Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River ...
Transcript of Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River ...
Perspectives on Sustainable Development in the Moose River Basin
RICHARD J. PRESTON, McMaster University
FIKRET BERKES, University of Manitoba
PETER J. GEORGE, McMaster University
INTRODUCTION
For several years now, as principal investigators in the Research
Program for Technology Assessment in Subarctic Ontario (TASO), w e
have been identifying and analyzing the environmental, economic and
sociocultural determinants of sustainable development in the Cree com
munities of the Mushkegowuk region of the Hudson and James Bay
lowlands. W e believe that a combination of traditional land-based
activities, increased wage and proprietorial income, and transfer payments
will constitute the economic base of viable Cree communities in the
future.
A number of fundamental concepts have guided TASO's work, two
of which we want to discuss in this paper. First, we contrast some
conflicting perspectives on the meaning of sustainable development, and
second, we advance the notion of cumulative cultural impact assessment
(Preston 1994). Specifically, we discuss Cree perspectives on sustainable
development versus industrial developers' perspectives on sustainable
development, by addressing the question: sustaining what, to develop
whatl The answer depends on whose interests are being served. It also
depends on what factors are contributing to the actual events of these
developments. Environmental, technological, economic, political and
cultural factors all cumulatively effect the course of development.
Documenting and evaluating the whole context of development is the
purpose of cumulative environmental and cultural impact assessment. W e
are presently attempting to frame a methodology for a more complete and
appropriate assessment of industrial developments in the Moose River
region.
The starting point for an analysis of sustainability and development
is the issue of world view, the way in which a culture looks at and orders
the world around it. W e regard the crucial question as being, whose
380 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
world view determines sustainable development in the Moose River
region? Different perspectives on the world have differently guided
human activities in the region, ranging from the holistic perspective of the
indigenous peoples to the more specialized perspectives of those who
came into the region with a particular, specialized purpose. While our
main purpose here is to contrast the perspectives of the contemporary
Cree and Ontario Hydro, w e will briefly describe three historically
relevant perspectives — those of the 19th-century Cree, the Hudson's Bay
Company, and the companies building railways into the region — before
turning to our primary task.
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES OF SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT
The "traditional" (19th-century) Cree perspective was focussed on
sustaining family and community life by hunting and the use of other
land-based natural resources. The concept of development seems foreign
to this milieu, except in terms of the ideal of enjoying a long life with
many surviving children to carry on the small personal community after
one's life on the earth was ended (Hallowell 1955). The meaning of
"holistic" in characterizing the traditional Cree perspective can be given
some specification by working interpretively from oral tradition and
written documents. For example,
It was thought by some of the elders interviewed by John Long in the 1980's, that the Indians taking part in the treaty negotiation intended to mean that the Indians go with the land, as a part of the land's "dressing", which includes the animals, trees, rivers — all that is on the land. (Preston 1990b)
Essentially, the meaning here is a Cree cultural gloss: that there is a vital
connection or integrity of all creatures with each other and with the land.
For our reader's clarity of understanding, w e note that for the term
ecosystem there is a comparably holistic scientific meaning, though it has
a more limited and secular sense. W e would say that the Hudson Bay
Lowlands ecosystem is a combination of diverse physical (abiotic and
biotic) components, some of which are human, and that the perspective
of ecosystemic science is that all of components are interrelated in a
condition of dynamic equilibrium.
From either of these holistic perspectives w e can see that the Cree
signing the treaty responded to the pressures they felt from southern
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 381
intruders and from hardships arising from scarcity of food animals. They
felt that these pressures on the people and on the land were beyond their
ability to deal with effectively, and so they were giving over to the king
(kihci-okimaw) their responsibility for "looking after" the integrity of the
ecosystem, including the people w h o lived there. By this means they
hoped to be able to live unmolested.
There is an important comparison to be made here. The fact that
many Cree and ecologists share a holistic perspective does not mean that
modern ecological concepts are necessarily identical with traditional
aboriginal ones. The issue of aboriginal responsibility for the integrity
of the ecosystem is currently being disputed (Martin 1978, Krech 1981,
Brightman 1993, Koenig 1994). W e have learned that discerning
aboriginal conservation practices is more subtle than trying to discover
current principles of environmental management in an aboriginal guise.
What w e do find are traditional cultural institutions that support
sustainable animal populations, for the good reason that people wanted
to be able to return year after year to find their living. And w e find that
the traditional Cree ethics of relations with animals that are their food
includes notions that apply to the well-being of animal populations.
The "traditional" (19th-century) Hudson's Bay Company ( H B C )
perspective was focussed on the development of trade of particular land-
based natural resources (mainly fur) for profit. The Company's method
was first to get the Indians to bring their furs in to the post for trade, and
secondly to increase the intensity of fur-harvesting activities. The H B C
records for the east side of James Bay, for example, frequently express
concern about how they can persuade the Indians to spend less time on
caribou hunting (a major source of food) and more on the "productive"
activity (from the H B C perspective) of fur trapping (Francis and Morantz
1983). H B C notions corresponding to sustainability may have been of
the European farm management type, focussing on trying to maintain a
population of breeders and avoiding the destruction of mothers and the
very young, though w e have not determined to what extent this was a
concern for particular post managers. It is difficult to say if the demands
placed by the H B C on hunters resulted in their harvesting non-sustainable
quantities of beaver and other fur resources. Elsewhere w e have
postulated that the intensification of harvesting may have resulted in the
382 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
emergence of a tighter cultural institution, with family-controlled
territories and "beaver bosses" acting as stewards, in place of a looser,
communal territory system (Berkes 1989).
The major episodes of beaver scarcity coincide with periods of
competition between fur companies and fur harvesters, as happened in the
early 1800s. Fur returns and thus profitability gradually declined until
1821 when the H B C absorbed its rival, the North West Company. Fur
harvests reached a low in 1825-29 in the Rupert's River District (James
Bay); presumably the recovery phase followed the amalgamation, to
return to a high in 1830-34 (Francis and Morantz 1983:130). Both in the
1800s and in the later fur depletion episode of the 1920s, beaver were
overhunted as a result of the breakdown of the Cree institution of beaver
hunting territories and beaver bosses, by incursions from the outside (Feit
1986), essentially creating open-access conditions leading to a "tragedy
of the commons" (Berkes 1989).
H o w did the H B C react to the depletion of beaver? Brightman
(1993) has documented that the H B C responded to the crisis of 1820-30
by instituting conservation measures to protect mother beavers and the
very young. And w e know that at this time H B C Governor Simpson
ordered a beaver preserve to be set up on Charlton Island (Frantz and
Morantz 1983:129). These conservation measures probably represent the
first European-style management regulations. But without detracting from
the value of these activities, w e would argue that success in sustaining the
recovery of fur-bearer populations was dependent on the recovery of
aboriginal institutions for the regulation of land use and for proper
conduct of the hunt.
The "modern" railway developer's perspective was focussed on
getting and sustaining access in order to transport natural resources from
the north, and to transport immigrants into the north, and then to transport
merchandise to them. Opening the Northern Ontario frontier by
constructing railroads had more direct results than the developers
anticipated, because of the discovery of very valuable mineral deposits in
the process of excavating the roadbed. Other direct results were
deliberately anticipated, such as choosing railway routes that passed close
to sites with identified potential for mining and hydroelectric construction.
The impact of the presence of many hundreds of railway and hydro
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 383
construction labourers in the region was partly environmental, partly
technological, partly economic, partly political, and partly cultural.
Native people were no longer physically or culturally secure on their
land, as the ethics of relations with other people and relations to the
animals were not shared or respected by most of the intruders. W h e n
confronted with a large number of people w ho did not share their
understanding of the desirable way to respect each other's rights, or the
desirable way to treat animals, the natives lacked effective means for
protecting their hunting environment. In consequence, the sustainability
of their hunting culture was seriously challenged. In the case of the most
directly impacted group, the N e w Post band, the consequences were quite
lethal; all but two of the families who took treaty in 1905 had died out
by 1943. These people were the victims of cumulatively destructive
impacts, including cultural impacts. While w e lack an adequate statement
of the methodology needed for cumulative cultural impact assessment, its
importance is highlighted by our documentation of the N e w Post case
(Schuurman et al. 1992).
THE CASE OF THE MOOSE RIVER HYDROELECTRIC EXPANSION
N o w w e consider the contemporary Cree and Ontario Hydro
perspectives, and the contrast between them. The "modern" hydroelectric
perspective is focussed on developing new (or re-developing old)
generating stations and transporting a sustainable quantity of energy for
the purposes of large scale extracting and processing of natural resources
in the north, and providing energy for southern industrial and consumer
markets.
In 1990, Ontario Hydro released their long term (25-year) Demand/
Supply Plan Report. Proposals included new generating sites and the re
development of existing sites in the Moose River drainage basin (Fig. 1).
From Ontario Hydro's perspective, this part of their plan seemed fairly
non-controversial, and even modestly beneficial, since Ontario Hydro
would provide employment benefits to the natives in the region. The
main points of Hydro's perspective are as follows:
a) Hydroelectric power development is seen as using an otherwise
wasted water resource, as the northern rivers flow into Hudson and
James Bays. Exploiting the power potential of northern Ontario's
384 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
Hearst
Kapuskasing
Mobsonee 'A.
Renison Kipling/ 0
Smoky Falls Little Long
Kapuskasing ,Q
f X, Allan Rapids I- Sand Rapids-. Blacksmith Rapids
~apk' ids
H\r~- Abitibi Canyon Cypress Falls
# & " Nine Mile Rapids • ^ o t l e r . R a P i c ' s
, James Bay 0
Moosonee ^j
^\ ^ * *
Cochrane \ • \
mins cf) \
<? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
O ,o rr loi < IR p IUJ 2 '2 O |0
Moose River Kwataboahegan River Cheepash River Missinaibi River Mattagami River Kapuskasing River Onakawana River Ivanhoe River Groundhog River Mattagami River Abitibi River Little Abitibi River North French River Lake Abitibi
Figure 1: The Moose River Basin and its major tributaries. Inset: Locations of proposed development sites (squares), and existing sites (circles) on the Mattagami, Abitibi and Moose rivers, according to Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan". Source: Ontario Hydro (1989).
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 385
rivers initially made mineral extraction and later pulp-and-paper
development in the north practical and profitable. Compared to
Quebec's and Manitoba's Hudson and James Bay watershed mega-
projects, very little hydro development exists in Ontario. Yet there
is considerable hydro potential; thus, the resource is under-utilized.
b) Water is a renewable resource, unlike the other sources of electric
power (coal, natural gas, nuclear fuel), and so is an indefinitely
sustainable source of energy generation. As well, hydro development
does not involve the burning of fossil fuels, a source of atmospheric
pollution.
c) The proposed impoundments in the Moose River drainage are not
extensive, and this area already has some older hydro plants.
Additional flooding is on the order of thousands of hectares, not
thousands of square kilometers as in Quebec's Baie James develop
ment (Table 1). Thus, the additional environmental impacts are
probably negligible in the larger picture, and the environment can
sustain these impacts without significant changes.
d) Water impoundment and flow regulation diminish the hazards of
flooding during breakup, and additional dams therefore provide a
safety benefit to the communities downriver, not to mention other
community economic benefits from construction work, road access
and other developments.
e) The area of proposed developments is a huge and empty land, as can
be seen from a map. Human use of the area is probably negligible.
By exempting the major recreational river of the area (the Missinaibi)
from the construction plans, the major social impact of Moose River
basin development can be addressed.
Once the Ontario Hydro plan was made public in 1990, the Cree
response was swift and unequivocal. To fight the project, the Moose
River/James Bay Coalition was formed, representing all seven aboriginal
agencies of the area (Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association, MoCreebec
First Nation, Moose Factory First Nation, Moose Factory Island Local
Services Board, Moosonee Metis Association, Mushkegowuk Tribal
Council, and N e w Post First Nation). The Coalition expressed strong
386 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
Table 1. Details of Ontario Hydro's "Hydraulic Plan" for the Mattagami,
Abitibi and Moose rivers. Source: Ontario Hydro (1989).
Sites
DEFINITION PHASE: Mattagami Complex Kipling Smoky Falls Harmon Little Long All sites combined
C O N C E P T PHASE: Abitibi Complex Abitibi Canyon Otter Rapids Nine Mile Rapids All sites combined
Renison Blacksmith Rapids Sand & Allan Rapids Cypress Falls
River
Mattagami
Abitibi
Moose Abitibi Abitibi Mattagami
Proposed Development
Flooding Required
(ha)
0 35 0 0 35
0 0
473 473
440 801 n/a 550
Incremental Capacity
(MW)
68 182 68 61 379
463 174 295 932
135 140 262 42
Existing Developments on River
Number of Developments
9
5
0 5 5 9
Total Installed Capacity
(MW)
471
561
0 561 561 471
objection to the Ontario Hydro proposal, pointing out the vulnerability of
the local land-based economy and the damage caused by past projects.
The Coalition encouraged elders to speak out, and rejected the notion that
Ontario Hydro's Demand/Supply Plan should determine the fate of the
region's communities.
As the Cree position evolved, the Coalition demanded a thorough
assessment of cumulative impacts of development in the Moose River
region (Table 2). This was intended to cover all past as well as proposed
hydro development in the region. Further, the assessment should cover
other industrial development activities, their impact on the Cree com
munities, and their cumulative effects on the much larger Hudson Bay
region. Any future development projects should be assessed in the
context of other kinds of developments, including the role of aboriginal
activities, commercial trapping and fishing, tourism and other potential kinds of activities.
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 387
Table 2. Excerpts from MRJBC's Position on Cumulative Impact
Assessment for the Moose River Basin
MRJBC maintains that in order for the concerns and interests of all people living in the Moose River Basin to be protected and promoted, there is a need to assess the cumulative and long-term impacts of development in the Moose River Basin.
Cumulative assessment must involve looking at the whole range of development alternatives for the Moose River Basin which at all times must be done from the perspective that the culture of the people living in the Basin will be protected or enhanced. This broad-ranging assessment must look not only at Ontario Hydro's proposed new hydraulic developments, and at non-utility generation. It must also look at Ontario Hydro's proposed redevelopments and extensions and at the infrastructure that would be associated with all of these hydraulic projects. Just as important in the assessment is consideration of all other regional development scenarios for the Basin. Those scenarios would include, for example, looking at the role of traditional aboriginal activities, commercial trapping and fishing, tourism, and other options for
the Basin.
The cumulative impact assessment cannot be done in a vacuum, taking as its starting point the current status of the Basin. A proper cumulative assessment must examine what has happened in the past to our communities as a result of Ontario Hydro's activities and the activities of other developers. It will attempt to identify measures to mitigate and compensate for past damages.
Our decision must be made out of a basic respect for the land, the waters and the life sustained by them, and not out of a view that the land and waters are here to be exploited for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as secondary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely, that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin.
Further, the Coalition argued that assessment must be done from the
perspective that the culture of the people living in the basin must be
protected or enhanced. The Hydro perspective was evaluated as focus
sing on the exploitation of the land and water resources:
for their power potential, and that everything else is treated as secondary or not important. The cumulative assessment for the Moose River Basin must be done from precisely the opposite perspective; namely that the lands, waters and the life and people sustained by them are primary and that developing power potential is only one of the possible uses for the Moose River Basin. (MRJBC n.d.:3)
In May 1990, shortly after our TASO research team was notified of
the award of a research grant from the Social Science and Humanities
388 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
Research Council of Canada, w e were asked by representatives of the
Coalition to direct our research to assisting the people of the region. W e
agreed, with the understanding that the research would serve the
purposes of both the Coalition and T A S O . The compilation of maps that
document land harvesting in the Moose River basin, and community
profiles for N e w Post, Moose River Crossing, Moosonee and Moose
Factory were the first specific projects requested.
The Coalition then made their case in an application to the Ontario
Environmental Assessment Board, received intervenor funding, and their
Scientific Co-ordinator retained over 40 scientific consultants. These
scientists prepared very substantial documentation that raised many issues
that had been ignored or passed over by Ontario Hydro, including
cumulative environmental impacts for the region as a whole (as opposed
to the localized impacts of individual dams), effects on native land use
and subsistence, cultural impacts, aboriginal rights, natural capital loss,
and more. In short, the Coalition saw the Hydro development as non-
sustainable.
THE NEED FOR CUMULATIVE CULTURAL IMPACT ASSESSMENT
The position developed by the Coalition in the Moose River hydro
case illustrates the "modern" Cree perspective which focusses on the
economic and cultural value of protecting land and animal resources,
thereby sustaining traditional pursuits and new uses for land-based natural
resources. Here w e find a combination of wishing to maintain cultural
continuity with their holistic traditional world view, and, at the same
time, to direct the contemporary transformations of Cree culture and
economy through the control and selective use of the land.
Many Cree believe that participation in traditional harvesting activi
ties is the most direct and effective way to maintain cultural values and
attitudes. And probably most Cree believe that the present and forseeable
future requires some additional economic activities as a practical and
necessary part of adapting to the "outside world". But again sustaina-
bility is the focus, because the goal is an authentic adaptation, through
Cree-directed cultural transformations.
Traditional harvesting activities are being successfully sustained,
transformed with the use of new technology (such as snowmobiles) and
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 389
new social forms (brief individual sorties into the bush rather than
extended residence by families or clusters of families), as our recent
research has documented (Berkes et al. 1994, Cummins 1992, George et
al. 1995). Our documentation of other types of Cree cultural transfor
mation is proceeding, although many aspects are still only schematic at
this time (Blythe et al. 1985, Fulford 1994, George and Preston 1987,
Graham 1988, Logotheti 1991, Preston 1985, 1986, 1987, 1988, 1990a,
Schuurman et al. 1992, Schuurman 1994). Here the focus is on sustaina-
bility in the midst of multiple, rapid developments.
What perspective of sustainable development can be offered that is
consistent with the modern Cree view, and that addresses issues of local
and regional culture, society, economy and environment? Our analysis
is that there are four major elements of such a perspective. First, we
need more sensitive tools to diagnose the consequences of development,
through a comprehensive cumulative environmental and cultural impact
assessment. Second, beyond the assessment of past developments and
their consequences, w e need a more comprehensive view of sustainable
development, one that also accounts for cultural sustainability. Third, we
need a recipe for a development strategy that fulfills both cultural needs
and modern economic needs. Fourth, people should be able to determine
their own priorities and the fate of their communities. W e deal with each
in turn.
Cumulative effects are said to occur:
when at least one of two circumstances prevail: persistent addition of a material, a force, or an effect from a single source at a rate greater than can be dissipated; or compounding effects as a result of the coming together of two or more materials, forces, or effects, which individually may not be cumulative. (CEARC 1987)
Figure 2 sketches two functional pathways that may result in cumulative
effects. The pathway on the right, or "compounding effects involving
two or more processes", is the more likely pathway for the Moose River
Basin development case. Whether these impacts are "additive" or "inter
active" is more difficult to determine, but synergistic or interactive
relationships of a series of impacts seem likely. The methodology of
cumulative impact assessment has not yet been worked out. But limited
experience shows that there has not usually been a cultural component to
390 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
PATHWAY 1
SLOWLY
DISSIPATIVE
(additive)
\
PATHWAY 2
MAGNIFICATION
(interactive)
/
PERSISTENT ADDITIONS
FROM ONE PROCESS
PATHWAY 3
MULTIPLE
IMPACTS
(additive)
\
COMPOUNDING
INVOLVING TWO OR
PATHWAY 4
SYNERGISTIC
RELATIONSHIPS
(interactive)
/
EFFECTS
MORE PROCESSES
\ /
PATHWAYS THAT LEAD TO
CUMULATIVE EFFECTS
Figure 2: Basic functional pathways that contribute to cumulative effects. Source: C E A R C (1987).
impact analyses. The task, therefore, is to add a socio-cultural component
to any future cumulative impact assessment in the region.
Sustainable development — that is, development that meets the needs
of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to
meet their o w n needs — is often considered to have three major
dimensions: ecological, economic and social sustainability. But little
work has been done on social sustainability and even less on cultural
sustainability, even though the question of cultural health is essential to
any development planning in the north that involves aboriginal peoples.
There is a need to expand the definition of sustainability to include
culturally sustainable development:
development that meets the material needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to retain their cultural identity, social relationships and values, and allow for change recognized and guided in ways that are consistent with existing cultural principles of a people. (Berkes et al. 1994)
PERSPECTIVES ON SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT 391
CONCLUSION
There is a basic dilemma for development planning in the Moose
River region, and indeed for much of the Canadian north. O n the one
hand, culturally sustainable development requires keeping the traditional
land-based economy in a healthy state. O n the other hand, the traditional
economy by itself cannot provide the cash income and jobs needed for a
healthy regional economy, especially since the collapse of fur markets in
the 1980s. The recipe for a viable development strategy for the region
could involve continued reliance on transfer payments and investment in
renewable resource-based industry and local services, while protecting
and enhancing the traditional economy. W e see the mixed economy not
as a transition stage to the ideal of a resource export and wage economy,
but as a culturally, ecologically and economically sustainable arrangement
in its own right (Berkes et al. 1994, 1995).
The concept of mixed economy, defined to include the imputed value
of the produce of the traditional economy, presents a more accurate
depiction of the full range of economic opportunities available to the Cree
than does the conventional emphasis on market-based activity alone. In
our view, the Cree themselves should decide on the definitions of
economic opportunities and the benchmarks of economic performance
appropriate to their present and future circumstances.
TASO's work on the traditional economy provides a key piece of
information missing until now, to help make these decisions informed
ones. The combination of low measured income and some continuing
dependence on transfers, even in the presence of some Cree outmigration,
does not establish convincingly the non-viability of Cree communities.
Indeed, the significant and apparently robust contributions of traditional
non-measured economic activities to real incomes warrant much greater
emphasis in assessing economic performance and viability.
The ability of the Cree to meet their expectations about real incomes
and other economic and cultural benchmarks depends upon the renewable
natural resource base and access to it. Keeping Cree culture intact (the
meaning of cultural sustainability) inheres in keeping the stock of natural
capital intact (biological sustainability). Only then can the traditional
bush activities continue to serve as an economically productive and
392 PRESTON, BERKES AND GEORGE
culturally essential cornerstone of the mixed economy, one that is too
often overlooked by the proponents of resource development.
Finally, the issue of self-government has been in the forefront of
much discussion of aboriginal affairs. In an area such as the Moose
River basin, the jurisdiction of self-government needs to include the vast
area in which the traditional land-based economy continues. Co-
management or the sharing of jurisdiction for resource management
between the government and the local community is one of the ways in
which self-government can be implemented (Berkes et al. 1991), and
Ontario has recently formally recognized First Nations participation as a
reviewer representing an aboriginal level of government in the
environmental assessment process.
In the 1990s the Omushkegowuk Harvesters Association developed
a capability for land resources management in the region, including the
ability to monitor animal harvesting activities. The re-establishment of
traditional hunting and trapping relations was a major goal of the
Association. This was not seen as a return to bows and arrows, but rather
a practical and culturally congenial transformation of traditional ethics,
to guide present and future activities. Looking to traditional institutional
arrangements to inform political policy formulation and implementation
at the regional and local level regarding direction and regulation of the
mixed economy may well be one of the abiding legacies of cultural
sustainability for the Muskegowuk Cree.
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