-s Knossian Linear B comparanda (TELA+KU from L(4) 516 5141 TELA+ZO from L 433

5612 2127 two examples of TELA+TE from Lc(1) 526A) Images after GORILA CoMIK OREN et al (supra n 2) 99 fig1a BOULOTIS (supra n 5)

68 fig2 courtesy of Prof L Godart J-P Olivier and Dr Chr Boulotis Processed by the author (relative scale)

Pl XXVI 2 The wool monogram in Linear A and epigraphic comparanda 2a-h AB 80+26 from HT 124 five examples from 24a1-5 PH 3a3 KH 431 2i-l Sign sequence AB 80-26 on HT 117a3 examples of Knossian Linear B LANA (Ws(1)

8493 from the RCT Od(1) 7310 690 both by Scribe 103) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale)Pl XXVII 1 Ideogram 164 in Linear A and Knossian Linear B 3a-d Variants 164a-d on Khaniote roundels Wc 2041 2040 2041 and 2036 respectively 3e-f Syllabographic uses of 164 on HT 171 (probable) and 191 3g-j Knossian Linear B uses of 164 on L 5201-3 and L 6981 (probably quasi-joined to

Od(1) 696) Images after GORILA CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative

scale) Pl XXVII 2 Documents related to textiles from the Room of the Chariot Tablets (RCT) by 124-x 4a-d KN L 104 [TELA2] 178 [161 TELA3+PA] L 192 [TELA2] and U(1) 95 [178] Images after CoMIK courtesy of Prof L Godart Processed by the author (relative scale)

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