Part 2: Case Studies - University of Alberta 2012...Sokoto late 18th- early19 Centuries [Robinson p....

Part 2: Case Studies:

October: 15-19 Nigeria (1) “Sokoto Caliphate”

Discussion “Shaihu Umar” (Oct. 19)

Sokoto late 18th- early19 Centuries

[Robinson p. 140:]

- ‘jihad could only have unfolded as it did because Hausa thought themselves to be just as ‘Islamic’ as Fulbe’[part of Dar al-Islam]

- ‘Hausaland in 1800 could not have happened without [intellectual developments of] 1500’


References to process of becoming Muslim we have studied earlier:

- remember: different ‘paths’ followed (desert-edge cultural integration like Awdaghust, inter-regional and trans-Saharan trades, Almoravid intervention, Songhayconquest…)

- different ‘ethnic groups’ involved: ‘Saharan Berbers’(Tuareg), Hausa farmers, Fulbe pastoralists


Jihad of Uthman dan Fodio (c. 1804 - 1830) returns us to issues facing Ibn Yasin (Almoravid leader, 11th C.):

- what constitutes a ‘good Muslim’?

- when is (physical) war aimed at establishing a truly Islamic state justified – indeed, obligatory?

Sokoto Caliphate (c. 1820)

. ... ..

Jihad

Key issue: urban vs rural[Robinson]:- Hausa (largely townspeople) religious practices seen as ‘inferior’ by Fulani (largely rural):

- Bori [pre-Islamic healing practices]: Spirits given Muslim names but practice still seen as ‘non-Muslim’

- mallem: claimed status of ‘ulama’ (teachers, advisors) but seen as exploitative, demanding non-justified payments [see ‘Hidden in the Household’ Oct. 10: Baba’s mallamhusband discussed]

- ‘Sultan and Palace’: view did not extent to rural areas

Jihad

Another interpretation:

[Last and Boyd ‘Agents Religeux’, Resources]:

- development of Hausa’s ‘town life’ in contrast with Fulani (cattle) and Tuareg (camel) pastoralists

- urban merchants, scholars seen as having lost sight of ‘real’ Islamic values in eyes of (conservative) Fulani and Tuareg

Jihad

In towns (Hausa):- women occupied public spaces (implication: prostitution developing)

- women valued as child-bearers - serial marriage the norm

- wealthy practiced purdah (seclusion of women)

[see discussion in McDougall, ‘Hidden in the Household’ Oct. 10; also Baba of Karo ‘differences’ with Fulani, role of Mallam; Additional Readings]

Jihad

In rural areas: Fulbe

- women ‘worked’ (household, domestic animals)

- post-menopausal women: educators, teachers of children (Arabic and Qur’an)

- also taught slaves, slave children

Jihad

Taken together:

- interpretations [Robinson, Last/Boyd] of how 18thC., early 19th C. Hausa society – including ‘Sultan and Palace’-- was ‘understood’ (mis-understood) by Fulani society make sense

Rise of Uthman dan Fodio

Uthman dan Fodio: born 1750s

- scholarly family

- outside mainstream: attracted to Qadiriyya (most others Tijaniyya)

- following major Saharan scholarly path (Sidi al-Moktaral-Kunti – propagated Qadiriyya tariqua in desert)


- sufi brotherhood, emphasis on: - ‘vision and charisma’- belief in miracles- out-of-body experiences

- dan Fodio distinguished from most other clerics at the time


1787 – 1804: reputation as scholar/teacher flourished- influence grew

- brother, son, daughter had major impact

- pushing message about ‘Hausa corruption [illegal taxation on Muslims]’ and ‘paganism [Bori spirit cult]’

- Emir of Gobir, supportive of Bori, example of degree of ‘infidelity’ to Islam


- dan Fodio taught member Royal Family in line for succession

- hoped that this would bring ‘true Islam’ to the state

- but former pupil feared competing ‘power’ of scholar/teacher

- struggle over right to ‘control’ religious power led to tensions: 1804 direct conflict

Uthman dan Fodio’s Jihad

1804: beginning of jihad:

- conscious imitation of Prophet Mohamed and ‘birth’ of Islam [compare with earlier discussion of Almoravids, especially Fisher’s article – literary motifs etc.]

- migrated to position outside of main settled areas: equivalent of hijra

- declared war against ‘infidel’ state of Gobir


- followed extensive correspondence between dan Fodioand Emir: latter not convinced that he was ‘bad muslim’or that his state needed to accept ‘conversion’

- dan Fodio argued otherwise (extensive reference to precedence etc)


‘jihad’ long-term process:

- dan Fodio gradually spread ‘holy war’ by engaging commanders from outlying regions, investing with flags

- why attracted? - marginalization vis-à-vis central Hausa provinces- exploitated by excessive taxation- attraction of dan Fodio’s charisma, genuine religious fervour

Muhamed Bello and Sokoto Caliphate

1817, Uthman dan Fodio died:

- Muhamed Bello (son) took over as ‘caliph’

- nature of jihad changed fundamentally: became one of ‘the heart and mind’

- ‘conquest’ only established fragile boundaries of state

- did not create the Islamic regime envisaged by danFodio

Muhamed Bello and Sokoto Caliphate

- left to his successors AND followers

- new ‘Islamic state’ carved out of pre-existing Muslim society: needed full legitimization

Key ‘tool’ to shaping new society -- ‘educating people to understand the Revolution’ -- was education

Building the Caliphate

Robinson draws attention to:

- role of ‘ajami’- Nana Asam’u

Critical to spreading, rooting ideology of Caliphate

Building the Caliphate

Also notes challenges:

- on level of ‘Islamic legitimacy’, Emir of Bornucontinued to resist

- implicit lack of ‘buy in’: need to formalize parallelism with Mohamed the Prophet (dan Fodio, the Caliph)

“Attributes of the Shaikh”

An example of ajami literature (Fulfulbe, written in Arabic; translated into Hausa, delivered orally):

The Attributes of the Shaikh

In the name of God, the Beneficent, the Merciful; may God bless the noble Prophet.

I give thanks to God for the generosity he showed me, I give praise to Him, the Generous One.

I say “Peace be upon our Prophet.”Know that I have [obtained] many of his characteristics....

Know that he bore with the troubles of the people, Likewise am I known for this and for loving peace.

Indeed, he never angered anyone; For this too have people known me and for mercy.

“Attributes of the Shaikh”

After summoning people to the religion he made the hijra, When I made mine it cost me great effort.

At that place where the enemies came out As [they failed] against him so also against me did they fail.

By making the hijra he was indeed saved [from them], I did the same and the same has been repeated.

He made it at the beginning of the sixth decade [of his life], Of a truth, mine was indeed [made at] the same [time]....

No sooner had he made the hijra than he waged the jihad;

Likewise did I, keeping the pattern....

• [Robinson, pp. 145-6]

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):

- educated daughter of Uthman dan Fodio

- fluent in Arabic, Fulfulbe, Hausa, Tamechek [Tuareg]

- sister Mohamed Bello (who succeeded dan Fodio1817-37)

Nana Asma’u

- assisted soldiers during years of jihad fighting

- married leader who then became Chief Minister (vizier) in government of brother

- well-placed to exercise influence: both as ‘woman’ and ‘educator’

Nana Asma’u

Nana Asma’u (1793 – 1864):

- focus ‘community work’

- established organization parallel to men’s (Qadiriyya) tariqua: Yan-Taru

- made up of women trained by her

- disseminated information orally: songs, poems in vernacular languages (Hausa, Fulfulde, Tamechek)

Nana Asma’u

- personally translated written Arabic texts into Fulfulbeand Hausa, ‘recited’ them to illiterate audiences

[see ‘Nana Asma’u and the Scholarly Tradition’, Add’l Rdgs for examples of some of these]

- Qadiriyya emphasized role of spiritual rather than material: ‘personal goodness makes one pious’

Nana Asma’u

- many Hausa brought into Caliphate through capture: needed to be educated in ‘reform’ Islam

- ‘bori’ of central concern: played important role in lives everyone but especially women

- Asma’u tried to ‘Islamize’ it, as well as supplant it

[see example of ‘substituting Islamic medicine’ – lengthy recitation surat (‘chapters’ from Qur’an), Robinson, pp. 149-50

Nana Asma’u

Entitled: “Glad tidings to Brethren on using the surasfrom the Quran of the Generous Creator.” some examples:

SURAT AL-WAQIAH (no. 56) . . . One of the pious men said: “If it is read for a dead person, he will be relieved of his sins; if read for a sick person, he will be made comfortable. If written and worn by a woman undergoing child-birth, she will deliver the child by the grace of God the Exalted One. It is effective on everything to which it is attached.”

Nana Asma’u

And:

SURAT AL-HAQQA (no. 69) He said: “Whoever reads Surat al-Haqqa will be judged leniently by God. If it is worn by a

pregnant woman, then she will be protected from all ailments.”

Nana Asma’u

Not all ‘Glad Tidings’ were directed to health issues: for example --

SURAT AL-JINN (no. 72) It was related by the Prophet: “Whoever reads Surat al-Jinn and then frees a slave will be rewarded according to the number of jinns who believed Muhammad and

the number of jinns who did not believe him....”

Nana Asma’u

SURAT AL FATH (no. 48) It was related by one of the pious men [of old] that whoever reads it three times when he sees the crescent moon on the first night of Ramadan will have God increase his income until the end of that year.

SURAT AL-NAJM (no. 53) Whoever writes it on a clean piece of gazelle-leather and wears it will increase his power and will defeat anyone who disputes him....

Nana Asma’u

Overall significance in building new ‘Islamic society’:

[from Nana Asma’u and the Scholarly Tradition, Add’l Rdg]

“Concern for the material, psychological, and spiritual welfare of the community was incumbent upon every individual, and was the guiding principle of society. Attention to these issues was integrated with the avocation of the Sunna, the right mode of behavior, as the focus of the community. In short, there was much that a woman not only could do, but was obligated to do in the promotion of the good of the community, and for the good of her own soul.

Nana Asma’u

These are the principles that Asma’u and her students promoted in the community, and women’s roles were central to their promotion.

By teaching women, Asma’u was by extension training whole families in orthodox Sufi practices that focused on following the Sunna and the Qur’an, the two guiding lights of the Caliphate.”

Nana Asma’u

In her wake and that of the Yan-Taru (and its successors):

“Islam gradually ceased to be a religion whose rules and expression were limited to specialists learned in Arabic and became a faith in which popular piety could be based on an individual's own understanding”

[for more on both Nana Asma’u and her followers, see Boyd and Last “Agents Religeux”, Resources]

Nana Asma’u

Slavery in Sokoto Caliphate

Key aspect of Caliphate: slavery [ie. note Nana Asma’u ‘s inclusion of surat al-jinn, #72 concerning ‘the

freeing of slaves…’ in her important ‘popular teachings’]

- 1000s captives ‘created’ in jihad, destined for Trans-Saharan slave trade

- many taken into domestic service, wealthy landowners, merchants

- even more absorbed into plantation economy: peanuts, cotton


Cotton growing gave rise to textile industry:

- flourished in 19th C., involved:- preparation thread (from raw cotton) - weaving (thread into cloth)- dying (of cloth – famous indigo blue cloth prepared in Kano)

- labour: almost exclusively slave


In terms of understanding intersection Islamic state, Muslim society and Slavery: Royal Slavery is key[see Stillwell ‘Ideology of Royal Slavery’, Additional Readings]

- growth of Caliphate also saw growth of ‘state’

- following Middle Eastern models (Ottoman) while also absorbing earlier Hausa Offices


Widespread use of slaves to occupy:

- palace positions of power and authority

- military roles (of equal power and authority)

- “the Emir’s Harem” (concubinage)


Stillwell’s argument:

- key to understanding role of Royal Slaves (administrative and military) is ‘honour’

- slaves stand ‘outside’ code of honour of free people

- differences in perception: how slaves see themselves, how others see them


- while ‘free’ community compared slaves with children (who never grow up), saw them as somewhat ‘uncivilized’

- slave society developed ‘own’ code of behaviour, ‘honour’

- Stillwell looks at how BOTH understandings were cultivated during Sokoto Caliphate (and how they continue to resonate)


“One obedient slave is better than 300 sons, for the latter desire their father’s death, the former his master’s glory’ [Stillwell, opening adage of article]

-articulating Emir’s perspective

- having slaves in most important positions assure loyalty, not competition

- no possibility of passing on wealth: ‘goal’ is to acquire and enjoy what one can NOW

- serves purposes of state well


Royal Slave’s Perspective:

- combination lack of ‘social restrictions’ on behaviourwith authority designated by Emir permitted exercise of real power in society:

- as Emir’s representative able to extort (goods, taxes, services) from population- ‘demand’ respect- exercise violence in name of state


Understood (by all in society):

- slaves are both ‘tools of’ and ‘members of’ the state

- because they are ‘slaves’, they cannot be held responsible (like children) or touched (by people to whom they do not belong)

- because Emir himself is not directly implicated, he too cannot be criticized (for ‘slave’ behaviour)

Slavery enabled state to function, whether ‘morally’responsible to goals of jihad… or not


Royal slaves in unique position:

- legally ‘slaves’: ‘property’ (with no rights), inferior to free people, dependent of (and on) good master

- (but) socially, politically superior: royal slaves exercised authority over other ‘free’ administrators in court

“royal slaves did not have to treat other officials with deference, honour or respect”

[Stillwell, p.404]


- created powerful households, attracted other slaves: developed structures parallel to those of free-born

- their sisters, daughters, aunts became the Emir’s ‘favourites’: with offspring [umm al-walid], they became really (legally) related to royal family

- in conjunction with local cultural customs: could lead to prince bowing to slave!

[see Stillwell’s discussion, referring to work of Nast]


Royal Concubinage and the Harem:

- Emir could (and did) demand young girls, desirable women be delivered to him

- royal slaves sent to ‘take’ the favoured concubine

- some became ‘wives’: most Emirs sons of concubines/slave wives

- some given to Royal Slaves as wives (Ottoman model)


- royal slavery differed from most ‘normal’ slavery in that royal slaves were encouraged to marry, establish ‘royal (slave) families’ [affected both male and female ‘Royals’]

- being taken into Royal Harem offered enormous possibility for influence, wealth, power over long term


Story of Hajiya Ma’daki (a woman of the harem):[see Mack, “Hajiya Ma’daki”, Resources**]

- grand-daughter of a non-Muslim, Hausa [ “habe”] slave

- daughter of Royal Concubine (Kano, emirate of Sokoto)

- wife of Emir (Katsina, also emirate of Sokoto)

- lived through later years of Sokoto Caliphate and British Colonial rule [next week]


- confidant and advisor to husband (ruled 1907-44)

- brother became Emir of Kano (1926-53)

- actively supported women’s education in north

[**Beverly Mack herself interesting: conducted first research byWesterner within the Emir’s harem – Hajiya Ma’daki’s story based on numerous interviews]

Sokoto Caliphate and Colonial Conquest

On Eve of Colonial Conquest (1905):- Sokoto Caliphate: huge impact on society, economy Northern Nigeria

- major ‘religious revolution’: terrain acquired by force, ‘Islamization’ process of education

- Nana Asma’u (and followers) critical part of entrenching jihad

- slavery essential to society: economic, political, social


But: Resistance never really stopped

- formal resistance: argued in ‘ideological’ terms

- simple lack of acceptance: refusal to pay taxes, recognize Caliphate

- regions (ostensibly ‘Muslim’) being turned into new/used as continuing source of slaves (eg. region in which Shaihu Umar lived, see map)


.Kontagora

N I G E R I A

Shaihu Umar born in Kagara (about 100 miles east of Kontagora, capital Niger State)

N i g e r S t a t e

.Kano City

Sokoto Caliphate c.1875 - 1900

Shaihu Umar:(novel, discussion Friday Oct. 19)

Context: - Era: last twenty-five years 19th C.- Place: northern Hausa ‘emirates’in Sokoto Caliphate (Kontagora,Kano)

http://www.amazon.com/gp/reader/1558760067/ref=sib_dp_pt/180-3591254-9938328

Sokoto Caliphate c. 1875-1900

- as a boy, kidnapped, eventually ends up in important city of Kano (capital of Kano Emirate)

- Desert Journey to Egypt: occurs 1882 (“Mahdi”in southern Sudan launching attacks against Egyptian-controlled Khartoum, northern Sudan (see Case Study, ‘Sudan – Mahdi’, Nov. 14)

- return to Hausaland 1890s: - time of slave raids by new Sultan Bornu, (Sudanese born) Rabeh– eve of (British) Colonial Rule

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