Perception of Glottalization in Varying Pitch Contexts ...
Transcript of Perception of Glottalization in Varying Pitch Contexts ...
Institute of Acoustics and Speech Communication, Chair of System Theory and Speech Technology Department of Speech, Music & Hearing
Perception of Glottalization in Varying Pitch Contexts Across LanguagesMaria Paola Bissiri, Margaret Zellers
[email protected], [email protected]
1 Association of glottalization and pitch
• Glottalization often associated with low pitch in intonationallanguages
Figure 1: Glottalization: F0 lowering, damping and aperiod-icity [1] (“only on the” by native German femalespeaker).
• However, glottalization also associated to high tones in manytone languages [2, 3] and even in intonation languages [4, 1]
2 AXB listening experiment
2.1 Creation of modal and glottalized stimuli
naturally produced in modal and glottalized version.
Final contour = mid
Final contour = rise
Final contour = fall
Initial contour = mid
Initial contour = rise
Initial contour = fall
220 Hz
+3 st
-3 st
Figure 2: Schematic of possible pitch contours.
Figure 3: Spectrogram of /na/ sequence with a) pitch points at35, 220, 35 and 220 Hz added in the transition and b)glottalization spliced into final syllable.
2.2 Procedure of AXB experiment
Figure 4: User interface of AXB listening test (Praat) of 17-20min. duration and schematic of experiment.
2.3 German, English and Swedish listeners
N=35, N=13, and N=14
German English Swedish
Correct responses to control comparisons
% o
f cor
rect
res
pons
es0
1020
3040
5060
70
< 90 90−94.9 95−99 100
5 5
12 13
01
6 6
10
8
5
Figure 5: Required accuracy 90%, counts on bars.
3 Results of test comparisons
Fall Mid Rise
Fall vs Mid
Initial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100
Fall Mid Rise
Fall vs Rise
Initial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100
Fall Mid Rise
Mid vs Rise
Initial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100
Fall Mid Rise
Figure 6: Responses by all listeners when they had to choosebetween a) a falling and a mid, b) a falling and a rising,and c) a mid and a rising contour.
Fall Mid RiseInitial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100 German (p < 0.05*)
Fall Mid RiseInitial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100 English (p < 0.05*)
Fall Mid RiseInitial contour
% o
f res
pons
es0
2040
6080
100 Swedish (n.s.*)
Fall Mid
Figure 7: Responses by German, English and Swedish listen-ers when they had to choose between a falling and amid contour (* Pearson’s χ2 test).
4 Discussion: Hypothesis A and
influence of initial pitch
5 Conclusions
References[1] Redi, L. and Shattuck-Hufnagel, S. (2001). Variation in the realization of glottalization
in normal speakers, Journal of Phonetics 29: 407-429.
[2] Gordon, M. and Ladefoged, P. (2001). Phonation types: a cross- linguistic overview.Journal of Phonetics 29: 383-406.
[3] Gussenhoven, C. (2004). The phonology of tone and intonation. Cambridge: Cam-bridge University Press.
[4] Pierrehumbert, J. and Talkin, D. (1992). Lenition of /h/ and glottal stop. In Papers inLaboratory Phonology II. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 90-117.
[5] Zellers, M. and Post, B. (2010). Aperiodicity at topic structure boundaries. In Proceed-ings of Speech Prosody 2010, Chicago, USA.
[6] Ogden, R. (2003). Voice quality as a resource for the management of turn-taking inFinnish talk-in-interaction. In Proceedings of 15th Intern. Congress of Phonetic Sci-ences, Barcelona, Spain.
[7] Bissiri, M.P., Lecumberri, M.L., Cooke, M., and Volín, J. (2011). The role of word-initial glottal stops in recognizing English words. Proceedings of Interspeech 2011,Florence, Italy, pp. 165-168.
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This research was supported by a Marie Curie Intra European Fellowship within the 7th European Community Framework Programme and by a postdoctoral research grant from the Swedish Science Foundation (Vetenskapsrådet).