Patricia Richards (2007) Bravas Permitidas Obsoletas

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DOI: 10.1177/0891243207304971 2007 21: 553Gender & Society

Patricia RichardsBravas, Permitidas, Obsoletas: Mapuche Women in the Chilean Print Media

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BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETASMapuche Women in the Chilean Print Media

PATRICIA RICHARDSUniversity of Georgia, Athens

The author explores how dichotomous representations of women and Indians came intoplay in Chilean print media representations of Mapuche women from 1997 to 2003, at theheight of conflicts between the Mapuche people, the state, and elites in southern Chile. Theauthor finds there were three competing representations of Mapuche women, which repro-duce assumptions not just about them but about the people as a whole. Together, theyaccentuate, and simultaneously complicate, dichotomous views of Indians and women.These media portrayals are significant because they reflect and reinforce the central prin-ciples of neoliberal multiculturalismthe prevailing form of governance in contemporaryLatin Americawhich promotes diversity while perpetuating the marginalization ofindigenous peoples and many of their rights. This analysis of images in print media con-tributes to understandings of how race and gender ideologies continue to inform debatesover national belonging in contemporary Latin America.

Keywords: indigenous; Mapuche; Chile; media; conflict

Indigenous women are located at the boundaries between race and gen-der in nation-building discourses. In these discourses, Indians andwomen alike are often represented in dichotomous terms. Hale (2004,2006) characterizes the first of these dichotomies as hinging on a dialec-tic of authorized and insurrectionary Indians. Authorized Indianswillingly assimilate into the dominant system; insurrectionary ones seekrights that transcend the nation-state (Fenelon 1997; Hale 2004; Nelson1999). A similar long-standing dichotomy has been applied to women.Good women adhere to the roles scripted for them within a patriarchalsystem. Chaste, gentle, and subservient, they give birth to multiple children,endow them with cultural knowledge, and raise them to be fruitful and

AUTHORS NOTE: The author thanks Oscar Chamosa, Linda Grant, Nichole Arnault,Susan Franceschet, Yun-Joo Park, Linda Renzulli, and the Gender & Society editors andreviewers for their constructive comments on previous drafts of this article.GENDER & SOCIETY, Vol. 21 No. 4, August 2007 553-578DOI: 10.1177/0891243207304971 2007 Sociologists for Women in Society

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554 GENDER & SOCIETY / August 2007

loyal citizens (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989; Evans 1989; Stephen 1997;Walby 1996). Bad women flout these expectations, violating norms inthe sexual, social, economic, and political spheres. For indigenouswomen, representations in the national imaginary combine these some-times contradictory, sometimes mutually reinforcing discourses of race,gender, and nation.

The continued relevance of these dichotomies is evident in southernChile, where the Mapuche people are engaged in an ongoing struggle forland, cultural preservation, and autonomy in their ancestral territory. Whilestate discourse regarding the conflict with the Mapuche has been addressedelsewhere (Richards 2004; Valds 2000), little systematic attention has beenpaid to the medias role in the cultural politics surrounding the conflicts.Drawing on the work of Gamson and Modigliani (1989), I suggest that themedia contribute to the issue culture surrounding the conflicts, formingpart of the cultural resources people use to make sense of them. I analyze anarchive of print media articles about the Mapuche for the period from 1997to 2003, focusing on the ways Mapuche women are portrayed. Focusing onwomen allows me to examine how dichotomous representations of Indiansand women combine and sustain one another in media portrayals and howthese portrayals, in turn, reflect and reinforce a particular vision of theMapuches place in the Chilean nation. I argue that media portrayals col-lapse images of Mapuche women into three distinctive archetypesbravas,permitidas, and obsoletas. These images fit well with political discoursesthat characterize the Mapuche in ways that are convenient to elite attemptsto co-opt them and repress their demands.

Similar to Brown and Ferrees (2005) analysis of pronatalism in theBritish press, I am interested in how racialized and gendered nationalistassumptions are reproduced in media portrayals. The newspaper articlesanalyzed here function as commentary on Mapuche women and the extentto which they meet traditional Chilean expectations for feminine behav-ior. At the same time, they serve to advocate authorized Indian behaviorsand attitudes, which promote integration into the Chilean nation andglobal marketplace. They likewise serve to reject insurrectionary ones,which challenge Chilean identity and national development. Media repre-sentations of Mapuche women reinforce the tenets of neoliberal multicul-turalism, the dominant form of governance in Latin America, which,through a combination of prodiversity discourse and restrictive socioeco-nomic policies, simultaneously recognizes the indigenous and perpetuatestheir marginalization (Hale 2006). They also demonstrate that race andgender discourses that envision indigenous women in very particular wayscontinue to have strong relevance in modern-day national imaginings.

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RACE, GENDER, NATION, AND THE MEDIA IN CHILE

Race and gender ideologies shape struggles over national identity andindigenous rights and are key components in the process of subject for-mation (Foucault [1982] 1983; Ong 1996). Controlling images reflect-ing these ideologies distort the identities of subjugated groups andmanipulate them for political and economic purposes (Collins 1991).These images are reflected and reproduced in citizenship regulations, edu-cation, religion, and of particular interest here, the mass media. In this sec-tion, I outline the tenets of neoliberal multiculturalism and suggest thatalthough the interests it represents are not identical to those of the state,the Chilean print media complement and extend on neoliberal multicul-turalism in its portrayals of the Mapuche.

In Latin America, despite a long-standing emphasis on cultural andracial mixedness (mestizaje), nation-building ideologies long subordi-nated women, Blacks, the indigenous, and mestizos to men of purportedlyEuropean descent (Appelbaum, Macpherson, and Rosemblatt 2003; Wade2004). In recent decades, multiculturalism, which recognizes some cul-tural rights and advocates equality among cultural backgrounds, hasreplaced mestizaje as the hegemonic nation-building discourse (Hale2006; Postero 2004; Sieder 2002). The shift toward multiculturalism hastaken place in the context of neoliberal reform, broadly characterized byan export-based economic strategy, elimination of trade barriers, decen-tralization, privatization, and the elimination of universal social services.

Multiculturalism is an important means of generating consent for theneoliberal project. Indeed, some indigenous rights are permissible underneoliberal multiculturalism, but only insofar as they do not threatennational identity or development plans. Latin American states highlightand promote diversity but tend to construe demands for autonomous terri-tory and self-government as counterproductive for multicultural society(Hale 2002; Richards 2004). In addition, many policies directed at theindigenous emphasize increasing their access to the market rather thanrecognizing their status as sovereign peoples. Neoliberal policies alsoplace a disproportionate burden on women, in part because they are themain participants in the neighborhood organizations and solidarity move-ments that pick up the slack in the face of cutbacks in social services.

Hale (2004, 2006) links the confluence of neoliberalism and multicul-turalism to the formation of new indigenous subjects: the indio permitido(authorized Indian) and its Other, the insurrectionary. While the authorizedIndian may readily embrace integrationist policies and participate unques-tioningly in government programs, the insurrectionary Indian challenges

Richards / BRAVAS, PERMITIDAS, OBSOLETAS 555


the principles of neoliberal multiculturalism, opting instead to pursuerecognition of ancestral rights and redistribution of power and resources.Hale (2006) notes that these categories are reflected in contemporary racialdiscourses, which rarely contend that Indians or Blacks are biologicallyinferior and give credence to the notion that all cultures are createdequal. This move, however, allows racism to be expressed in cultural terms;racial hierarchies are still defended, but with carefully drawn distinctionsbetween worthy and unworthy Indians, authorized and prohibited ways ofbeing Indian rather than universalizing, biologically driven statementsabout indigenous inferiority (Hale 2006, 20). This discursive shift justifiesthe way in which neoliberal multiculturalism simultaneously promotesdiversity through recognition of the authorized Indian and relegates theinsurrectionary to racialized spaces of poverty and social exclusion (Hale2004, 19). As I demonstrate below, notions of authorized and insurrec-tionary Indians under neoliberal multiculturalism are gendered as well.

In Chile today, the Mapuche represent 5 to 10 percent of the populationand about a third of the population in their ancestral territory. The priori-ties of Mapuche organizations and communities range from demands forland, agricultural subsidies, health care, and education to collective claimsfor political autonomy and constitutional recognition that they are a peo-ple. Mapuche activism against the Pinochet dictatorship (1973-1990) ledto hope that their claims would be addressed on the return to democracy,but despite the creation of an Indigenous Law in 1993, the relationshipbetween the Mapuche, regional elites, and the Concertacin (the Center-Left coalition that has held the presidency since 1990) has been fraughtwith conflict.

The privileged status of neoliberal development over indigenous rightsis at the root of these conflicts. Garbage dumps are disproportionatelylocated in Mapuche communities, and highways run through their lands.The state-supported construction of the massive Ralco hydrodam forcedscores of Pehuenche (a branch of the Mapuche who reside in thecordillera) families to relocate and flooded sacred sites. National and for-eign logging companies own three times more land in ancestral Mapucheterritory than do the Mapuche themselves (Aylwin 2002). Pine and euca-lyptus plantations belonging to the heavily subsidized timber companiessurround Mapuche communities, leach the soil of water and nutrients, andmake subsistence agriculture unsustainable. They are a target of Mapucheprotests, including land occupations, plantation burnings, and equipmentsabotage. Mapuche men and women have also been accused of burningcrops and houses on the fundos (estates) of European-descended Chileanswho reside in disputed territory. All of these issues have led to violent



confrontations among carabineros (the police; in Chile, a national forcedependent on the Defense Ministry), local and regional elites, and theMapuche. In fact, between the late 1990s and early 2000s, more than 30Mapuche were imprisoned on charges of conspiring to commit terroristacts (more than 200 were imprisoned overall). The conflicts have receivedextensive coverage in the press, which plays an important role in framingthem.

Most Chilean print media are oriented toward the political Right.Bresnahan (2003) explains that this is a product not only of the 17-yeardictatorship but of the Concertacins decision, during the transition todemocracy, to allow the market to determine the fate of Center-Left papersand magazines. This neoliberalist decision proved fatal for these publica-tions, which had lost the NGO funding they relied on during the dictator-ship, were not subsidiaries of Rightist corporations, and struggled forsupport from advertisers. Today, all but one Chilean daily is associatedwith one of two corporations: El Mercurio and COPESA. COPESA, a cor-poration that rose in prominence during the dictatorship, owns La Terceraand La Cuarta. El Mercurio, owned by the Edwards family and publishedin Santiago, is the oldest paper in Chile. El Mercurio also owns LaSegunda and Las Ultimas Noticias and has a monopoly on provincialpapers, of which there are 18, including El Sur and El Austral, the leadingpapers of regions VIII and IX (both part of ancestral Mapuche territory).El Mercurio is notoriously Rightist. In one dramatic instance, this news-paper accepted $1.6 million (in 1970 dollars) from the CIA in support ofits anti-Allende smear campaign (U.S. Senate 1975). Later, El Mercuriosupported the coup and the Pinochet dictatorship.

Mapuche leaders have denounced what they perceive as an allianceamong the mass media, Rightist political parties, and timber companies.All of these parties, argues Aucn Huilcamn, leader of the Consejo deTodas las Tierras (Council of All Lands) have a common interest in pro-moting the criminalization of the Mapuche struggle (Mapuches protes-tan, El Austral, February 3, 2001). Political-economic links betweentimber company owners and the mainstream media have been documentedby Mapuche activist Alfredo Seguel (n.d.). The Matte family has a con-trolling interest in Empresas CMOS, which owns the Mininco timbercompany (about 500,000 hectares concentrated in regions VIII and IX).Members of the family are also involved in various capacities in Rightistthink tanks and private foundations and are members of several media out-lets boards of directors. Moreover, along with the Edwards family, whichowns El Mercurio, the Mattes were deeply involved in efforts to preventAllende from winning the presidency and later actively promoted his



overthrow (Zeitlin and Ratcliff 1988). These linkages are important, con-tends Seguel, because the media consistently defend the interests of thetimber companies, present Mapuche actions in the conflicts as violent, ter-rorist, or illegal, and fail to examine the historical roots of the conflicts.Seguel alleges that the media often accuse Mapuche of responsibility forincidents without sufficient evidence. He suggests that this tendency pro-vokes a terminological association, Mapucheviolent actorterrorist,which is extremely harmful, noting that the media not only influencepublic opinion but promote racist attitudes or outright rejection ofMapuche claims. The medias stance on the Mapuche thus reflects eliteinterests and is an important cultural resource for making sense of thenation in the contemporary context.

The place of the Mapuche in the nation is a matter of continued debatein Chilean society. Although at least 80 percent of Chileans are mestizo,few identify as such, calling themselves only Chilean or, less often,Mapuche (Bacigalupo 2004). While some large-scale surveys con-ducted in major cities (all outside the conflict zone) indicate endorsementof Mapuche claims of historical injustice (Instituto de Estudios Polticos2003), others indicate support for use of stronger tactics against Mapucheactivists (LyD, La Tercera, 2002). Moreover, recent studies suggest thatmany Chileans, particularly those who reside in ancestral Mapuche terri-tory, harbor the belief that the Mapuche are lazy, violent, drunk, uncivi-lized, and primitive (Merino et al. 2004). The mainstream media reflectand sustain these prejudices and use descriptions of Mapuche women inparticular to reinforce dominant assumptions about the Mapuche peopleas a whole. In the process, the media contribute to debates over race, gen-der, and the meaning of the Chilean nation in the neoliberal multiculturalcontext.

METHOD AND SAMPLE

Since 1999, I have conducted two and a half years of fieldwork inChile. My recent work focuses on how gendered and racialized meaningsof the nation are deployed by different groups in southern Chile, includ-ing the government, settler elites, the media, and Mapuche leaders. Myinterest in this article is how media portrayals of Mapuche women con-tribute to the cultural politics surrounding the conflicts. Like Dworkin andWachs (2004) and Hall (1980), I focus on the preferred meanings thatemerge in the articles. These are the meanings that producers of mediaimages and texts build into [the media] with the intention of shaping the



messages derived by the audience (Dworkin and Wachs 2004, 613).Although media discourse cannot be conflated with public opinion(Gamson and Modigliani 1989; Hall 1975; Schudson 1989), it is part ofsocial discourse (Misra, Moller, and Karides 2003) and reflects widersocial conflicts and interests (Brown and Ferree 2005). In times of socialflux, such as turn of the twenty-first century southern Chile, people maybe particularly receptive to the influence of cultural resources such as themedia (Hall 1975; Swidler 1986). Thus, it may be especially imperative toexamine the cultural assumptions reflected in the media with regard to theMapuche. By examining media portrayals, I seek to shed light on domi-nant cultural assumptions about womens role in the Mapuche struggleand the Mapuches place in the Chilean nation.

My sample is derived from the online archive of the uke MapuMapuche Documentation Center, located in Sweden (www.mapuche.info).The archive is composed of articles on the Mapuche collected fromChilean and Argentine newspapers between 1997 and 2003. According touke Mapu Coordinator and Uppsala University sociologist JorgeCalbucura, the archive was established to demonstrate the lack of repre-sentation of Mapuche points of view in the mainstream media and wasconstructed simply by searching all newspapers for any articles on theMapuche or related to the conflicts (personal communication, 17 April2006). The first two years of the archive are incomplete and contain fewarticles, but for 1999-2003, there is a near complete collection. To derivea sample, I eliminated articles from Argentine papers, which focus onMapuche who live in that country. I also eliminated articles from week-lies, bimonthlies, and online-only publications.1 Eliminating these publi-cations means a loss of Left-leaning outlets such as El Siglo, Punto Final,and El Mostrador. Nevertheless, for consistency, I sought to limit myanalysis to papers that are available at kiosks and on the street on a day-to-day basis (i.e., dailies). This means that my analysis pertains mostdirectly to papers belonging to the two corporations, El Mercurio andCOPESA, with the most interest in appropriating Mapuche resources. LaNacin, founded in 1917 as the news organ of the government and 69 per-cent state-owned, is also included, although only as of 2002, when itemerged in a new format for public readership. This sample accuratelyreflects reality, to the extent that the daily print news that is most widelyaccessible leans almost exclusively to the Right.

This left 2,343 articles from which to draw a sample. I began by search-ing the articles for pieces featuring Mapuche women. This resulted in atotal of 664 articles. Of these, the vast majority527focused on theconflict about the Ralco dam. I then read the 137 articles that did not focus



on Ralco, in addition to a purposively selected sample of 41 representa-tive Ralco articles, for a total of 178 (see Table 1). All but three items werenews or feature articles, as opposed to opinion pieces. To these I addedone opinion piece that was not included in the archive because it is a use-ful extreme case (see appendix).

On a second reading, I coded the text into several general categories:violence, protests, cultural traditions, entrepreneurship, victimization, andstate support. In the process of analyzing these categories, three archetyp-ical portrayals of Mapuche women emerged: mujeres bravas, mujeres per-mitidas, and mujeres obsoletas. These archetypes, which emerged fromthe articles themselves, reflect dichotomous portrayals of Indians andwomen. They are broad categories and, as shall be seen, not always logi-cally consistent. Although sometimes contradictory, the three competingportrayals are, in the final analysis, mutually reinforcing.

Mujeres bravas are fierce women who participate in land occupa-tions, protest volubly against timber companies and the state, and seekreparations for past and present violations of Mapuche rights. The articlesdepict bravas as oddities among women, but since their activities ostensi-bly threaten the rule of law, they also represent them as deserving of pun-ishment under antiterrorism laws. Mujeres permitidas, in contrast, areintegrated women who contribute to the enhancement of diversity inChilean society by sharing their knowledge about Mapuche traditions,language, and medicinal herbs with the general public. Many seek toexploit their cultural resources for the financial uplift of their families bycreating ethnotourism projects or selling handicrafts and specialty agri-cultural products. Mujeres obsoletas are obsolete women. The category,I argue, represents a rare exception in which aspects of the brava and per-mitida archetypes are combined to create a hybrid type. Obsoletas are por-trayed alternately as bravas and as people legitimately defending their


TABLE 1: Articles on Women in the uke Mapu ArchiveArticles on Women Articles Included

in Archive in Analysis

Ralco 527 41Other

Bravas 54 54Integradas 74 74Bravas and integradas 3 3Crime victims 6 6

Total 664 178


land and culture against the encroachment of modernity. In the end, how-ever, they are represented as obsolete, subjects for whom there is no placein Chilean society. Forty-one articles constituted the mujeres obsoletascategory, 54 featured mujeres bravas, 3 featured both bravas and permiti-das, and 74 featured mujeres permitidas. Six articles focused on Mapuchewomen who were crime victims; they will not be further analyzed here.

MUJERES BRAVAS

Although most portrayals of insurrectionary Mapuche in the media fea-ture men, women have drawn attention as participants in several majorevents and ongoing conflicts. This includes Ralco, discussed separatelybelow. Articles about mujeres bravas assert, often implicitly, that they aresomehow different from Chilean women. Sometimes the difference is por-trayed as endemic to Mapuche culture. Other times the implication is thatthe women choose to break dominant norms. In either case, portrayals ofwomens participation in the conflicts serve to comment not just on thembut on the people as a whole, a people so out of control that even theirwomen behave violently.

The press is highly interested in mujeres bravas violations of gendernorms and simultaneously marvels at and rebukes their actions. Even inarticles about incidents led by men, the media often highlight womensparticipation. One account begins, A total of 34 Mapuches, four ofthem women, were detained yesterday in the early morning hours(Frustran ocupacin, El Sur, April 20, 2002). Another headline reads,Confrontation between carabineros and Mapuches ends with twodetained, followed by the subhead, Among the apprehended is onewoman who acted with her face covered (Palomera, La Tercera,September 7, 2001). Near the end of the same piece, the writer refers toa dozen hooded individuals, women among them, who resisted policeduring the conflict. Another notes that eight people arrested during a con-frontation over Ralco were to be processed for mistreating carabinerosand committing minor assault. Seven were men, all of whom remainedanonymous, while the only woman who will face trial is the leader MaraCurriao (En libertad, El Sur, March 12, 2002). That the press so regu-larly highlights Mapuche womens participation in the conflicts demon-strates the extent to which they violate expectations for proper femininebehavior.

Other articles refer to violent protests in which women were the centralprotagonists, exemplifying the out-of-control brava archetype. One of the



most controversial of these occurred in 1999, when several women, mem-bers of the Consejo de Todas las Tierras, assaulted Rodrigo Gonzlez, thendirector of the National Corporation for Indigenous Development, duringa meeting in Temuco. El Sur explained, The lack of control began whena [Mapuche woman] lunged at [Gonzlez], head-butting and punchinghim because she was upset with the lack of progress that had been madein negotiations over Mapuche land claims (Mapuches golpearon, El Sur,July 6, 1999). Despite womens central role in the incident, El Mercurioscoverage attributed responsibility to the Consejos male leader: This sit-uation was witnessed with complete passivity by Aucn Huilcamn, whomade no attempt to control those he represents (Mapuches golpearon,El Mercurio, July 6, 1999). This suggests that either the women would nothave behaved as they did unless compelled to do so by a man or, con-versely, Huilcamn is not enough of a man to control his women.2

The following Sunday, a commentary by Chilean author and criticEnrique LaFourcade satirized the incident (El Mercurio, July 11, 1999).Although this piece is not part of the archive, and LaFourcade is wellknown for his particularly virulent views, it is a useful extreme case ofhow race and gender stereotypes shaped portrayals of this altercation. Thecolumn is titled Sir Rodrigo and the Head-Butting Mapuche Women.3Instead of las Mapuche, the title uses the derogatory las Mapuchas.4Intended to be humorous and provocative, the column begins, TheMapuche at last use their head. It features a drawn caricature ofGonzlez, dressed in a suit, being shoved by three women in indigenousdress along with one man, as a fourth woman flies through the air to head-butt Gonzlez. LaFourcade refers to a combat brigade from theAraucanian ethnic group, who gave ethnic head-butts, noting that thistime, the embattled hoards of the indomitable Arauco were constituted,mostly, by women.5 A section titled Deceptive Fatties (Gordas queengaan) begins, These repollos coloreados [literally, colored cabbages]from the border are deceptive.6 They seem to be asleep, but they are agileas deer. LaFourcade feminizes Huilcamn as a small Mapuche with thelong and straight mane of a messy haired woman [seora medio chas-cona] . . . and reinforces the authorized/insurrectionary dichotomy bycalling forth an authorized Indian against whom to compare Huilcamn:Of the ethnic archetype of the indomitable race, well, [he has] nothing!He resembles a Spanish man on clearance, an Andalusian dwarf.

In the end, LaFourcade turns serious, asking, What are we going to dowith this problem? He answers, I see no other solution but a giganticeducational plan. Education and health, rather than their own land which



they will sell at a despicable price in the first drunken binge they go on.Education to not get drunk, to not sign papers that they cannot read orinterpret. Education to learn to work their land, when they possess it. Hewrites of the need for the Mapuche to live in equal conditions with allChileans. Respectful of the law, which is for all. Proud of their traditions,but at the same time, completely integrated into the country. This call,which perfectly sums up the neoliberal multicultural ethic, is not directedat the Mapuche; LaFourcade seems to assume that the Mapuche are aproblem for nonindigenous Chileans to solve. Still, he concludes the col-umn with an admonition for the Mapuche: The heads of cows, bulls,billy-goats, the poor pigheaded ones [pobre cabezotas] no nos caben en lacabeza [literally, do not fit in our heads; this expression suggests that wecannot fathom these beasts way of thinking because they are so farbeneath us]. Unlike most articles on the conflicts, which are short and,ostensibly, factual, LaFourcades is an opinion piece. This allows racismand sexism, usually reflected implicitly in the obsession with mujeresbravas, to appear in a more explicit form. Indeed, racist and sexist atti-tudes reinforce one another in LaFourcades analysis. He uses this unusualevent not to reflect on womens participation per se but to argue that theMapuche in general are out of control and animalistic.

It is a popular belief in southern Chile that the Mapuche encouragewomen and children to participate in protests as a strategy to avoid policerepression. One general overview of the conflicts by Jos Ignacio Saffiein La Tercera (2001) touches on this issue. The piece begins with the run-ning header, The fifteen communities that are fighting in the principaldisputed zones act in coordination and with the participation of childrenand women, yet it is only near the end of the article that the subject isbroached, when a male Mapuche leader denies using women and chil-dren as shields. A sidebar accompanying the article, however, featuredthe views of several carabineros on the conflicts. One signaled that theMapuche purposely involved women because when women and chil-dren participate in the protests, we dont use tear gas or anti-riot rifles.On the contrary, we make an effort that they wont be hurt. This asser-tion has proved untrue time and again, as Mapuche women repeatedlyhave been victims of police violence (Seguel 2004). But for many whoview Mapuche womens behavior through a lens of Chilean genderexpectations, it can only be explained by calling it strategic. On anothernote, by viewing their involvement in terms of male leaders strategies,and in this particular piece, by interviewing only men about womens



participation, the media denies womens status as actors who make theirown decisions to participate in the conflicts.

One article, Mapuche Women Warriors by Cherie Zalaquette (ElSbado, Mercurio supplement, December 26, 2003), celebrates thestrangeness of the bravas while simultaneously questioning their authen-ticity. The article is a biographical feature about three women arrested forparticipating in the conflicts. Its lead-in touts, They speak here for thefirst time, defend their cause, and allege innocence. While this doesappear to be the first article in which women speak at length about theirparticipation in the conflicts, its subtext is insidious, evoking racist andsexist images. Zalaquette makes observations about the womens physicalappearance and implicitly judges their authenticity as Mapuche.

The first woman featured is Patricia Troncoso. After explaining thatTroncoso was absolved of terrorist arson and threats in the case of a housefire on the Fundo Nancahue and was being processed for illicit terroristassociation, as a member of the Coordinadora Arauco Malleco,Zalaquette appraises her physical appearance. She quotes Juan AgustnFigueroa, a former government minister and owner of Fundo Nancahue,who observed, I understand that she is not Mapuche and is very goodlooking. Zalaquette describes Troncosos face as finer and more angularthan what is common among the Mapuches, and notes that someMapuche do not accept her because she lacks authentic blood.Zalaquette then turns to Mireya Figueroa (no relation to Juan Agustn). Atthe time of the interview, she had been in jail for more than a year (but notyet tried), accused of helping to burn 100 hectares of pine and eucalyptusthat belonged to Forestal Mininco. Her physical attributes, as described byZalaquette, stand in sharp contrast to those of Troncoso: Her wide face,with its short nose and markedly Mapuche factions, reveals no trace ofvanity; the long, straight black hair falls over her body, dressed with verysimple clothes. In other words, Figueroa, unlike Troncoso, is authenti-cally Mapuche. Still, how Mapuche is she? Zalaquette notes that whileFigueroa understands Mapudungun (the Mapuche language), she does notspeak it fluently. The same is said of Anglica ancupil, the third womanfeatured in the article, who was under house arrest pending trial for illicitterrorist association.

The use of controlling images is apparent in this article. AlthoughZalaquettes stated intent is to reveal why these women participate in themost radical arm of the Mapuche movement, she ultimately turns to morefeminine concerns: How beautiful are they? She offers a racialized inter-pretation of their legitimacy: the more beautiful by Chilean standards, the



less authentically Mapuche. Zalaquette also measures authenticity by thewomens ability to speak Mapudungun. She seems to suggest, as manyChileans argue, that if the Mapuche do not look Mapuche and do not evenspeak the language, they are more integrated than they would like us tobelieve, and their land claims are thus less legitimate. In a sense,Zalaquette is also measuring the bravas up against the permitida ideal. Butunlike the permitidas, the bravas commonalities with non-Mapuchewomen do not integrate them into the multicultural nation. Rather, theyaccentuate their foreignness: They are not fully Mapuche, because they donot look or speak as such, but their participation in violent protest anddemands for autonomy make them unacceptable candidates for Chileanwomanhood as well.

The brava archetype reflects cultural assumptions that have as much todo with race, ethnicity, and nation as with gender. While the overwhelm-ing obsession with Mapuche womens participation in the conflicts can bechalked up to a general thrill at womens doing what they are not supposedto, the brava image also combines sexist and racist assumptions: Womenshould not do these things, but Mapuche women do. Mapuche women aredifferent from other Chilean women and dangerous. Womens participa-tion in the conflicts is ultimately a comment on the Mapuche people, apeople so barbaric that even their women break the law and behave vio-lently. Women in these articles come to embody what is wrong with theMapuche as a whole.

The peculiar attention paid to mujeres bravas connotes horror and sur-prise that women would break gender norms and disbelief that theirinvolvement could be anything but strategic. Presented in this way, sto-ries about mujeres bravas may be a useful cultural resource in calling forthe application of more repressive measures against the Mapuche. Inaddition, the notion that Mapuche women are bravas may contribute tothe use of violence against them. Once constructed as bravas, theybecome unworthy of the protection that befits a woman, and the use ofstate violence against them becomes justifiable. Mapuche men andwomen who participate in the conflicts are portrayed as terrorists at worstand delinquents at best; their behavior represents a violation of the citi-zenship agreement. The newspapers never entertain the legitimacy of therights the Mapuche are pursuing, rights that at their very core challengethe relationship between the state and indigenous citizens. Nevertheless,the prospect that women are simply the pawns of men points to the pos-sibility for reform; perhaps, with a little work, the bravas could be repro-grammed as authorized Indians.



MUJERES PERMITIDAS

The second category of articles represents Mapuche women whoembrace integration into Chilean society, now characterized by neoliberalmulticulturalism. In contrast to those about mujeres bravas, articles aboutmujeres permitidas serve to emphasize that Mapuche women are notirreparably different from other women. Indeed, their difference is minorenough that they, with a little effort and a little help, can contribute posi-tively to the development of their people and even to Chilean society.These articles project positive representations of Mapuche women andcould be used to support the argument that the mainstream media are notbiased against the Mapuche. They reflect international trends that takecultural diversity as an asset and value non-Western traditions. Despitethis positive spin, however, they also demonstrate the limits within whichindigenous actions are authorized in the neoliberal multicultural context.

The number of articles in the permitida category increased over time,corresponding with the worsening of the conflicts.7 Articles about permi-tidas outnumber those on bravas. Equally important, very few authorizedIndian articles feature men.8 This may be due in part to the association ofwomen with culture. Presenting women, who embody and transmit cul-ture to future generations, as willing to integrate into the dominant systemmay be more believable than presenting men in a similar capacity.However, it may also be due to the association of indigenous women withdeath by culture (Narayan 1997), the notion that they need to be saved,by Western ideas and peoples, from the traditionsand menthatoppress them.

Indeed, some articles present Mapuche women as a particularly vul-nerable segment of the population. One describes 10 women, includingseveral Mapuche, feted for accomplishments on International WomensDay. A sidebar features the plight of Mapuche women, noting that author-ities wished to remove them from their state of passivity (DiezMujeres, El Austral, March 9, 2001). Others point to government effortsto help Mapuche women.9 While economic, literacy, and health indicatorsconfirm that Mapuche women are a particularly vulnerable group, thesearticles imply that with the assistance of NGOs or the state, the women arecapable of progressing beyond the limits of their culture. Although it isprobable that more state and NGO funds actually go to men (especiallywhen agricultural loan programs are included), when combined with themultitude of articles describing men as delinquents or terrorists, the focuson programs for women implies (as state employees who serve Mapuchecommunities often assert) that womens passivity is desirable; they, atleast, are tractable.



Mapuche women often appear in articles about indigenous policy.Bacigalupo (2004) documents the government practice of inviting lonko(Mapuche political leaders, usually men) and especially machi (Mapucheshamans, mostly women) to appear at events announcing new programs orpolicies. Their presence is designed to demonstrate that the governmenthas the approval of authentic Mapuche, and if they are machi, spiritualauthorities. Similarly, articles about indigenous policy and culture fre-quently include archival photos of women in traditional dress, even ifthere is no mention of women in the article. This implies that women sup-port the policy even when they do not. The photographs also reinforce thenotion that women are the promoters of culture and custodians of tradi-tion; part of the issue is that papers want to include an authenticallyMapuche photo, and Mapuche women are more likely than men to use tra-ditional dress.

Another major theme in the permitida articles involves Mapuchewomens contributions to diversity in Chilean society. Several articles fea-ture Irene Hueche, who runs an ethnotourism center and embodies this callfor diversity. In one article, she says, We should show the hardworkingMapuche, not only the conflictive one. The article focuses on a wheat har-vest to which the general public was invited and concludes that the idea isthat all people and tourists. . . . take advantage of this unique activitywhich will help establish and reaffirm the links of friendship with thisproud people of the Araucana (Renace la trilla, El Austral, February 13,2003). Featuring a Mapuche woman who reaches out to Chileans, and her-self draws a distinction between hardworking and conflictiveMapuche, reinforces the notion that Mapuche should contribute to diver-sity without making claims for ancestral rights. I do not argue that thesearticles misrepresent Mapuche women as valuing their culture; Bacigalupo(2004) and Richards (2004) demonstrate that many Mapuche women aredeeply committed to transmitting traditions and worldview. Nevertheless,when taken in conjunction with the bravas articles, these articles are prob-lematic. In reality, the same communities often participate in cultural ini-tiatives, take advantage of government programs, and support theautonomous movement. But these articles posit that being acceptablyMapuche entails contributing to diversity without making claims for repa-rations or rights that might challenge the national imaginary.

The ultimate embodiment of the new Chilean diversity is XimenaHuilipan, who has a Mapuche last name and the body of a supermodel.Huilipan is a young model who was discovered by European fashiondesigner Oscar de la Renta. An interview published in El Austral even



covered her opinions on the conflict (Bustamante, El Austral, October 9,2001). She spoke with pride of her Mapuche roots and was emphatic inher support for the struggle. Still, her political opinions are not generallythe subject of interest. Many articles call Huilipan the Mapuche modelbut also emphasize how tall and thin she is, suggesting that although sheis to be celebrated as evidence of a diverse Chile, she does not embodystereotypically Mapuche physical characteristics. She is ethnic enough tosell in the world market but Euro-featured enough for everyone to becomfortable.

In a neoliberal world, the greatest evidence of integration is incorpora-tion into the free market; to become part of the global economy is to enterinto modernity. Thus, many articles focus on how Mapuche women canuse their cultural uniqueness for economic gain. They focus on intercul-tural health care (especially the role of machi), ethnotourism, and effortsto produce, sell, and export woven items, medicinal herbs, honey, eggs, orflowers. They refer to the help women received from a state agency orNGO to produce culture for profit. They are very approving in tone andsometimes make comparisons between these authorized Mapuche andother, insurrectionary ones. For example, one describes the efforts of awomens collective to sell handcrafted weavings with credit and assis-tance from the government. The article ends with the phrase, A comfort-ing example, implicitly comparing these women to those involved in landoccupations and the fight against the timber companies (TejidosPehuenches, El Mercurio, July 26, 2000). Again, the presentation ofauthorized Mapuche as a discrete category serves to reinforce the notionthat insurrectionary ones actually exist. This contrasts with real life, wheremost Mapuche women and men resist such characterizations and sympa-thize with the struggle if not the tactics of more radical groups.

Overall, the permitidas articles use women to show how Mapuche canbe acceptable. These articles were developed in response to the violenceand are often directly juxtaposed to it. Mujeres permitidas behave differ-ently than bravas and delinquent or terrorist Mapuche men. An authorizedMapuche woman tries not only to preserve her culture but to share it withothers and, ideally, to make money from it. She seeks not conflict but con-nections with others. As an authorized Indian in the neoliberal multicul-tural system, she approves of government projects and is willing tointegrate into the nation and be a citizen on the same terms as all others.In todays world, being a citizen means being a seller and/or consumer inthe global economy. In this archetype, indigenous women are still thedefenders and promoters of culture, but within a neoliberal setting inwhich culture becomes yet another brand to be sold.



Mujeres permitidas are held up in opposition to the bravas. They are theauthorized Indian, the acceptable model for being Indian in a neoliberalmulticultural society. They do not challenge the interests of the politicaland economic elite. It is no mistake that these articles focus so over-whelmingly on women. Showing NGOs and the state helping indigenouswomen overcome their vulnerability reproduces the white men savingbrown women from brown men trope enunciated by Spivak (1988). Ineffect, these women are being helped not only out of vulnerability but intoa mode of being that fits more easily into prevailing neoliberal multicul-tural ideologies. Women have long been considered the bearers and repro-ducers of culture (Anthias and Yuval-Davis 1989), somehow moreIndian than men (de la Cadena 1995). In these media stories, however, itis only those women who use their culture to integrate into dominant soci-ety who are considered authorized Indians. These nonconflictive womenare portrayed as more authentically Mapuche than the rabble-rousing menand mujeres bravas; the mere existence of the indio permitido proves theunreasonableness of the Other.

MUJERES OBSOLETAS

The neoliberal goal of making Mapuche culture marketable is a lowpriority, however, when compared to expanding public and private invest-ment in southern Chile. This is strongly indicated in the articles focusingon Ralco, the second in a series of dams planned for construction alongthe Bo-Bo River by ENDESA, the national energy corporation pur-chased by a Spanish company in 1999. This exceptional case also demon-strates that the limits of the benign permitida archetype are tested whenwomen move from simply defending their culture to leading resistancemovements against large-scale development projects. In the printed press,this equation translates into a changing role for women who might other-wise be considered permitidas; by resisting development, their brava ele-ments are revealed.

Ralcos construction was announced in 1994. An opposition movementdeveloped as it became apparent that the dams construction would entailrelocating 91 Pehuenche families, flooding ancestral lands, and destroyingcemeteries and other sacred sites. The majority of the affected familieseventually accepted land swaps and other compensation offered byENDESA. By 1999, after much debate, all of these agreements had beenapproved by the National Corporation for Indigenous Development. In themeantime, work began on the dam, and a handful of families, led by



elderly sisters Berta and Nicolasa Quintremn, continued to resist pres-sure from ENDESA and the state to abandon their lands. In December2002, out of concern for her ill son, Nicolasa accepted ENDESAs com-pensation offer. Several other families followed suit, and by March 2003,Berta was the only one left to sign; she did so that September. The con-troversy did not end there, however. In April 2004, ENDESA opened thefloodgates ahead of the agreed-on schedule, resulting in the inundationof a Pehuenche cemetery before families could move the remains(Observatorio 2005).

The Ralco saga constitutes a category of its own not only because of theabsolute quantity of articles about it but because of the ambivalence withwhich the sisters were portrayed. Indeed, although they are ultimately rep-resented as obsolete, their characterization is more complex than the bravaand permitida archetypes and combines aspects of both. Las Quintremnwere presented as obstinate, irrational, and antimodern but also as fierceand dignified defenders of their land and culture. Age, gender, and nationall entered into these portrayals. Had they been young men, their fierceopposition to the dam might have met with solid reprobation, but becauselas Quintremn were grandmas, they were considered relatively harmless.In addition, most observers felt from the beginning that the struggle ofthese old women against the encroachment of modernity would provefutile; perhaps for this reason too, it was difficult for the media to judgethem by the same standard as other bravas. In a sense, the exceptionalityof this casethe age of the women, their oft-commented-on maternalroles, the high visibility of the Ralco conflictled the media to representthe sisters with ambivalence. This ambivalence nevertheless is built on thedichotomous portrayals that dominate media coverage of other Mapuchewomen.

Many articles focused on the brava, delinquent character of the sistersactions. El Metropolitano related that some indigenous advisors to theNational Corporation for Indigenous Development were assaulted andobligated to escape by Pehuenche women who wanted to negotiatedirectly with government officials (Reunin en, El Metropolitano,February 17, 2001).10 Several items highlighted the sisters role in alterca-tions, even when others were involved. One featured a headline about thetwo Pehuenche women and a lead-in that explained they attackedpolice (Fue Abierto, El Mercurio, March 28, 1999). Two paragraphsinto the article, however, we learn that las Quintremn were only two ofeight who appeared in court in relation to the charges. Other articles por-tray the sisters as sneaky or illogical. A piece about Nicolasas settlementnotes that each sister had accepted 10 million pesos the previous year



when they signed a promise to sell, on which they later reneged(Nicolasa Quintremn La Tercera, December 19, 2002).

Some articles about Nicolasas settlement imply that by accepting rec-ompense, she failed to uphold her role as a bearer of culture (Nicolasalogr, La Tercera, December 24, 2002). This notion was reinforced byRoberto Celedn, the sisters lawyer, who told La Tercera that Nicolasassale was lamentable. He added, At the root, she has violated her dig-nity as a symbolic woman of this struggle, but I do not judge this personwho has acted in her capacity as mother. . . . Her only worry is her sonand his health and well-being (Nicolasa Quintremn, La Tercera,December 19, 2002). Yet by his comments, Celedn does judge Nicolasa.In fact, he can only accept her decision by reframing her as another arche-type; no longer the emblematic spokesperson and defender of the earth,she is now simply a devoted mother.

Still, by 2001, it was common to see articles referring to the women asaas, a Mapuche term of endearment meaning little sister, indicatingempathy for their cause. But articles from this era also seem to accept thedam as inevitable, documenting, for example, the arrival of equipment andtransformers for the dam and noting that the sisters opposition persistedall the same (Fuerte custodia, El Sur, March 3, 2002). The implicationis that the sisters was a futile struggle of tradition against modernity. Howcould two old women deter capitalist development? Indeed, the obsoletacategory demonstrates the limits of authorized indigenousness in the eraof neoliberal multiculturalism. They can keep their culture, but not theirland, especially if it interferes with Chilean national development plans.

Unlike women protagonists of other conflicts, las Quintremn were fre-quently quoted in the press, giving the impression that they were under-stood as agents in ways that other women were not. In one article,Nicolasa declared, The lands where we were born and raised are ourmother, and it would be too painful to abandon her. They will [only] takeus from here dead (En Europa, La Tercera, November 17, 1998).Another cited her speech during a protest in Santiago: I am here todefend my land. I am Pehuenche, born and raised [here the author high-lighted with sic the fact that she used the wrong gender on these adjec-tives11]. The land for us has no price (Solis, La Tercera, October 13,1998). Allowing las Quintremn to speak for themselves connoted adegree of respect and granted legitimacy to their resistance, even if theirlack of formal education was sometimes highlighted.

There is dissent on the issue of the sisters agency, however. Manypieces were paternalistic in tone, expressing suspicion that Mapuche andenvironmental organizations were manipulating the sisters from behind



the scenes (Pugna entre, El Sur, November 2, 1998; Slo falta, El Sur,March 24, 2003). Other pieces expressed admiration for the sisters astutenegotiations but tended to go to another extreme, suggesting that moneywas what they were after all along. For example, when Berta finally soldin 2003, an editorial in La Nacin, titled Tenacious aas, noted that thewomen ultimately received much more money than they were offered atthe beginning. It ends by saying, The aas, with their willpower, man-aged to increase their patrimony considerably. . . . The Quintremnsknew that at some moment they would have to move, the point was whenand for how much. Yesterday we found out (aas tenaces, La Nacin,September 17, 2003). This piece expresses vague admiration while imply-ing that the sisters did not really want to protect the land, just to come awaywith as much as possible. (This strategy, it is worth noting, is entirely inline with neoliberal ideology.) Unlike articles that focused on the sistersignorance, this piece reduced their struggle to a materialist ideal.

Altogether, media portrayals of las Quintremn demonstrate a tensionbetween the two previous archetypes. They were bravas but also dignifiedwomen defending their culture. Judging them as wayward women orinsurrectionary Indians like other bravas was complicated by the fact thatthey were living up to social expectations for grandmotherly Indians.Indeed, las Quintremn were trying to do what all women are meant to do:preserve their culture. Nevertheless, by stepping into the public sphere todo so, they broke with gender expectations (as did so many Chileanwomen who took on the dictatorship from their positions as wives andmothers years ago). As a result, there was always some doubt about theextent to which they were being influenced by outside (male) forcesunlike the aas, these outsiders could be held responsible without violat-ing cultural norms. And yet the sisters also broke with the acceptablebehavior epitomized by the permitidas. I thus take the case of lasQuintremn as a rare deviation that actually underscores the prominenceof the dichotomous portrayals that dominate media coverage of Mapuchewomen. Prior to the invasion of their territory, they might have been por-trayed as permitidas, quietly living out their traditional lifestyle. In theheat of resistance, they would have been classified as bravas. Still, theirage and frequently-commented-on maternal roles made them harder toplace in that status than other women who behaved comparably.

Ralco is the story of a battle between tradition and modernity, betweensovereignty and assimilation, as embodied in two elderly women.Ultimately, they were left with little choice but to relinquish to the impo-sition of the global economy onto their lands, responding with the veryneoliberal logic that had defeated them. The story of las Quintremn as



told by the Chilean press suggests the futility of resistance and the obso-leteness of the rural Pehuenche; the cultural assumption, after all, is thatIndians will fade away. In the end, the obsoletas are the most authenticIndians of all: faced with the imposition of modernity in their communi-ties, they are destined for extinction.

CONCLUSION

Media portrayals shed light on dominant cultural assumptions aboutwomens role in the Mapuche struggle and the Mapuches place in theChilean nation. It is at the intersection of gender, race, and nation thatmujeres bravas, permitidas, and obsoletas are created. While the conflictsare usually projected in male terms, the Chilean press draws on race,nation, and gender in its categorization of Mapuche women as bravas, per-mitidas, or in rare cases, ambivalently both. The extent to which portray-als of bravas, permitidas, and obsoletas are controlling images becomesclear when they are taken together. The archetypes rely on crude racialand gender dichotomies rather than representing real Mapuche women,whose perspectives are more likely to embody aspects of all three arche-types and to support some autonomist demands while also seeking inclu-sion and opportunities for themselves and their families (Richards 2004).Through the medias reliance on dichotomous representations, these sub-tleties are elided, and Mapuche women are converted into objects for pub-lic consumption.

The neoliberal multicultural context is essential to understanding thesignificance of these representations. Although media interests are notidentical to those of the state, the media have a stake in shaping notions ofnational belonging. Indeed, national development priorities as well as themedias linkages to big business, including the timber companies, shaperepresentations of the Mapuche. It is in this context that the authorized/insurrectionary dichotomy takes on particular relevance, setting the limitsof acceptable behavior for Mapuche in neoliberal multicultural Chile.Those who are willing to integrate and accept the rules of the market aredeemed authorized members of the nation. Those who refuse are con-signed to police harassment, accusations of terrorism, and political andsocioeconomic marginalization. There is no space for re-envisioning theChilean nation as a multiethnic, multinational space in which Mapucheclaims of difference are validated and their ways of life promoted.

As we might expect, representations of Mapuche women fit the authorized/insurrectionary dichotomy. In addition, however, gender discourses



combine with racial ones to convey specific views, encouraging readers toreflect not just on womens participation in the conflicts but also on theplace of the Mapuche in the Chilean nation. Indeed, that the archetypesare based on commonly held and mutually sustaining cultural assump-tions about race, gender, and nation may facilitate their usefulness as a cultural resource in the context of the conflicts. The archetypes useassumptions about indigenous women, and the extent to which they meetideal-typical expectations for womens behavior, to emphasize that thereare ways of being Indian that are authorized and ways that are not.

It is not authorized to challenge the boundaries of the nation-state bymaking claims for historical reparations or autonomy, activities in whichonly men and out-of-control, manipulated, or obsolete women engage.Indeed, the brava archetype uses gender norms to communicate that ifeven their women are out of control, dominating the Mapuche is para-mount. Yet representations of the bravas also imply that women are pawnsof men, suggesting that they are redeemable. This trope leads nicely intothe permitida archetype, which conveys that it is permissible to sellMapuche culture in the global marketplace or to use it to enhance thediversity of the nation. Valuing diversity, in turn, is essential for giving atleast an illusion of respect for indigenous rights under neoliberal multi-culturalism. And according to the permitida archetype, womens associa-tion with culture makes them the ideal candidates for this task. Thepermitidas presumed passivity, moreover, enhances their suitability forthis role because it suggests that they need to be, and can be, saved. Theobsoletas tough stance against Ralco fits them in the bravas camp.Nevertheless, their association with tradition and culture leads the press toexpress an ambivalent regret for the inevitable death of a way of life. Eacharchetype, then, uses race as well as gender to describe the limits ofindigenous belonging in the neoliberal multicultural era.

As part of the issue culture surrounding the conflicts, the medias repro-duction of cultural assumptions perpetuates a vision of the nation in whichthe Mapuche are subordinate. The archetypes also offer a prescription fora national future, suggesting that a successful neoliberal multiculturalChile requires that of these three archetypes, one must be thwarted,another promoted, and the last allowed to fade away. In practical terms,these portrayals make it easier for business interests and the state to refuseto negotiate with Mapuche communities, dismiss their rights claims, anddevelop strategies for co-optation that rely on converting women in par-ticular into authorized neoliberal subjects.

Overall, the findings presented in this article have implications forunderstandings of nation building in the contemporary world. They



highlight the role of the media as a cultural resource that can reflect, rein-force, and shape dominant views in times of heightened social unrest. Theyalso emphasize that nation building is an ongoing, multifaceted processrather than something that occurred only when nations were first formed orthat is undertaken only by the state. Finally, they demonstrate that newforms of governmentality, such as neoliberal multiculturalism, continue torely on race and gender to shape the contours of national imaginings.

APPENDIXCHILEAN NEWSPAPER ARTICLES CITED

El AustralBustamante, Marcela. Ximena Huilipn y sus sueos en el modelaje. October

9, 2001.Diez mujeres de La Araucana destacadas en Da Internacional. March 9, 2001.Mapuches protestan contra medios de comunicacin. February 3, 2001.Prodemu y Conadi firman convenio por mujeres. April 14, 2003.Renace la trilla mapuche. February 13, 2003 (accessed April 7, 2005 on diar-

ioaustral.cl).aSernam y Conadi apoyan a mujeres mapuches. March 23, 2001.El MercurioFue Abierto Proceso contra Dos Mujeres Pehuenches. March 28, 1999.LaFourcade, Enrique. Don Rodrigo y las mapuchas cabeceadoras. July 11, 1999.bMapuches golpearon a director de Conadi. July 6, 1999.Zalaquette, Cherie. Guerreras Mapuches. El Sbado (Mercurio supp.).

December 26, 2003 (accessed February 27, 2004).aTejidos Pehuenches. July 26, 2000.El MetropolitanoReunin en La Moneda por descoordinacin oficial en conflicto mapuche.

February 17, 2001.

La Nacinaas tenaces. September 17, 2003.El SurApoyo a mapuches que son asesoras del hogar. September 22, 2002.En libertad 43 pehuenches. March 12, 2002.Frustran ocupacin de un fundo. April 20, 2002.Fuerte custodia en Alto Biobo. March 3, 2002.Mapuches golpearon en Temuco a director nacional de Conadi. July 6, 1999.Pugna entre indgenas y la Conadi. November 2, 1998.Slo falta que permute Berta Quintremn. March 24, 2003 (accessed April 3,

2003).a



La TerceraEn Europa buscan apoyo a pehuenches. November 17, 1998.Nicolasa logr mejor negocio que dems pehuenches. December 24, 2002.Nicolasa Quintremn cede y finalmente acuerda permutar sus tierras con

Endesa. December 19, 2002.Palomera, F. Enfrentamiento entre carabineros y mapuches termina con dos

detenidos. September 7, 2001.Saffie, Jos Ignacio. El conflicto mapuche por dentro. February 4, 2001.Solis, Pablo. Pehuenches a la cabeza. October 13, 1998.

a. uke Mapu recently switched over to a new server, and with this move, the January through March2003 articles were inadvertently cut out of the archive, as were articles from the end of December2003. Access information for the three affected articles is noted above; all other articles are accessi-ble at www.mapuche.info.b. As noted in the text, the LaFourcade article is not accessible in the uke Mapu archive.

NOTES

1. I excluded items from foreign papers, organizational announcements, radiotranscripts, and a few items that pertained to peoples other than the Mapuche.

2. Gonzlezs response also reflected gender expectations; El Mercurio reports that hedenied having been hit by the women, although photos and video indicated the opposite.

3. I use the translation head-butting, but cabezazo also refers to heading the ball insoccer, and part of the column is devoted to a satirical comparison of the altercation to asoccer match.

4. Las Mapuchas is an invented word, used to mock or demean. It does notcorrespond to the vocabulary the Mapuche use to identify themselves. Nor does it followSpanish language rules, whereby a proper noun that ends in e only takes on gender inthe pronoun that precedes it.

5. Araucanians is the name the Spanish gave to the Mapuche on their arrival inSouth America; the term is considered offensive by many Mapuche today.

6. Because the Bo-Bo River once marked the border between Chilean and Mapucheterritory, border is still used to refer to the region south of that line. The significance ofcolored cabbages is unclear.

7. Excluding 1997 and 1998 (no permitidas articles appear in the incomplete archivefor those years), only 1 of 12 articles featured permitidas in 1999, but by 2001, a slightmajority had this focus (23 out of 41). In 2002, 26 of 36 articles focused on permitidas(with 3 more focusing on both permitidas and bravas), and in 2003, it was 14 of 21.

8. In those that do, themes are similar to articles on women, but with an added focuson Mapuche businessmen and folkloric acts memorializing Mapuche heroes. Also,headlines for articles about state programs for women are often phrased with women as thesubjects; similar articles regarding programs for men usually feature the state agency asthe subject.

9. Sernam y Conadi, El Austral, March 23, 2001; Apoyo a mapuches, El Sur,September 22, 2002; Prodemu y Conadi, El Austral, April 14, 2003.

10. El Metropolitano was a conservative, short-lived daily (1999-2002).11. She said, nacido y criado rather than nacida y criada.



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Patricia Richards is an assistant professor of sociology and womens studies at theUniversity of Georgia.



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