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181 ACTA CLASSICA LIII (2010) 181-205 ISSN 0065-1141 PERSONIFICATIONS ON THE COINAGE OF VESPASIAN (AD 69-79) T.R. Stevenson University of Queensland ABSTRACT This paper surveys personifications on Vespasian’s coinage in terms of their novelty and significance. It finds that there is more novelty than has been allowed, especially in the proliferation of personifications following Nero’s demise and in the number of unprecedented legends. Many of the personifications have a traditional character, so that the overall message seems to be one of continuity with the Augustan model of a ‘good’ emperor. Finally, among the particular themes which are promoted by the personifications, it seems that there is a fundamental desire to confirm the stability and strength of the succession to Vespasian in the person of his two sons, Titus and Domitian. Introduction Roman coin types exhibit a rich variety of personifications, whose number increases markedly after the fall of Nero. 1 Aside from cultural and philoso- phical reasons for this phenomenon, there is also a political dimension, which has been variously interpreted. In respect of personifications on the coinage of Vespasian, the aims of this paper are threefold: (i) to argue – in contrast to the general scholarly view – that there is significant novelty among the personifications employed on Vespasian’s coinage; 1 Abbreviations used in this paper: BMCRE I-II = H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vols. I-II (London 1923-30). MW = M. McCrum & A.G. Woodhead, Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors (Cambridge 1961). OLD = P.G.W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford 1982). RIC I-II = H. Mattingly & E.A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage, vols. I-II (London 1923-26). RIC I 2 = C.H.V. Sutherland, Roman Imperial Coinage, vol. I: Augustus to Vitellius (2nd edition. London 1984).

Transcript of PERSONIFICATIONS ON THE COINAGE OF … respect of personifications on the coinage of Vespasian, the...

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ACTA CLASSICA LIII (2010) 181-205 ISSN 0065-1141

PERSONIFICATIONS ON THE COINAGE OF VESPASIAN (AD 69-79)

T.R. Stevenson

University of Queensland

ABSTRACT

This paper surveys personifications on Vespasian’s coinage in terms of their novelty and significance. It finds that there is more novelty than has been allowed, especially in the proliferation of personifications following Nero’s demise and in the number of unprecedented legends. Many of the personifications have a traditional character, so that the overall message seems to be one of continuity with the Augustan model of a ‘good’ emperor. Finally, among the particular themes which are promoted by the personifications, it seems that there is a fundamental desire to confirm the stability and strength of the succession to Vespasian in the person of his two sons, Titus and Domitian. Introduction Roman coin types exhibit a rich variety of personifications, whose number increases markedly after the fall of Nero.1 Aside from cultural and philoso-phical reasons for this phenomenon, there is also a political dimension, which has been variously interpreted. In respect of personifications on the coinage of Vespasian, the aims of this paper are threefold:

(i) to argue – in contrast to the general scholarly view – that there is significant novelty among the personifications employed on Vespasian’s coinage;

1 Abbreviations used in this paper: BMCRE I-II = H. Mattingly, Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum, vols. I-II (London 1923-30). MW = M. McCrum & A.G. Woodhead, Select Documents of the Principates of the Flavian Emperors (Cambridge 1961). OLD = P.G.W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford 1982). RIC I-II = H. Mattingly & E.A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage, vols. I-II (London 1923-26). RIC I2 = C.H.V. Sutherland, Roman Imperial Coinage, vol. I: Augustus to Vitellius (2nd edition. London 1984).

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(ii) to emphasize that many of the personifications have a traditional character, so that the overall message seems to be one of continuity with the Augustan model of a ‘good’ emperor; and (iii) to argue that one particularly important message of the personifi-cations is that the succession is secure – Vespasian’s sons, Titus and Domitian, provide a guarantee of future peace and prosperity.

A new era in the use of personifications Apart from personifications of their gods, which will not be dealt with here, the Romans distinguished between personified states or conditions, such as concordia and felicitas, and ‘virtues’ or ‘moral qualities of the soul’, such as virtus and pietas.2 Numismatists often tend to combine these states and qualities rather imprecisely, though there is some justification for doing so, in that both types of personifications appear on the reverse of Roman coins, with the emperor’s head occupying the obverse. The blessed states or qualities often manage to evoke the more traditional, republican side of imperial power (e.g. ‘Libertas’, ‘Virtus’), though their proliferation from the Flavian era onward has also been interpreted in terms of growing emphasis on the more charismatic side, tending towards the divine.3

In comparison to Julio-Claudian practice, Vespasian’s coinage exhibits more personifications, on more reverse types, rotated more rapidly than before. Most of these personifications were adopted from coins of the civil war period, especially from the short reign of Galba, and as a result it has become normal to stress continuity and lack of originality.4 Laffranchi, Mattingly and Grant thought that the aim of Vespasian’s types was to commemorate historical anniversaries or notable episodes from republican or Augustan times. This thesis has been criticized, but the importance of

2 On this distinction, see the references and discussion in A. Wallace-Hadrill, ‘The emperor and his virtues’, Historia 30 (1981) 298-323, at 308-10; cf. J.R. Fears, ‘The cult of virtues and Roman imperial ideology’, ANRW 2.17.2 (1981) 827-948, esp. 830-33. Earlier studies of ‘virtues’ on Roman coinage include M.P. Charlesworth, ‘The virtues of a Roman emperor: propaganda and the creation of belief’, PBA 23 (1937) 105-33; H. Mattingly, ‘The Roman virtues’, HTR 30 (1937) 103-17. 3 For the latter interpretation, see Fears (note 2) 889, 938; Wallace-Hadrill (note 2) 298, 314-19; D. Fishwick, The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. 2.1 (Leiden 1991) 473. 4 E.g. BMCRE II, xxxi-lxix. T.V. Buttrey, ‘Vespasian as moneyer’, NC Ser. 7, 12 (1972) 89-109, at 92-101 lists the Galban precedents.

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Augustus can hardly be denied altogether.5 Buttrey considers the role of mint officials in the selection process, and of administrative factors such as the availability of metals and the convenience of employing types used previ-ously. He follows up, however, with the relatively unconvincing suggestion that Vespasian might have served as a moneyer under Tiberius, and in that capacity might have acquired a numismatist’s love of diverse coin types.6 Ramage is open to the influence of convenience and antiquarian interest, but argues that these ‘were not the only or even the major motives behind Vespasian’s issues.’7 He thinks that Vespasian shared Galba’s attitude to ‘tyrants’ like Nero and Vitellius, and goes on to make a detailed case for the systematic denigration of tyrannical predecessors, especially Nero and Vitellius, on Vespasian’s coinage.8

Such theories are quite right to imply Vespasian’s ultimate responsibility for the coins and to focus closely on the conditions of his reign, for each coin type was an official document which reflected on the emperor,

5 L. Laffranchi, ‘Un centenario numismatico nell’antichità’, RIN, Vol. 24 (1911) 427-36; BMCRE II, xliii; M. Grant, Roman Anniversary Issues (Cambridge 1950). For criticism, see Buttrey (note 4) 89-90, who shows that Vespasian’s coinage neglects to commemorate many of the famous achievements of Augustus’ reign, and employs a greater range of designs than earlier scholars suggest. Emmanuelle Rosso has recently taken a generous view of Augustan influence. She argues in particular that Vespasian’s Jewish victories are depicted in terms which evoke the Battle of Actium: ‘Le theme de la Res publica restituta dans le monnayage de Vespasien: pérennité du “modèle augustéen” entre citations, réinterprétations et dévoiements’, in F. Hurlet & B. Mineo (edd.), Le principat d’Auguste: réalités et représentations du pouvoir autour de la Res publica restituta (Rennes 2009) 209-42. 6 Buttrey (note 4) 106-09. Buttrey’s portrait of Vespasian as an enthusiastic numismatic antiquarian has not won support, but note the opinion of I. Carradice, ‘Towards a new introduction to the Flavian coinage’, in M. Austin, J. Harries & C. Smith (edd.), Modus Operandi. Essays in Honour of Geoffrey Rickman (London 1998) 93-117, at 96: ‘Whatever the particular explanation for this unprecedented series of imitative coin designs may be, Buttrey is surely right to remind us of the likely influence in the choice of coin types of the mint itself, as an institution with no doubt a reference collection of old coins, dies, papers, and experienced professional workers.’ 7 E.S. Ramage, ‘Denigration of predecessor under Claudius, Galba, and Vespasian’, Historia 32 (1983) 201-14, at 201. 8 Ramage (note 7) 201, 209 points to Vespasian’s formal damnatio memoriae of Nero, apparently following the policy of Galba (Tac. Hist. 1.16.2; 1.78). This hardly means, of course, that Galba’s attitude was the only determining factor. On damnatio memoriae, see E.R. Varner, Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture (Leiden 2004) 1-20 on damnatio as an imprecise concept, 46-85 on Nero’s damnatio.

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regardless of who actually chose the design.9 On the other hand, it seems unlikely that a top-down ‘propaganda’ model governed the selection of types. Although the emperor’s agreement can be taken for granted, and may well have been tested directly at times, the process was probably more bottom-up, with selections normally made by mint officials under fairly loose supervision, and determined by both political trends and administrative considerations.10 There were other, more important calls on an emperor’s time. Instead of acting as a primary means of political persuasion, and powerful in each individual case, the coinage was evidently of subsidiary importance in comparison to other media, such as speeches, ceremonies, festivals and monuments.11 Indeed, there is reasonable agreement that Vespasian’s coin types are unoriginal and banal, mere copies or adaptations of former types from the mint’s huge repertoire, as though the new emperor and/or his staff took little interest in their selection and relied little on coin types to advertise imperial ideals or programmes.12 Yet a detailed study of the

9 Wallace-Hadrill (note 2) 308; Carradice (note 6) 97; C.F. Noreña, ‘The communication of the emperor’s virtues’, JRS 91 (2001) 146-68, at 159. 10 For a definition of ‘propaganda’, see G. Jowett & V. O’Donnell, Propaganda and Persuasion (London 2006) 7: ‘[propaganda is a form of communication that] deliberately and systematically attempts to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions and direct behaviour to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist.’ 11 There is, of course, a huge body of scholarship on the ‘propaganda’ content of Roman imperial coinage. For a measured defence of the traditional (top-down) model, see C.H.V. Sutherland, ‘The purpose of Roman imperial coin types’, Rev. Num. 25 (1983) 73-82. An alternative (bottom-up) model is proposed by B. Levick, ‘Propaganda and the imperial coinage’, Antichthon 16 (1982) 104-16; cf. A. Wallace-Hadrill, ‘Image and authority in the coinage of Augustus’, JRS 76 (1986) 66-87, at 67-70; C. Howgego, Ancient History from Coins (London 1995) 62-87; B. Levick, ‘Messages on the Roman coinage: types and inscriptions’, in G.M. Paul & M. Ierardi (edd.), Roman Coins and Public Life under the Empire: E. Togo Salmon Papers, vol. 2 (Ann Arbor 1999) 41-60. A sceptical approach to the persuasive power of coin types is taken by M.H. Crawford, ‘Roman imperial coin types and the formation of public opinion’, in C.N.L. Brooke, B.H.I.H. Stewart, J.G. Pollard & T.R. Volk (edd.), Studies in Numismatic Method Presented to Philip Grierson (Cambridge 1983) 47-64. For the view that coins were overshadowed as non-literary vehicles for the spread of ideas by such things as monumental buildings, works of art, and the ceremonial aspects of religious worship, see S. Price, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge 1984) 101-14; cf. Wallace-Hadrill (art. cit.) 68; Fishwick (note 3) 458. 12 E.g. C.M. Kraay, ‘The bronze coinage of Vespasian: classification and attribution’, Scripta Nummaria Romana (London 1978) 47-57, at 50, esp. 52-53: ‘unoriginal’; B. Levick, Vespasian (London & New York 1999) 65: ‘Coinage was banal. Types were borrowed from past reigns, allusions reassuringly predictable’; M. Griffin, ‘The

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types and labels appears to indicate that this is an exaggeration, and that an atmosphere of novelty probably did surround the personifications employed on Vespasian’s coinage.

The civil wars of AD 68-69 witnessed the appearance of 19 personifications (excluding variants) on the reverse of Roman coins:13 Aequitas, Annona, Ceres, Concordia, Consensus, Felicitas, Fides, Fortuna, Genius Populi Romani, Hispania, Honos (paired with Virtus), Libertas, Pax, Providentia, Roma, Salus, Securitas, Victoria and Virtus. Vespasian’s moneyers added three new personifications – Aeternitas, Iudaea, Tutela – and revived another in the form of Spes (previously used by Claudius). This bald comparison tends to support the theory of unoriginality. However, to the new and revived personifications should be added five new variants: Concordia Sena-tui, Fides Fortuna, Roma Perpetua, Roma Resurgens and Victoria Navalis. Then, of the 38 legends relating to personifications on Vespasian’s gold and silver coins, 28 are new in form. The 49 corresponding legends on his aes coins yield 27 without exact precedent. This means that between the two metal groups 55 new legends in association with personifications were employed, or 51 if the letters S C are disregarded – Ceres August., Concordia Augusti, Roma Resurgens and Victoria August. are shared between the two metal groups, except for the addition of S C on the aes coins. Gold and silver coins exhibit two of the three new personifications: Aeternitas and Iudaea. Aes coins use each of the three new examples: Aeternitas, Iudaea and Tutela. Of the five new variants, two – Roma Perpetua and Roma Resurgens – appear on the gold and silver, and four – Concordia Senatui, Fides Fortuna, Roma Resurgens and Victoria Navalis – appear on the aes. Three personi-fications appear only on gold and silver – Consensus (Exercituum), Hispania and Virtus (Augusti); six appear only on aes – Aequitas, Felicitas, Honos (et Virtus), Providentia, Spes and Tutela. Two variant forms appear on the gold and silver only – Pacis Eventum and Roma Perpetua; six emerge from the aes only – Fides Fortuna, Iudaea Capta, Iudea, Iudea Capta, Roma Victrix and Victoria Navalis. In general, Vespasian’s personifications were minted widely throughout the empire, though ‘Consensus Exercituum’ seems to have been for provincial (or military) consumption, and ‘Roma Perpetua’ is confined to

Flavians’, in A.K. Bowman, P. Garnsey & D. Rathbone (edd.), The Cambridge Ancient History, vol. 11: The High Empire, AD 70-192 (2nd edition. Cambridge 2000) 1-54, at 14: ‘Before and after the emperor returned to Rome, their most striking feature is their lack of originality. In so far as they mattered at all, continuity must be what they were intended to advertise.’ 13 The results which follow are derived from comparisons between the reverse types and legends given in RIC I2 and RIC II. Evidence is set out in the lists and table which accompany this paper.

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an early issue from Illyricum. A larger range of personifications appears on the aes coinage. This probably has less to do with class-determined propa-ganda than it does with administrative and economic factors, such as the need for more issues of the lower denomination coinage and the importance of guaranteeing a coin’s metal content and value (hence ‘Aequitas Augusti’). At any rate, these results pose a challenge to the dominant impression of unoriginality.

Furthermore, the adoption of a broader perspective tends to show a time of innovation and energy for numismatic personifications after the fall of Nero. Under the Julio-Claudians, the association of various personifications with the emperors was formalized through use of the epithets ‘Augusti’ and ‘Augusta’.14 Yet personifications did not feature much under Rome’s first emperors and there was no ‘canon’ of imperial virtues, which means that selections were not predetermined.15 It was only at the fall of the Julio-Claudian dynasty – during the civil wars of 68-69 – that personifications came to dominate the reverse types of Rome’s coinage. These were subsequently maintained and gradually extended under Vespasian. Rather than simply sharing Galba’s desire to denigrate ‘tyrannical’ predecessors, however, a more rounded conclusion is that Vespasian was following Galba’s lead in embracing the ‘Augustan’ model of the ‘good’ emperor. In 69 the horrors of the civil wars were followed by the uncertainties of the new peace. Vespasian showed his support for the existing social system of senators, equestrians and Roman people by following the example of Galba in proclaiming his commitment to the reassuring example of Augustus. He would respect the traditional prerogatives of these orders; he would not upset the social balance with large-scale executions and confiscations; he would not emulate the tyrannical ostentation of Nero. The personifications (many explicitly ‘Augustan’) on the coins of Vespasian and his successors promote this reassuring message, with the reverse types showing little concern for the personal attributes or achievements of a particular ruler, but instead emphasizing the benefits of imperial autocracy on the model of

14 On the variable distinction between ‘Augusti’ and ‘Augusta’, see Fishwick (note 3) 462-64. Sometimes the genitive ‘Augusti’ made a blessing or virtue very personal, e.g. ‘Ceres Augusti’ is ‘Ceres, who is a special god of Augustus, giving him assistance in everything connected with the grain supply’ (462). The adjective ‘Augusta’ tended to convey ‘a looser application, which might refer to the imperial system in general’ (463). On the other hand, the common abbreviation ‘Aug.’ ‘tells strongly against any intended difference in meaning’ (464). 15 On the absence of a ‘canon’ of virtues, see Wallace-Hadrill (note 2) 300-07; C.J. Classen, ‘Virtutes Imperatoriae’, Arctos 25 (1991) 17-39; W.K. Galinsky, Augustan Culture (Princeton 1996) 80-90, 94.

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Augustus, whose respect for republican ideals was widely appreciated. These types, then, were not so much personal as abstract and could no longer be about the Julio-Claudian family; they were instead about imperial power that was charismatic, but at the same time respectful of tradition. This focus on imperial power rather than personality was one major consequence of the collapse of Rome’s first dynasty of emperors. The message eventually became a cumulative, repetitive and fairly routine one about the charismatic power of a ‘good’ emperor: such power is marked by the kinds of blessed states or qualities which the personifications indicate. A man wielding power of this kind was entitled to rule, even though he was not a member of the Julio-Claudian family. From an evolutionary perspective, therefore, Vespa-sian’s personifications are products of a relatively new emphasis on the charismatic side of imperial autocracy, though the personifications are con-ceived so as to emphasize continuity with the Augustan ideal of the ‘good’ emperor.16 The mint was treading a fresh path which had evolved out of dynastic collapse and civil war. Its employment of personifications was a mix of the novel and the traditional, with a growing sense of routine as time passed. The greater the sense of routine, the less likely it seems that the types could have carried serious powers of political persuasion. Personifications and the succession on Vespasian’s coins General influences affecting the personifications were supplemented by more particular aims. Among these, it is noteworthy that Vespasian’s coinage places great emphasis on the roles played by his two sons, Titus and Domitian. The importance of the dynasty is obvious from the fact that coinage of Titus and Domitian is completely integrated with that of their father as emperor. More pertinently, it is remarkable how often the personi-fications relate in a positive way to the succession. They assist in promoting the message that the future stability and prosperity of Rome are assured while power resides in the Flavian house.

16 Fears (note 2) 900; cf. Wallace-Hadrill (note 2) 310-19, esp. 312: ‘a general shift from the specific, characteristic of Julio-Claudian reverses, to the abstract’; 316: ‘Power [rather than personal achievement] is the focus of attention: power to conquer, to save, to bring harmony and stability, and to distribute benefits.’ Other studies confirm the impression that Vespasian’s reign stands near the beginning of a new era in the use of personifications on Roman coins. Noreña (note 9) 150, for instance, believes that ‘[i]n terms of iconography, it is really with Vespasian that the imperial coinage begins to show the diversity in type content that makes a [quantitative study of virtues] most illuminating.’

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For example, ‘Fortuna’ (‘Success through Merit’ rather than simple ‘Dumb Luck’) evidently became attached to each ruler and passed to his successor when he died.17 ‘Fortuna Augusti’ (‘The Emperor’s Good Fortune’) appeared first on coins of Galba,18 and later on coins of Vespasian and most of his successors. It appears to celebrate the extraordinary good fortune which brought Vespasian to the purple. ‘Fortuna Redux’ (‘Good Fortune the Restorer’) commemorates Vespasian’s return to Rome, probably at the end of September 70, but also the return of Titus from Judaea in June 71.19 Galba’s coins had represented ‘Fortuna Redux’, but her importance on Vespasian’s coinage probably indicates how tense was the atmosphere in the city in the months before Vespasian’s arrival from the East. Titus was an important factor in Vespasian’s plan to deal with this tension. The altar of Fortuna Redux, which commemorated Augustus’ return to the city in 19 BC at a time of similar tension, seems to have been an important stimulus.20

Outstanding among early issues of 69-71 are types proclaiming Vespasian’s victories in Judaea and, subsequently, the storming of Jerusalem (7-8 September 70) by Titus. This action brought the Jewish insurrection to a glorious end and resulted in a magnificent triumph for both father and son in June 71. ‘Victoria’ (‘Victory’), therefore, was another matter for both father and son. The conquest of Judaea subsequently became the enduring theme of Vespasian’s coinage, though it was a theme entirely in keeping with the traditional importance of military victory in Roman culture, and Vitellius had already issued bronze coins portraying ‘Victoria’ with a shield and a palm-tree in honour of Vespasian’s victories in Judaea.21 Vespasian’s moneyers were careful to associate images of ‘Victoria’ with defeat of the Jews rather than the Vitellians.22 A series of sestertii minted in 71 carry a fine laureate portrait of Vespasian on the obverse and a mourning captive type with the legend ‘Iudaea Capta’ (‘Judaea Captured’ or ‘Captive Judaea’) on the reverse.23 The treatment on these coins is ‘simple, almost stark’,24 but

17 Fishwick (note 3) 466. 18 BMCRE I, 352 no. 241. 19 For excellent illustrations, see J.P.C. Kent, Roman Coins (London 1978) 289 nos. 232-33. On Fortuna under Vespasian, see Levick (note 12) 67, 70, 91. 20 For allusions to Augustan monuments in 71, including the altar of Fortuna Redux, see BMCRE I, 114 nos. 529-30; 123 no. 572; 261 no. 189; RIC II, 67 no. 423 (‘Honos et Virtus’, 71); P.V. Hill, ‘Buildings and monuments on Flavian coins’, NAC 8 (1979) 205-24, at 220; M. Torelli, Typology and Structure of Roman Historical Reliefs (Ann Arbor 1982) 38; Levick (note 12) 70, 228-29 n. 16. 21 BMCRE I, 372 no. 27 = MW 80; Griffin (note 12) 14 n. 42. 22 Levick (note 12) 70-71. 23 RIC II, 68 nos. 424-27 (71); Kent (note 19) 288 no. 226, pl. 65.

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undeniably effective. Vespasian towers commandingly over the mourning Judaean female, who is normally taken to personify Judaea itself.25

The Judaean victory, following on from the end of the civil wars, brought ‘Pax’ (‘Peace’), which appears in six different guises on Vespasian’s coins – ‘Pax’, ‘Pacis Eventum’ (‘The Coming of Peace’), ‘Pax Augusta’ (‘Augustan/ Imperial Peace’), ‘Pax Augusti’ (‘The Emperor’s Peace’), ‘Pax Orbis Terrarum Augusta’ (‘World Peace due to the Emperor’) and an unprece-dented form, ‘Pax Populi Romani’ (‘Peace due to the Roman People’). Ramage finds various antecedents among Galba’s coins,26 but the range of forms is unprecedented and the overall impression is one of extraordinary variety rather than mechanical imitation. In other words, peace was being stressed in an expansive, innovative manner. Not only does peace arrive (‘Pacis Eventum’), but it is the emperor’s benefaction (‘Pax Augusta/i’), and it extends beyond Rome (‘Pax Populi Romani’) to the entire world (‘Pax Orbis Terrarum Augusta’). It is prominent on coins issued in the names of Titus and Domitian and is intimately connected with the Jewish victory and joint triumph.27 By the middle of Vespasian’s reign seated and standing types of ‘Pax’ or ‘Pax Augusta/i’ were common, and they supported other media in consistently celebrating Flavian military prowess.28 In conjunction with the triumph, the doors of the Temple of Janus were closed, as an assertion that the new dynasty had established peace throughout the empire. Indeed a Temple of Peace was begun and completed within four years. Its direct association with the Jewish triumph was made plain by the fact that it housed the spoils taken from the Jewish temple in Jerusalem.29 This association was stressed by Josephus, who wrote about the war under imperial patronage. His Jewish War, based on the notebooks of Vespasian and Titus, was formally requested by Titus, who subsequently confirmed its veracity.30 Josephus describes how senators were confident that Vespasian’s maturity and military experience would restore prosperity; the army was glad to have a strong leader and proven soldier in charge. The Flavian poets also dwelt long on peace and the Jewish triumph, even though everyone was aware that a

24 Kent (note 19) 26. 25 Howgego (note 11) 83; cf. S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford 1971) 337-38. 26 Ramage (note 7) 211. 27 Cf. Levick (note 12) 70, 228-29 n. 16. 28 Carradice (note 6) 110; Levick (note 12) 70. For the close association of ‘Victoria’ with ‘Pax’ after 71, see e.g. RIC II, 39 nos. 212-17 (75-79); 50 nos. 296-97 (71), 301-03 (72-73); 93 nos. 668, 670 (74). 29 Temple of Janus: Suet. Vesp. 12; 8.3. Temple of Pax: Dio 66.15; Joseph. BJ 7.158; Griffin (note 12) 15 n. 46. 30 Joseph. Vit. 363; Levick (note 12) 65.

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provincial revolt was not quite the same thing as a new conquest. This may explain in turn why the cognomen ‘Iudaicus’ was not assumed by the triumphatores.31

‘Concordia Augusta’ (‘Harmony due to the Emperor’) was a favourite old legend which sometimes implied concord guaranteed by the emperor, and sometimes referred to concord within the imperial family.32 For Vespasian’s issues, it seems not to have mattered that ‘tyrants’ like Nero and the arch-villain Vitellius had used it earlier.33 In 71 the unusual variant ‘Concordia Senatui’ (‘Senatorial Accord’) was employed in circumstances which amounted to support for Flavian dynastic planning.34 Moves to confer tribunician power and command of the Praetorian Guard on Titus initially met with resistance in the senate.35 When the opposition abated, it seems that concord was said to have come to the senate.

‘Aeternitas’ (‘Eternity’) is perhaps the most striking new personification, though the idea of Rome’s eternity went back to the reign of Augustus, whose achievement in bringing an end to civil war seemed to herald an age of everlasting prosperity. After this, the theme of Rome’s eternity, or sometimes that of the Roman people, was regularly employed in poetry and other media under the Julio-Claudians.36 The civil wars of 68-69 must have rocked Roman confidence, but the subsequent promotion of ‘Aeternitas’ implied the enduring quality of both Rome and the new dynasty. 37

Other personifications had an impressive tradition behind them. ‘Salus’ (‘The Steady Good Health of the State’) was a benefit conferred by the emperor, hence ‘Salus Augusti’ or ‘Salus Augusta’.38 On the coins it went back to Tiberius’ famous obverse type of ‘Salus Augusta’, issued after the arrangement of his succession in AD 22. These coins identified Livia as representative of the imperial house, underlined the link between public

31 The triumph: Joseph. Vit. 361-63; BJ 7.67; 7.123 ff.; T. Rajak, Josephus (London 1983) ch. 8; Griffin (note 12) 15 n. 47. Cognomen ‘Iudaicus’: Dio 66.7.2, but cf. Z. Yavetz, ‘Reflections on Titus and Josephus’, GRBS 16 (1975) 411-32, at 432 n. 70. 32 Fishwick (note 3) 464. 33 Buttrey (note 4) 96; Levick (note 12) 65-66. 34 Levick (note 12) 88. 35 Levick (note 12) 88, 234 n. 28. 36 Levick (note 12) 66, 226 nn. 3-4. 37 Levick (note 12) 74; cf. M.P. Charlesworth, ‘Providentia and Aeternitas’, HTR 29 (1936) 107-32, esp. 126. A temple at Tarraco was dedicated to ‘Aeternitas Augusta’: Fishwick (note 3) 463. 38 On ‘Salus’, see M.A. Marwood, The Roman Cult of Salus, BAR International Series 465 (Oxford 1988); L. Winkler, Salus: Vom Staatskult zur politischen Idee (Heidelberg 1995) esp. 179-88 (coins).

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welfare and the imperial family, and propagated dynastic continuity.39 ‘Salus’ was later conferred by Galba, and then by Vespasian and his successors.40 The public welfare became intimately linked to the person of the ruling emperor in a way which must have implied his heirs.41

‘Spes’ is more ‘Confident Expectation’ than ‘[Wild] Hope’.42 It has been seen as antithetical to the fear that marked Nero’s tyranny,43 but ‘Spes Augusta’ seems to have represented both the hope of the people in their emperor or his successor and the hope of the emperor in his heir.44 Coins associating ‘Spes’ with Vespasian’s sons describe the dynastic hierarchy clearly, with Titus in second place after his father, and Domitian in third.45

‘Providentia’ (‘Foresight’) appeared first on Vespasian’s coinage in 71, and then regularly thereafter.46 Originally employed as a Latin translation of the Greek pronoia, the divine providence that ordered the world according to Stoic doctrine, by the late Republic providentia was used with specific reference to the foresight required to guard the state. The main applications of ‘Providentia’ under the Empire appear to be in suppressing conspiracies and in securing a peaceful succession.47 Coins of Tiberius celebrated the Ara Providentiae, whose anniversary fell on 26 June, the date of Tiberius’ adoption by Augustus.48 Coins of Vespasian made a similar point: as the ‘Providentia’ of Augustus had done in the case of Tiberius, the ‘Providentia’ of Vespasian had provided for continuity and stability in the vital area of the succession.49 Levick has observed how ‘Providentia’ appears as ‘Libertas’ begins to fade from the coinage in the wake of the Jewish triumph and Titus’

39 RIC I, 97 no. 47 (21-22); Winkler (note 38) 46-48. 40 Galba: RIC I2, 250 nos. 395-96 (68); 256 no. 500 (68). Cf. Levick (note 12) 66, 226 n. 3. 41 For developments under Vespasian, especially concerning the iconography of Hygieia and the political significance of the cult of Asklepios in Rome, see Winkler (note 38) 90-96. 42 Cf. T.F. Scanlon, Spes Frustrata. A Reading of Sallust (Heidelberg 1987). 43 Ramage (note 7) 214 n. 43. 44 M.E. Clark, ‘Spes in the early imperial cult: “The Hope of Augustus”’, Numen 30 (1983) 80-105. 45 Cf. Kent (note 19) 26; Levick (note 12) 188, 267-68 n. 10. 46 Cf. Charlesworth (note 37); R.T. Scott, ‘Providentia Aug.’, Historia 31 (1982) 436-59. 47 Scott (note 46) 436, who adds paternal legislation and activity; Noreña (note 9) 159. ‘Providentia’ appears on around 12% of the coins which exhibit virtues in Noreña’s study. 48 For the Ara Providentiae under Tiberius, see Scott (note 46) 436-46; Fishwick (note 3) 463. 49 Scott (note 46) 453; Fishwick (note 3) 472.

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rise to power.50 The correlation between Titus’ rise and the issue of ‘Providentia’ coins serves to underline their dynastic significance. Conclusions There is a tendency in current scholarship to dismiss the reverse types on Vespasian’s coinage as unoriginal, imitative, and not really worthy of prolonged consideration, as though they are of little significance beyond giving a basic message of continuity. This attitude is understandable as a reaction against older, ‘propaganda’ theories, which tend to look upon each individual type as potentially laden with a unique and highly persuasive message. Yet this understandable reaction has probably had a number of unintended consequences. One is that the significant change in the overall nature of the reverse types has not been given its full due, viz. that personifications become dominant, that they change rapidly, that they proliferate in number, and that they underline the charismatic (not just the traditional) dimension of imperial rule. Secondly, particular innovations in the reverse types are downplayed or overlooked. For instance, an imaginative response to contemporary developments underlies the representation of new coin entities such as ‘Concordia Senatui’. ‘Providentia’ achieves greater prominence under Vespasian than under his predecessors. ‘Pax’ had never before appeared in so many guises. ‘Aequitas’ is distinct from ‘Moneta’, indicating a special concern for the economy in the wake of Nero’s financial dealings, and ‘Adsertor (rather than Vindex) Libertatis Publicae’ remains a good way for Vespasian (as for Galba) to avoid giving credit to Nero’s governor Vindex.

Above all, a dismissive attitude to the reverse types thwarts contemplation of what they say in general about the nature of imperial rule after the collapse of Rome’s first dynasty of emperors, the Julio-Claudians. Emphasis shifts from individual achievement and the Julio-Claudian house to imperial power in an abstract sense and the ideal of the ‘good’ emperor along Augustan lines. From the Flavians onward, the reverse types appear to embrace the charismatic dimension of imperial rule with growing determination, developing rapidly, changing frequently, and achieving a nuanced blend of familiar and innovative ideas. It would seem, therefore, that scholarly emphasis on continuity should be balanced by emphasis on novelty as far as Vespasian’s coins are concerned. Certainly, imperial power remained absolute as before. The lex de imperio Vespasiani, for instance, neither enhances nor curtails the powers of the senate and people nor the

50 Levick (note 12) 88, 234 n. 28; Noreña (note 9) 159.

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freedom of action of the princeps.51 Vespasian’s coins are perfectly clear about the establishment of a Flavian dynasty, about Titus’ power during his father’s reign, and about the claims of Domitian. But the coins are also clear, in spite of imperial power becoming separated from the Julio-Claudian family, about the retention of the Augustan model of imperial rule based on the traditional social and political classes of the Republic. This model would be attended by the blessed states and qualities of the ‘good’ emperor – as the coins reassuringly showed.

The personifications are new to varying degrees and appropriate for both ‘republican’ and ‘monarchic’ points of view. Their presence is hardly insignificant in this light, and worth renewed attention for the evidence they provide about the virtue language impressed upon the emperor by the élite, and negotiated by him in return. Their usage gradually succumbed to the effects of routine, but they always conveyed the reassuring message that the emperor was constantly interested in the desires and concerns of those who valued the Augustan model of the ‘good’ emperor. Appendix 1: Lists of coins Reverse legends identifying personifications on gold and silver coinage (AD 69-79) (Legends marked with an asterisk [*] are without exact precedent – 38 legends, 28 new) Legend – Ref. – Coin Type – Date Range – Mints

1. (*) Aeternitas – RIC II, 28 no. 121 (Au, AD 75-79, Rome), 39 nos. 209-10 (Au, AD 75-79, Titus – Rome)

2. (*) Annona Aug. – RIC II, 29 no. 131 (Au/D, AD 78/9, Rome), 39 no. 218 (Au/D, AD 78/9, Titus – Rome)

3. (*) Ceres August. – RIC II, 28 no. 122 (Au, AD 75-79, Rome), 29 no. 132 (Au/D, AD 78/9, Rome), 33 no. 154 (D, hybrid, Rome), 39 no. 219 (Au/D, AD 78/9, Titus – Rome), 43 no. 248 (Au/D, undated, Domitian – Rome), 44 n. no. 254 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

4. (*) Concordia Aug. – RIC II, 46 no. 269 (Au, AD 69-70 [?], Lugdunum), 52 no. 312 (D, AD 69-70, Asia Minor), 53 no. 320 (Au/D, AD 70, Asia Minor), 54 no. 329 (D, AD 71, Asia Minor), 54 no. 336 (D, AD 74, Asia Minor), 55 no. 340 (Au/D, AD 71, Titus – Asia Minor), 55 no. 345 (D, AD 74, Asia Minor), 56 no. 348 (D, AD 71, Domitian – Asia Minor), 59 no. 372 (Au, AD 69 [?], Titus – Tyre)

51 Griffin (note 12) 13.

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5. (*) Concordia Augusti – RIC II, 20 no. 43 (D, AD 72/3, Rome), 57 no. 360 (D, AD 72-73, Antioch), 58 no. 365 (D, AD 72-73 [?], Titus – Antioch)

6. (*) Consen. Exercit. – RIC II, 31 nos. 146-47 (D, hybrid, Rome/Illyricum), 45 no. 259 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco), 48 no. 284 (D, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum)

7. (*) Consensus Exercit. – RIC II, 45 n. no. 259 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco), 51 no. 305 (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

8. (*) Consensus Exercitus – RIC II, 51 no. 306 (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

9. Consensus Exercituum – RIC II, 45 no. 255 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

10. (*) Fides Publ. – RIC II, 16 no. 14 (D, AD 69-71, Rome), 21 no. 55 (D, AD 73, Rome), 60 no. 376 (D, AD 76, Eastern Mint), 61 no. 382 (D, AD 76, Domitian – Eastern Mint)

11. (*) Cos. III Fort. Red. – RIC II, 18 no. 32 (D, AD 70-72, Rome)

12. (*) Fortuna August. – RIC II, 23 nos. 81-82 (Au/D, AD 74, Rome), 28 no. 123 (Au/D, AD 75-79, Rome), 35 no. 175 (Au, AD 74 [?], Rome), 48 no. 285 (Au [?], AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum)

13. (*) Fortuna Augusti – RIC II, 31 no. 140 (Au, 75-79, Rome/Lugdunum), 48 no. 286 (Au, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum)

14. (*) Genium P.R. – RIC II, 51 no. 307 (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

15. Hispania – RIC II, 45 no. 256 (Au, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

16. (*) Iudaea – RIC II, 16 nos. 15-16 (Au/D, AD 69-71, Rome), 18 no. 34 (D, AD 70-72, Rome), 20 no. 45 (D [plated], AD 72/3, Rome), 44 no. 254 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco), 46 no. 266 (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco), 48 no. 287 (Au, AD 70-71[?], Lugdunum), 49 no. 288 (D, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum)

17. (*) Iudaea Devicta – RIC II, 32 no. 148B (D, hybrid, Tarraco [?]/Lugdunum), 49 no. 289 (D, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum), 59 no. 373 (Au, AD 69 [?], Titus-Tyre [?])

18. Libertas Publica – RIC II, 46 no. 267 a, b (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

19. Libertas Restituta – RIC II, 49 no. 290 (D, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum)

20. Paci Augustae – RIC II, 32 no. 150 (D, hybrid, Rome), 50 n. no. 297 (Au, AD 71, Lugdunum), 52 no. 316 (D, AD 69-70, Asia Minor), 53 no. 323 (D, AD 70, Asia Minor), 53 no. 326 (D, AD 71, Asia Minor), 54 nos. 332-33 (D, AD 71, Asia Minor), 54 no. 337 (D, AD 74, Asia Minor), 55 nos. 341-42 (D, AD 71, Titus – Asia Minor), 55 no. 346 (D, AD 74, Asia Minor), 56 no. 349 (D, AD 71, Domitian – Asia Minor)

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21. (*) Paci Augusti – RIC II, 31 nos. 141-42 (D, hybrid, Rome), 33 no. 153 (D [plated], doubtful, Rome), 49 n. (D, AD 70-71 [?], Lugdunum), 50 no. 297 (Au, AD 71, Lugdunum), 50 no. 302 (Au, AD 72-73, Lugdunum)

22. (*) Paci Orb. Terr. Aug. – RIC II, 52 nos. 317-18 (D, AD 69-70, Asia Minor), 53 no. 324 (D, AD 70, Asia Minor), 53 no. 327 (D, AD 71, Asia Minor), 54 no. 334 (Au/D, AD 71, Asia Minor), 54 no. 338 (D, AD 74, Asia Minor), 55 no. 343 (D, AD 71, Titus – Asia Minor), 56 no. 350 (D, AD 71, Domitian – Asia Minor)

23. (*) Pacis Event. – RIC II, 51 no. 308 (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

24. (*) Pacis Eventum – RIC II, 51 no. 308 a (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

25. Pax – RIC II, 45 no. 258 (Au, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

26. Pax Aug. – RIC II, 20 no. 47 (D, AD 72/3, Rome), 21 no. 56 (Au, AD 73, Rome), 21 no. 63 a-c (Au, AD 73, Rome), 33 no. 156 (Au, AD 71/2, Titus – Rome), 34 no. 161 (Au/D, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 35 no. 168 a-b (Au, AD 73, Rome)

27. (*) Pax August. – RIC II, 16 no. 18 (Au, AD 69-71, Rome), 39 nos. 212-13 (Au/D, AD 75-79, Rome)

28. (*) Pax Augusti – RIC II, 57 no. 356 (Au, AD 72-73, Antioch)

29. Roma – RIC II, 59 no. 370 (Au, AD 69 [?], Tyre [?])

30. (*) Roma Perpetua – RIC II, 51 no. 309 (D, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

31. (*) Roma Resurgens – RIC II, 51 no. 310 (Au, AD 69-70, Illyricum)

32. (*) Salus Aug. – RIC II, 21 no. 58 (D, AD 73, Rome), 22 no. 67 (D, AD 73, Rome)

33. (*) Securitas P.R. – RIC II, 17 no. 22 a (Au, AD 69-71, Rome)

34. Vic. Aug. – RIC II 19 no. 41 (Au/D, AD 70-72, Rome), 20 no. 51 (Au, AD 72/3, Rome), 34 no. 158 (Au, AD 71/2, Titus – Rome), 50 no. 300 (D, AD 71, Lugdunum)

35. (*) Victoria August. – RIC II, 21 no. 61 (Q, AD 61, Rome), 28 nos. 125-26 (Q, AD 75-79, Rome), 38 no. 202 (Q, AD 77/8, Titus – Rome), 39 nos. 214-15 (Q, AD 75-79, Titus – Rome), 41 no. 231 (Q, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 41 no. 234 (Q, AD 74/5, Domitian – Rome), 42 no. 235 (Q, AD 74/5, Domitian – Rome), 43 no. 247 (D, AD 79, Rome), 44 nos. 250-51 (Q, hybrid, Rome), 44 n. (‘very doubtful’), 49 no. 295 (Au, AD 70-71, Lugdunum)

36. Victoria Augusti – RIC II, 20 no. 52 (D/Q, AD 72/3, Rome), 20 n. (‘error of description’?), 21 no. 62 (Q, AD 73, Rome), 23 no. 79 (Q, AD 74, Rome), 28 no. 127 (Q, AD 75-79, Rome), 29 no. 129 a, b (Q, AD 75-79, Rome), 29

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no. 134 (D, hybrid, Rome), 34 nos. 165-66 (Q, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 39 nos. 216-17 (Q, AD 75-79, Rome), 50 no. 296 (Au, AD 71, Lugdunum), 57 no. 362 (D, AD 72-73, Antioch)

37. (*) Victoria Imp. Vespasiani – RIC II, 46 nos. 268, 268 a (D, AD 69-70, Tarraco)

38. (*) Virtus August. – RIC II, 47 no. 274 (Au, AD 69-70, Lugdunum), 56 nos. 354-55 (D, AD 69-70, Antioch), 59 n. (Au, AD 69 [?], Titus – Tyre [?])

Reverse legends identifying personifications on Aes coinage (AD 69-79) (Legends marked with an asterisk [*] are without exact precedent – 49 legends, 27 new) Legend – Ref. – Coin Type – Date Range – Mints

1. (*) Aequitas August. S.C. – RIC II, 79 no. 542 a, b (As, AD 73, Rome), 80 no. 557 a, b (As, AD 74, Rome), 81 no. 568 (As, AD 75, Rome), 83 no. 580 a, b (As, AD 76, Rome), 87 no. 618 n. (As, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 91 no. 652 (As, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 93 no. 666 (As, AD 74, Titus – Rome), 94 no. 676 (As, AD 76, Titus – Rome), 96 nos. 694 (a)-(c) (As, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 98 no. 709 (As, AD 75, Domitian – Rome)

2. Aequitas Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 63 no. 399 (As, AD 70, Lugdunum), 73 nos. 482-83 (As, AD 71, Rome), 77 no. 527 (As, AD 72-73, Rome), 80 no. 558 (As, AD 74, Rome), 83 no. 581 (As, AD 76, Rome), 87 no. 615 (Dp, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 91 no. 652 (a) (As, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 104 nos. 758-59 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

3. (*) Aeternitas P.R.S.C. – RIC II, 61 no. 384 (As, AD 69-71, Lugdunum), 65 no. 408 (S, AD 70, Rome)

4. (*) Annona August. S.C. – RIC II, 82 no. 570 (a, b) (S, AD 76, Rome), 83 no. 587 (S, AD 77-78, Rome), 94 (S, AD 77-78, Titus – Rome), 98 n. (‘very early for the type and no authority is quoted’), 99 no. 717 (S, AD 77-78, Domitian – Rome)

5. Ceres Aug. S.C. – RIC II, 94 no. 682 (Dp, AD 77-78, Titus – Rome)

6. (*) Ceres August. S.C. – RIC II, 72 no. 469 (Dp, AD 71, Rome), 84 no. 593 (a, b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Rome), 99 no. 720 (Dp, AD 77-78, Domitian – Rome)

7. (*) Concor. Aug. S.C. – RIC II, 67 no. 416 (S, AD 71, Rome, Lugdunum, Tarraco)

8. Concordia Aug. S.C. – RIC II, 72 no. 470 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 73 no. 484 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 90 no. 641 (Dp, AD 72, Titus – Rome)

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9. (*) Concordia Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 67 no. 417 (S, AD 71, Rome/ Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 72 nos. 471-72 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 78 no. 538 (Dp, AD 73, Rome), 91 no. 647 (Dp, AD 73, Titus – Rome)

10. (*) Concordia Senatui S.C. – RIC II, 67 no. 418 (S, AD 71, Rome/ Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

11. (*) Felicita Reducis S.C. – RIC II, 104 no. 760 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

12. Felicitas Publica S.C. – RIC II, 73 no. 485 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 78 no. 539 (a, b) (Dp, AD 73, Rome), 80 no. 554-5 (S, AD 74, Rome), 81 no. 567 (Dp, AD 75, Rome), 82 no. 578 (Dp, AD 76, Rome), 84 no. 594 (Dp, AD 77-78, Rome), 87 nos. 616-616a (Dp, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 91 nos. 648 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 93 667 (As, AD 74, Titus – Rome), 93 no. 671 (Dp, AD 75, Titus – Rome), 94 no. 675 (Dp, AD 76, Titus – Rome), 96 nos. 695 (a)-(c) (As, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 98 no. 710 (Dp, AD 75, Domitian – Rome), 98 no. 715 (Dp, AD 76, Domitian – Rome), 99 no. 722 (As, AD 77-78, Domitian – Rome), 105 no. 768 (Dp, AD 79, Lugdunum), 106 no. 775 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

13. Fides Exercituum S.C. – RIC II, 67 nos. 420-21 (S, AD 71, Rome/ Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

14. (*) Fides Fortuna S.C. – RIC II, 105 no. 769 (As, AD 79, Lugdunum)

15. Fides Publica S.C. – RIC II, 73 no. 486 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 87 no. 619 (As, AD 72 (Titus – Rome), 100 no. 731 (S, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 103 nos. 753 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 107 no. 783 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

16. (*) Fortunae Reduci S.C. – RIC II, 64 no. 402 (S, AD 70, Rome), 65 no. 409 (S, AD 70, Rome), 67 no. 422 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 72 no. 473 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 73 nos. 487-88 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 76 no. 516 (S, AD 72-73, Rome), 78 no. 532 (S, AD 73, Rome), 82 nos. 571-72 (S, AD 76, Rome), 84 no. 588 (S, AD 77-78, Rome), 86 no. 607 (S, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 90 no. 643 (S, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 93 no. 672 (S, AD 76, Titus – Rome), 101 no. 732 (S, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 101 no. 739 (Dp, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 103 nos. 754-55 (As, AD 76-78, Lugdunum), 104 no. 761 (As, AD 77-79, Lugdunum)

17. (*) Fortunae Reducis S.C. – RIC II, 103 no. 754 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

18. (*) Geni P.R.S.C. – RIC II, 94 no. 677 (As, AD 76, Titus – Rome)

19. Honos et Virtus S.C. – RIC II, 67 no. 423 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?])

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20. (*) Devicta Iudaea S.C. – RIC II, 67 no. 419 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?])

21. (*) Iud. Cap. S.C. – RIC II, 63 no. 393 (As, AD 69-70, Lugdunum)

22. (*) Iudaea Capta S.C. – RIC II, 68 nos. 424-27 (S, AD 71, Rome/ Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 73 no. 489 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 84 no. 595 (As, AD 77-78, Rome)

23. (*) Iudea – RIC II, 68 n. no. 424 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

24. (*) Iudea Capta S.C. – RIC II, 73 no. 490 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 74 no. 491 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 84 no. 596 (As, AD 77-78, Rome)

25. Libertas Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 68 no. 428 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?])

26. Libertas Publica S.C. – RIC II, 68 no. 429 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 72 no. 474 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 74 no. 492 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

27. Libertas Restituta S.C. – RIC II, 68 no. 430 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 76 n. (S, AD 72-73, Rome)

28. (*) S.P.Q.R. Adsertori Libertatis Public. – RIC II, 65 no. 411 (S, AD 70, Rome), 70 no. 455 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

29. (*) S.P.Q.R. Adsertori Libertatis Publicae – RIC II, 70 no. 456 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

30. Pax Aug. S.C. – RIC II, 68 no. 434 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 72 no. 475 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 101 no. 740 (Dp, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 106 nos. 776-78 (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

31. Pax August. S.C. – RIC II, 69 nos. 435-36 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 74 n. no. 493 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 78 no. 541 (a, b) (Dp, AD 73, Rome), 79 no. 543 (a, b) (As, AD 73, Rome), 80 no. 552 (S, AD 74, Rome), 80 no. 559 (a, b) (As, AD 74, Rome), 81 no. 564 (S, AD 75, Rome), 82 nos. 573-74 (S, AD 76, Rome), 83 no. 582 (As, AD 76, Rome), 84 no. 589 (a, b) (S, AD 77-78, Rome), 84 no. 597 (As, AD 77-78, Rome), 91 no. 654 (As, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 93 nos. 668 (a-c) (As, AD 74, Titus – Rome), 93 no. 673 (S, AD 76, Titus – Rome), 96 no. 693 (S, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 96-7 nos. 696 (a)-(b) (As, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 99 no. 718 (S, AD 77-78, Domitian – Rome), 100 no. 727 (Dp, AD 79, Domitian – Rome), 102 no. 748 (S, AD 74, Lugdunum), 106 no. 779 (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 107 no. 780 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

32. Pax Augusta S.C. – RIC II, 64 no. 400 (S, AD 70, Rome), 72 n. no. 475 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

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33. Pax Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 65 no. 405 (S, AD 70, Rome), 65 no. 410 (S, AD 70, Rome), 69 nos. 437-39 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 74 no. 493 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 76 no. 515 (S, AD 71, Rome), 76 nos. 518-19 (S, AD 72-73, Rome), 78 no. 534 (S, AD 73, Rome), 86 no. 609 (S, AD 72, Titus – Rome)

34. (*) Pax P. Romani S.C. – RIC II, 69 no. 440 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?])

35. (*) Provident. S.C. – RIC II, 74 no. 494 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 79 no. 544 (a-c) (As, AD 73, Rome), 91 no. 655 (As, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 95 no. 687 (As, AD 72, Domitian – Rome), 97 no. 698 (As, AD 72, Domitian – Rome), 102 no. 746 (As, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 104 no. 763 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 105 no. 770 (As, AD 79, Lugdunum), 107 no. 785 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

36. Roma S.C. – RIC II, 63 nos. 394-95 (S, AD 70, Lugdunum), 64 no. 401 (S, AD 70, Rome), 65 no. 406 (S, AD 70, Rome), 69 nos. 441-44 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 72 no. 476 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 76 no. 519 (S, AD 72-73, Rome), 77 n. no. 527 (Dp, AD 72-73, Rome), 86 no. 610 (S, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 90 no. 644 (S, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 91 no. 649 (Dp, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 101 no. 734 (S, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 102 no. 741 (Dp, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 103 nos. 755-56 (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 107 no. 781 (a)-(b) (Dp, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

37. (*) Roma Resurgens S.C. – RIC II, 76 nos. 520 (S, AD 72-73, Rome)

38. (*) Roma Resurges S.C. – RIC II, 65 no. 407 (S, AD 70, Rome), 69 no. 445 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 101 no. 735 (S, AD 72-73, Lugdunum)

39. (*) Roma Victrix S.C. – RIC II, 70 no. 446 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 72 no. 477 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 87 no. 617 (Dp, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 89 no. 633 (Dp, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 91 no. 650 (Dp, AD 73, Titus – Rome), 102 no. 742 (Dp, AD 72-73, Lugdunum)

40. Salus Augusta S.C. – RIC II, 70 no. 460 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 76 no. 521 (S, AD 72-73, Rome), 103 no. 752 (S, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 106 no. 774 (S, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

41. Salus Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 63 no. 392 (As, AD 69-70, Lugdunum), 74 n. no. 499 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

42. Securitas Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 72 no. 479 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?]), 74 no. 500 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 102 no. 744 (Dp, Lugdunum, AD 76-78), 107 no. 782 (a)-(b) (Dp, Lugdunum, AD 77-78)

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43. Securitas P. Romani S.C. – RIC II, 66 no. 412 a (As, AD 70, Rome), 72 n. no. 479 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

44. Spes Augusta S.C. – RIC II, 63 no. 396 (S, AD 70, Lugdunum), 71 no. 462 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

45. (*) Tutela Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 63 no. 398 (Dp, AD 70, Lugdunum), 72 no. 480 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?])

46. Victoria Aug. S.C. – RIC II, 71 nos. 463-44 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/ Tarraco [?])

47. (*) Victoria August. S.C. – RIC II, 79 no. 549 (a, b) (As, AD 73, Rome), 81 no. 561 (a, b) (As, AD 74-75, Rome), 83 no. 584 (As, AD 76, Rome), 85 no. 600 (As, AD 77-78, Rome), 88 no. 625 (As, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 93 no. 670 (As, AD 74, Titus – Rome), 95 no. 686 (As, AD 77-78, Titus – Rome), 95 no. 691 (As, AD 72, Domitian – Rome), 97 no. 706-706a (As, AD 73, Domitian – Rome), 99 no. 725 (As, AD 77-78, Domitian – Rome), 100 no. 730 (As, AD 79, Domitian – Rome)

48. Victoria Augusti S.C. – RIC II, 62 n. no. 390 (S, AD 69-70, Lugdunum), 63 (S, AD 70, Lugdunum), 71 no. 465-8 (S, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 75 no. 502 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 77 no. 526 (S, AD 72-73, Rome), 79 no. 550 (As, AD 73, Rome), 86 no. 614 (S, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 88 no. 626 (As, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 89 no. 634 (As, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 90 no. 640 (S, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 105 no. 766 (a)-(b) (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum), 107 no. 788 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

49. (*) Victoria Navalis S.C. – RIC II, 73 no. 481 (Dp, AD 71, Rome/ Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 75 no. 503 (As, AD 71, Rome/Lugdunum/Tarraco [?]), 79 no. 551 (As, AD 73, Rome), 85 no. 601 (As, AD 77-78, Rome), 88 no. 627 (As, AD 72, Titus – Rome), 95 no. 692 (As, AD 72, Domitian – Rome), 97 no. 707 (As, AD 72, Domitian – Rome), 102 no. 745 (Dp, AD 72-73, Lugdunum), 105 no. 767 (As, AD 77-79, Lugdunum), 108 nos. 789-90 (As, AD 77-78, Lugdunum)

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Appendix 2: Table of coins Reverse legends identifying personifications on coinage of Vespasian (AD 69-79) (Legends marked with an asterisk [*] are without exact precedent – 87 legends, 55 new) Number Legend Metal Date

RangeMint - Rome

Lugdunum Other

1. (*) Aequitas August. S.C.

As AD 73-76

X

2. Aequitas Augusti S.C.

As, Dp AD 70-78

X X

3. (*) Aeternitas

Au AD 75-79

X

4. (*) Aeternitas P.R.S.C.

As, S AD 69-71

X X

5. (*) Annona Aug.

Au, D AD 78-79

X

6. (*) Annona August. S.C.

S AD 76-78

X

7. Ceres Aug. S.C.

Dp AD 77-78

X

8. (*) Ceres August.

Au, D AD 69-79

X Tarraco

9. (*) Ceres August. S.C.

Dp AD 71-78

X

10. (*) Concor. Aug. S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

11. (*) Concordia Aug.

Au, D AD 69-74

X Asia Minor

12. Concordia Aug. S.C.

Dp, As AD 71-72

X X Tarraco

13. (*) Concordia Augusti

D AD 72-73

X Antioch

14. (*) Concordia Augusti S.C.

S, Dp AD 71-73

X X Tarraco

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15. (*) Concordia Senatui S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

16. (*) Consen. Exercit.

D AD 69-71

X X Tarraco, Illyricum

17. (*) Consensus Exercit.

D AD 69-70

Tarraco, Illyricum

18. (*) Consensus Exercitus

D AD 69-70

Illyricum

19. Consensus Exercituum

D AD 69-70

Tarraco

20. (*) Felicita Reducis S.C.

As AD 77-78

X

21. Felicitas Publica S.C.

As, Dp, S

AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

22. Fides Exercituum S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

23. (*) Fides Fortuna S.C.

As AD 79 X

24. (*) Fides Publ.

D AD 69-76

X Eastern Mint

25. Fides Publica S.C.

As, S, Dp

AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

26. (*) Cos. III Fort. Red.

D AD 70-72

X

27. (*) Fortuna August.

Au, D AD 74-79

X

28. (*) Fortuna Augusti

Au AD 75-79

X X

29. (*) Fortunae Reduci S.C.

S, Dp, As

AD 70-78

X X Tarraco

30. (*) Fortunae Reducis S.C.

Dp AD 77-78

X

31. (*) Geni P.R.S.C.

As AD 76 X

32. (*) Genium P.R.

D AD 69-70

Illyricum

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33. Hispania Au AD 69-70

Tarraco

34. Honos et Virtus S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

35. (*) Devicta Iudaea S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

36. (*) Iud. Cap. S.C.

As AD 69-70

X

37. (*) Iudaea Au, D AD 69-71

X

38. (*) Iudaea Capta S.C.

S, As AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

39. (*) Iudaea Devicta

Au, D AD 69-71

X Tarraco, Tyre

40. (*) Iudea S AD 71 X X Tarraco 41. (*) Iudea

Capta S.C. As AD 71-

78 X X Tarraco

42. Libertas Augusti S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

43. Libertas Publica

D AD 69-70

Tarraco

44. Libertas Publica S.C.

S, Dp, As

AD 71 X X Tarraco

45. Libertas Restituta

D AD 70-71

X

47. (*) S.P.Q.R. Adsertori Libertatis Public.

S AD 70-71

X X Tarraco

48. (*) S.P.Q.R. Adsertori Libertatis Publicae

S AD 71 X X Asia Minor

49. Paci Augustae

Au, D AD 69-74

X X Asia Minor

50. (*) Paci Augusti

Au, D AD 70-73

X X

51. (*) Paci Orb. Terr. Aug.

Au, D AD 69-74

Asia Minor

52. (*) Pacis Event.

D AD 69-70

Illyricum

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53. (*) Pacis Eventum

D AD 69-70

Illyricum

54. Pax Au AD 69-70

Tarraco

55. Pax Aug. Au, D AD 72-73

X

56. Pax Aug. S.C.

S, Dp AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

57. (*) Pax August.

Au, D AD 69-79

X

58. Pax August. S.C.

S, As, Dp

AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

59. Pax Augusta S.C.

S, Dp AD 70-71

X X Tarraco

60. (*) Pax Augusti

Au AD 72-73

Antioch

61. Pax Augusti S.C.

S, As AD 70-73

X X Tarraco

62. (*) Pax P. Romani S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

63. (*) Provident. S.C.

As AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

64. Roma Au AD 69 Tyre 65. Roma S.C. S, Dp AD 70-

78 X X Tarraco

66. (*) Roma Perpetua

D AD 69-70

Illyricum

67. (*) Roma Resurgens

Au AD 69-70

Illyricum

68. (*) Roma Resurgens S.C.

S AD 72-73

X

69. (*) Roma Resurges S.C.

S AD 70-73

X X Tarraco

70. (*) Roma Victrix S.C.

S, Dp AD 71-73

X X Tarraco

71. (*) Salus Aug.

D AD 73 X

72. Salus Augusta S.C.

S AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

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73. Salus Augusti S.C.

As AD 69-71

X X Tarraco

74. Securitas Augusti S.C.

Dp, As AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

75. (*) Securitas P.R.

Au AD 69-71

X

76. Securitas P. Romani S.C.

As, Dp AD 70-71

X X Tarraco

77. Spes Augusta S.C.

S AD 70-71

X X Tarraco

78. (*) Tutela Augusti S.C.

Dp AD 70-71

X X Tarraco

79. Vic. Aug. Au, D AD 70-73

X X

80. Victoria Aug. S.C.

S AD 71 X X Tarraco

81. (*) Victoria August.

Q, Au, D AD 69-79

X

82. (*) Victoria August. S.C.

As AD 73-78

X

83. Victoria Augusti

Au, D, Q AD 72-79

X X Antioch

84. Victoria Augusti S.C.

S, As AD 69-78

X X Tarraco

85. (*) Victoria Imp. Vespasiani

D AD 69-70

Tarraco

86. (*) Victoria Navalis S.C.

Dp, As AD 71-78

X X Tarraco

87. (*) Virtus August.

Au, D AD 69-70

X Antioch, Tyre

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