Page 1 of 83 Mitchell Partners research report Appendices ... · Ropata Witikau d Neta Mahua d...

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Mitchell Partners research report Appendices to report

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Appendix 4.5.1: Papers Relating to the Ngatiawa Purchase, February 1856(Copied from Compendium Volume 1 pp314-315 + Map)

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Map from Compendium accompanyingNgatiawa Deed 9 February 1856

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Scanned copy of Original of NgatiawaDeed and accompanying map.

Accession No. ABWN W5279 8102 Box134 Queen Charlotte Sound. ArchivesNew Zealand, Wellington

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132

Appendix 4.6.4

Original Ownership of the Tory Channel and Queen CharlotteSound Native Reserves

(Extracted from H A & M J Mitchell: TTIW3 pp132-140)NMB 1/70,71 (7.3.1889):

“Native Land Court sitting was held at Waikawa and Picton re the Queen Charlotte Sound Native Reserves - “The Land proposed to be dealtwith are the Reserves made in 1856 and comprise the following blocks:” [names of the 17 blocks are listed] - “The above named lands wereset apart for the persons who were living at the different settlements along the shores of QCS and it would be necessary as a basis ofoperation to first ascertain who these persons were”. The names of 28 settlements are listed, and from folio 72 onwards are presented the‘Lists of names of the residents at the undermentioned kaingas in 1856’ ”. This information is reproduced in the following tables Tables 6b(i) to6g(vi).

Table 6b(i): Hitaua and Te Awaiti

Reference Reserve orLocality Comment [Mitchell] Names of Residents in 1856

Males: Females:Wi Toea d Arihi te Tapui dHone te Uaki Kataraina HikimapoTeone Keenan d Heni te Maki dPori Keenan # Mata Pikau# Hemi Taka

NMB 1/81(7.3.1889)

NMB 1/86-89

Hitaua(1200a)

Same owners forTe Awaiti (9a 2r)

List submitted

[# Names later removed as not entitled (see NMB 1/86)]

Table 6b(ii): Te Pangu and Wekenui


Males: Females:Ropata Witikau d Kurae Witikau dMatene te Manoa d Ngawhira Witikau dHenare te Moana d Atereta te Manoa dMohi Ngawhati d Ema te Tawhake dHamuera Tutawhio d Pirihira Ngawaka dHemi Ngakau d Amiria te Matene d# Hamuera te Ketua d Neta te Matene d# Pinirepe te Rawharu d

NMB 1/81(7.3.1889)

NMB 1/99

Te Pangu(230a est.)

Same owners forWekenui(130a)

List submitted

[# Names later removed as not entitled (see NMB 1/100)]

Table 6b(iii): Te Iro


Rawiri Keepa Eruera te Rangiwhirua dRupuha Paramahoe d Miriama dMiritona te Paki d Parae te Paki dTimoti Parenga d Para te TeiraRakera Rupuha d Mere Teira 1 shareRopoama Rupuha d Pipi Teira

NMB 1/110(9.3.1889)

Te Iro(70a est)

Rawiri Keepa submitted list ofnames

List affirmed

Timoti Rupuha d Ruhira Piripi 1 share

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133

Table 6b(iv): Anakiwa, Ngaruru, Iwituaroa, Moumourangi and Whenuahou


Males:Maraini Huriwhenua d Hamarama WateneHoera Nikorima d Eruera PataraHakaraia Te Roma d Perere NikorimaNepi Tarima d Rina PungarehuTuiti Pakaroa Te Pata Waiharakeke dWatene Taungatara Hemi Te ParekuraParana Te Wharemaru d Aperahama Manukonga dNikorima Ronake dMohi Waikauwau d Females:Hemi Watene d Heni Hineahi# Hakaraia Ngongohau d Kuramaiao# Wekipiri Te Ari (Ariari) d Amiria WakaruruRenata Te Rau d # Pereniki Matiti d# Tahana Hapu (Apa) d Putu Metapere dPatara Tawhanga d Rewa Kuao dIhaia Apaapa d Ramari te RotoTe Teiti Werokino Mata NgamepuTeieti Pahaki Reta Watene dRairini Watene Hipora Mohi (Waikauwai) d# Hakaraia Turehere (Turituri) Ripeka Roma d# Henare Punaruku Eraita te Koha dHori Te Kihi d Merehaina Hakaraia dHoani Purehu d Pirihira te Waipipi dTeieti Hoera

NMB 1/72, 73(7.3.1889)

NMB 1/99

Anakiwa

Also same ownersfor:

Iwituaroa (640 a. est)

Moumourangi

Ngaruru (220 a. est)

Whenuahou

List submitted

[# Later removed from Iwituaroa list as only visitors in 1856 fromMotueka (see NMB 1/92)]

Table 6c(i): Onamaru, Anatoia and Onehunga


MalesTamati te Wakapakeke d Panapa Kowai dKarira Hakumana d Paraone Tahuahi dTaituha Tawiro d Hutiku te Whawha dHoromona Kutawa d Hemi te Kapua dMeihona te Tai dKaiapa Pokaikehu d FemalesNoa Napurangi d Pipi Tamati dMohi Takanga d Mata Karira dHoani Koinake d Roka KawauWi te Aupurapura d Miriama NatanaHeremaia te Matenga d Ripara Raharuhi dWherereka Mapu d Ripara Mohi TakangaMinirapa Pohatu d Meri PainaPaora Paneireia Meri te IkamatuweroRihari Tauwaroa Irihapeti Kaiapo dKarira Tauwaroa Mata dReupene Takarua Raira Noa Napurangi dNatana Taimonakia Harata Heremaia Matenga dTimoti Taimonakia d Pirihira HenareTimoti Kaihapa d Hara Hoeta RauArapere Kaihapa d Mata Takanga dRihari Kaihapa d Mere TakangaPahipahi d Hara Takanga d

NMB 1/84(7.3.1889)

Oamaru(2500a. est)

Same owners for

Anatoia

Onehunga

List submitted

Ropata Raruhi Pahipahi d

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Table 6c(ii) Oamaru


Rihari Tahuaroa’s List:Rihari Tahuaroa Kararaina Paneireia dTamati te Wakapakeke d Harata TanerauTe Karira Hakumanu d Ruhi Paretutu dHeremaia Matenga d Mere KariraMinirapa Pohatu d Utiku dWherereka Mapu d Te Pata dHoani Koianake d Wiremu PataMohi Takanga d Taituha PataNou Napurangi d Komene PataTaituha Tawhiro d Rehu Tukurua dKaihapa Pokaikehua d Hemaima Taraikama dMeihona te Tau dTe Pineha te Hunga d Taniora te Rau’s List:Paora Panerera Hoeta te Rawhi dWi te Hauparapara d Pumipi te Rau dTe Karira Tawaroa Kirihipu Kupapa dArapere Kaihapa d Pitama Tipao dRihari Kaiapa d Hamarama Rongonuiarangi dParaone Tiniwai D Hori Patene dTamati Ngahaua d Wi te Taihua dRoka Pawhau Hone TanerauMiriama Matenga d Heta te RauMere Painga d Hone te Rau (No. 2)Irihapete Kaiapa d Riwai te RauMata Meihona d Pipi te RauHarata Heremaia Hana te Rau

NMB 1/135-138, 150(12.3.1889)

[See also NMB1/84]

Oamaru [Taniora Te Rau’s list waschallenged by Rihari Tahuaroa, butthe challenge was withdrawn]

Lists affirmed

Pirihira Tawaroa Reta te Rau

Table 6c(iii): Mokopeke and Anauku


Hoeta te Rau d Eraita Paraone dPumipi te Rau d Rora te Puhia dHamarama Honuiarangi d Hone TanerauHori Patene d Harata RauWi te Tahua d Hana dKiripa Kupapa d Heta Takirau dTe Pata te Pukahu d Katerina Piko dParaone Tiriwai d Ruihi Paretutu dPitama Tahurangi Hone Tanerau No. 2Penaha d Riwai TanerauMatiu te Wharaipi d Pipi TanerauMere Kawerau d Hanu TanerauRiria Hineata d Reta Tanerau

NMB 1/82-83(7.3.1889)

Mokopeke(80a)

Same owners for

Anauku

List submitted

Mere Nui d

Hoeta te Rawhi d Rora te Puhia dPumipi te Rau d Hone TanerauHamarama Rongomuarangi d Hana Rau dHori Patene d Hoeta te RauWi te Taihua d Katerina Piki

NMB 1/131 “Taniora Love submitted a List ofpersons in whose favour a titleshould be issued viz”

List affirmedKirihipu Kupapa d Hone Tanerau No. 2Paraone Tiriwai d Riwai TanerauPitama Tipao d Pipi TanerauMere Kawerau d Hana Tanerau No. 2Riria Hineata d Reta Tanerau dMere Niu d Matiu Rau dEraita Paraone d

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Table 6c(iv): Ngakutu


Rihari Tawarau RokaTe Kariria Tawarau HeraReupene Takarua Ema

NMB 1/83(7.3.1889)

Ngakutu List submitted

Aperahama Mohio

Table 6c(v): Tapapakereru or Tipapakereru


Reserve awarded to Roera Heketangaarangi (a.k.a. Arahura), theonly lineal descendant of Toheroa alive in 1889.

NMB 1/159(13.3.1889)

NMB 1/178(14.3.1889)

Tapapakereru orTipapakereru (2 acres)

Toheroa’s GraveReserve

[Riharoa Tahuaroa applied]

Table 6d: WaikawaReference Reserve or

LocalityComment[Mitchell]

Names of Residents / Names in the 1849 Census

Tiaki te Puku d Pepene te Kaka d Supplementary ListKaritopira d Hamuera Kehetu d Matina te Manoa dHenare te Moana d Mohi Ngawahi d Kereopa Taimoana dNga Pungarehu d Te Karoro d Timoti Parenga dHohepa Ngapake d Miti Kowanga d Matiu TamaawaiArapere te Hura d Hamuera Tutawhio d Mohi te Moana dHamuera Taka d Hakiaha Kupapa d Te Rangimoko dHamiora Tamaranga d Karanamu Kopura d Retimana WhiwhiNopera te Kaka d Kawena Ngamu d Tipene Maiwhana dRetimana te Wharekaho d Pirihira Ngawaka d Te Ariki dHona te Aupoi d Kurae Whitikau d Tamati Paipa dPaora Rauparaha d Atereta te Whara d Koroniria dHakaraia te Rangihikoia d Amiria Kino d Hapurona te Paki dRopata Witikau d Neta Mahua d Rakera te Kaitaumata dRawiri te Paki d Miriama te Paki d Heni HineahiTimoti te Paki d Ringakura d Taraipine Tawake dEruera te Rangiwhirua d Rakera Tauhei d Mere Nihana dMiritona te Roke d Rahera te Ahimangu d Roka Nihana dTe Koi d Heni Mimikau Taraipine Nihana dIhaka te Wharekaho d Maikara d Pakia dTe Hita Mana d Pirihira Mokai d Roka Kereopa dTimoti Rupuha d Metapere te Rangi d Henare Kereopa dHerewine Nganutunga d Hare Karanama d Henare te Puku dNihana te Pakira d Ropoama Rupuha d Tiemi te Puku

Hematini te PukuTiripa (te Puku) d

NMB 1/182(15.3.1889)

Waikawa (2,500a. est)

Supplementary Listsubmitted byRaniera Ellison

List affirmed

Ropoama Te OneNeta Toea

Nihana PakirauHemi Te MoanaTimoti ParengaRupuhaEruera te RangiawhiruaHamuera Taka

NMB 1/198-201

Waikawa West Found in favour of:

except for 10 acresto:

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Table 6e: Whatamango


Males: Inia Tuhata dTamati Katipa d Hone Tuhata dKaranama d Inia Tuhata Junior dKereopa dPopata Haramona dHaramona d Females:Harawira d Kara te Hawe dPehitua d Mata te Peki dTuirau d Ria dInia Ngongohau d Maikara Hu dRihari te Kawau d Haroto dMinirapa d Pipi dHerereka d Roka Tuhata

NMB 1/80(7.3.1889)

DA I pp286-298

Whatamango List submitted

[Ownership not determined until1954]

Wiri Tuhata

Table 6f(i): Anamahanga, Anakokoti and Anahou


Males: Females:Tipene Kaihi d Harirota Tepene dTe Hara Wakapaki d Hiritana WakapakiManihera Wakapaki d Mate Wakapaki dHapimana Wikitoa d Pirihira dKoromuko Temuera Horina PokeEruera Paipa d Mereana PokeTeretiu Ramari PokeHutiku d Metapere TemueraHohaia Poke Hareta Toke (Ngai Tahu)Tamihana Pare (Ngatitama) Ruhi Hapimana dRatimira Wi Keiri d Harirota Wi Keiri dRatimira Tipene Tutini TorereHewa Poke d Herata PaihiTe Whao Poke dTuhana PokeRameka Hape d

NMB 1/90(8.3.1889)

[See alsoff123-124]

Anahou

Same owners for

Anakokoti

Anamahanga (270 acres)

Hemi Matenga submitted a list ofpersons who lived at these places in orabout the year 1856

Heremaia (Ngai Tahu)

Kereopa Pura # Karoraina WaiparaNikorima Mapihi Wiremu te Mete #Taopuku Tera te Mete #Pare Tuhara Pita te Mete #

NMB 1/117-121,123-124

(12.3.1889)

Anamahanga Additional names submitted byRaniera Ellison[# Ngati Apa]

Amuamu

Tipene Kaihi d Pirihira Tumeke dTe Hura Wakapake d Horina PakeManihera Wakapake d Mereana PakeHapimana Wikitoa d Ramari PakeKoromiko Timuera d Metapere TemueraEruera Paipa d Ruhi Hapimana dTeretiu Harirota Wi Keiri dHutiku d Tutini MulroyHohaia Pake Herata PaihiRatimira Wi Keiri d Tamati Ngarewa dRatimira Tipene Nopera te Tuhanga dHewa Pake Taimona Wi Keiri dTe Whao Pake Wiremu Keiri dTuhanga Pake Torere Pikiwhara dRameka Hape d Mere Torere (Mulroy)Hariota Tipene d Tiemi Torere (Mulroy)Hiritana Wakapaki Wiremu Keiri Jr dMate Wakapaki d Hirawanu dKereopa

NMB 1/123-124

(12.3.1889)

Anamahanga(Ngati Hinetuiowners)

The Court ordered that Anamahangawas owned by 36 Ngati Hinetui ownersexcept for 5 acres apportioned forKereopa Pura and Kereopa Pura (Jr)[of Ngati Apa]

5 acres Kereopa Jr

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Table 6f(ii): Otaki (a.k.a. Otaka)


Kereopa Pura Tini te MeteKereopa Pura Jr Pipi te Mete

NMB 1/139(11.3.1889)

Otaki(50a)

Relinquished by N. Hinetuhi in favourof Kereopa Pura ma [of Ngati Apa]

Pita te Mete

6g(i): Tahuahua


Males: Females:Tamati Katipa d Kara te Kawe dRihari te Kawau d Mata te Paki dHoropapera Piri d Ria dPopata Piri d Maikara dKaranama d Harota dKereopa d Pipi dRopata Haramona d Tiripa dHaramona d Hematini HakaraiaHarawira dPehitua dTuirau dInia te NgongohauInia No. 2Rihari te KawauMiniropaHerereka

NMB 1/76-77(7.3.1889)

Tahuahua(230a)

List submitted

Hare Purumena

Tamati KatipaNMB 1/161-162

(13.3.1889)

Tahuahua(230a)

[After objection by Rihari Tahuaroaall names rejected except for TamatiKatipa and Ripeka te Rautamiwaka(not on the original list)]

Ripeka te Rautamiwaka

Table 6g(ii): Ruakaka


Males: Females:Ropata te Ao d Mata te PekeHohepa Ngapaki d Kara te Hawe dTamati te Ao d Irihapeti te Hawe dTe Morehu Ngapaki d Huriata Mau dTe Hawe Hohepa d Ngaiwi Mau dHerata te Puke d Te Kiri Irihapeti dWi te Puke d Te Uira HohepaWi te Hono d Hunia Rohia dRetimana Tiau d Ropata Whitikau d

NMB 1/77(7.3.1889)

Ruakaka(1640a)

List submitted

Tipene Ngaruna d Ropata Whitikau No. 2 d

Ropata Ngapaki Kara te Hawe dHohepa Ngapaki d Irihapete Ngapaki dTamati te Hawe d Huriata te Puke dHoani Ngapuke Ngaiwi te PukeHerata te Puke d Ropata Whitikau dWi te Puke d Hariata NgapukeWi te Hono d Karanama Kopura dRetimana Whiwhi Pirihira WitikauTipene Ngaruna d Mata Whitikau d

NMB 1/113(9.3.1889)

Ruakaka(1640a)

List affirmed by the Court[gender not separated]

Mata te Hawe Mere Witikau

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Table 6g(iii): Whenuanui and Ngaruru


Watene Taungatara Rairini WateneRona Pungarehu Tuiti KahutopaHeni Hineahi Perere Nikorima

NMB 198-99

(8.3.1889)

Whenuanui(25a)

Same owners forNgaruru (220a)

Submitter: Watene Taungatara

List affirmed Mina Kuramatuao

Table 6g(iv): Ngakuta


Males: Females:Rawiri Rauponga d Te RingaHopa Taura d Rena Hopa dHimiona te Whitanui d Karo Himiona dHemi Runga te rangi d Heni MimikauNgaru dHaimona Hopa d Children:

Hemi te MoanaTamihana Kereopa

NMB 1/74(7.3.1889)

Ngakuta

Te Whiu

Haimona te Arama d Mere HaimoanaNaru Huriata d Heni Kereopa (Mimikau)Hemi Rungaterangi d Matiria Karitopira dRena Hopa d Hemi te MoanaRakera te Ringakura Tamihana Kereopa

NMB 1/162-163

(13.3.1889)

Ngakuta(300a. est)

List approved

Rawiri Rauponga and Hopa Tauraomitted as not entitled

Henare te Moana d Te Whiu d

Table 6g(v): Iwituaroa


Watene Taungatara Nikorima Ronaku dTuiti Kahutopa Mohi Waikawau dTeieti Werokino Hemi Watene dRairini Watene Renata te Raho dTeieti Hoera Patara Tawhanga dHamamara Watene Ihaia Apuapu dEruera Patara Te Ture Ngarauwhare dPerere Nikorima Hori te Kihi dRona Pungarehu Hoani Pure dHeni Hineahi Te Pata Waiharakeke dKura Mahiao Hemi te Parekuru dAmiria Wakaruru Aperahama Manukonga dRamari te Roto Puti Metapere dMata Ngaonepu Rewa Kuao dMaraini Huriwhenua d Reta Watene dHoera Nikorima d Hipora Mohi Waikawau dHakaraia te Roma d Eraita Parona dNepe Taruna d Mereama d

NMB 1/91-92(8.3.1889)

Te Iwituaroa (640a. est)

Submitter: Watene Taungatara

Ngatirahiri owners approved

Parana te Wharemaru d Pirihira Waipipi d

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Table 6g(vi): Toreamona, Kaipakirikiri, Kumutoto and Tuno-amai


Males:Ropoama te One d Anaru te Arama dIhaka te Wharekaho d Te Rangimoko dRopata Whitikau d Herewini Ngamutunga dArapere te Huia d Karanama KopuaTe Matini te Manohi dHenare te Moana d Females:Retimana te Wharekaho d Neta Toea dEruera te Rangiwhiua d Rahera Kaitaumata dHakaraia te Rangikoia d Henere [sic] te Pouaka dHemi Ngakau d Pirihira Mokai dHamiora Tutawhio d Kura dKereopa Taimoana d Ngauira dMohi te Moana d Hema dArapere Taimoana d Pirihira Ngawaka dRopoama Rupuha d Metapare dRupuha Paramahue d Atarete te Whara dTe Hita Ropoama d Miriama te Manoa dTimoti Parenga d Neta Henare dMiritona te Paki d Roka Kereopa dHapurona te Paki d Te Rangi Kereopa dTimoti te Paki d Roka Nihana dHamuera Pehitaka d Mere Nihana dTipene Maiwhanu d Tarupini Nihana dHaimona te Arama d Tauhei Rupuha dRiwai Tiaki Panepane d Pineropa te Rawharu d

NMB 1/74-76

(7.3.1889)

[See alsoff139-141]

Toreamoana

Same owners for

Kaipakirikiri

Kumutoto

Tuno-amai

List submitted

Ropata Whitikau (No. 2) d Taraipine Tawaki d

Table 6g(vii): Toreamona or Kumutoto


Ropama te One d Tipene Maiwhana dIhaka te Wharekaho d Karitopira dHita Ropama d Taiariki dMatina te Manoa d Tamati Paipa dArapere te Hurakia d Karonira dHeremaia Ngmuhenga d Paora dNihana Pakira Hapurona te Paki dRetimana te Wharekaho d Neta Toea dHamuera Pehitaka d Rakira Kai Taumeta dHenare te Moana d Pirihira Mokai dKereopa Taimoana d Heni HineahiHakaraia te Rangihikoia d Tarete Te Whara dHamiora Tamarangu d Tauhei Rupuha dRupuha Paramahoe d Taraipine Tawake dRopoama Rupuha d Mere Nihana dTimoti Purenga d Roka Nihana dMiritona te Paki d Taraipine Nihana dTimoti Rupuha d Miriama te Paki dHonu te Aupoi d Metapere te Rangi dMatini Tamuawai Pakia dMohi te Moana d Roka Kereopa dTe Ranginoko d Heni Minikau

NMB 1/139-141

(11.3.1889)

See also NMB1/74-76

Toreamoana (530a. est)

Kumutoto (950a. est)

On survey became2,430 acrescombined

List approved

Retimana Whiwhi d Henare Kereopa d

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Table 6g(viii): Other Reserves


Hare Tiaki te Puku d Hematini te PukuHenare te Puku d Tiripa d

NMB 1/141(11.3.1889)

Tunoamai List approved

Tiemi te Puku

Aperahama Mohio dHera Hinekati d

NMB 1/83(7.3.1889)

Waimimiti List approved

Taraikumu d

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Appendix 4.7.2

Census Data 1868

Table 3g: Census of Native Populations in the Provinces of Marlboroughand Nelson 1868

(Reference: Taken from Alexander Mackay 1868. ANZW: MA-MT 6/19 pp65-75; copied in H A & M JMitchell: TTIW3 p93-97).

Above 14 Under 14Name of PlaceMale Female Male Female

TotalAdults

TotalChildren

TotalPopulation

Total inProvince

Province of MarlboroughKaikora 39 23 5 10 62 15 77Wairau 47 22 8 3 69 11 80Queen Charlotte’s Sound 50 41 21 23 91 44 135Pelorus 40 26 9 2 66 11 77

369

Marlborough sub-totals: 176 112 43 38 288 81 369

Province of NelsonCroixelles & D'Urville’sIsland

38 37 9 9 75 18 93

Wakapawaka 22 22 9 9 44 18 62Motueka 45 31 11 9 76 20 96Motupipi 29 19 7 13 48 20 68Takaka 8 4 4 5 12 9 21Pariwhakaoho 18 10 7 5 28 12 40Tukurua 9 7 6 2 16 8 24Aorere 9 12 2 8 21 10 31Buller 29 9 4 6 38 10 48

483

Nelson sub-totals: 207 151 59 66 358 125 483

Totals 383 263 102 104 646 206 852 852

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Table 3g(i): Wairau 1868

Names of Adults Names of ChildrenNo.

Male Female Male Female

1 Rore Pukekohatu Irihapeti Wirihana Rori Roka2 Kerei Makareta Alfred Rori Pori3 Meihana Tupou Raima Hamuera Kerei Karo4 Porana Ru Hamaona Kerei5 Tiki Hikaka Ani Manihera Kerei6 Kare Ro Rutu Hare7 Tapatae Mere Tana8 Naki Erina Tamati Toko9 Pitama Kataraine

10 Hetraka Pautahi Tiotiana11 Haperata Ramari12 Tamihana Mere13 Kereoma Herangi Paramiha14 Ruku Rutu Pipi15 Tahana Kauhata Rina16 Wirihana Kauhata Ruihi17 Nehoma te Naihi Hera18 Wirihana Maui (Rangitane) Metapere19 Wiremu Maui Rina Waika20 Hakar [sic] Niwha Amiora Paratene21 Wiremu Kanae Naomi22 Mihaka Mere23 Enoka24 Hoani Enoka25 Hanikamo te Hihu26 Ihaia Kaikoura27 Hura Parapara28 Meihana29 Rihari Hemara30 Ihakara31 Rawenata32 Ruiha33 Tuiti34 Rihari te Paepae35 John Bryan36 Tuteni37 Hopa te Rangihira (Waikakaho)38 George Macdonald (Waikakaho)39 Rihari Watene (Waikakaho)40 Hoera (Waikakaho)41 Watene (Waikakaho)42 Hamuera (Waikakaho)43 Paora (Waikakaho)44 Hekeira Paora (Waikakaho)45 Wi Kirina (Rua Kana Kana)46 Koromina47 Te Mori

Totals 47 22 8 3

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Table 3g(ii): Waikawa 1868



1 Hakaraia Haneta Ropoama Henare Kereopa Ruera2 Hona Piri Mohi te Moana3 Karanama Maikara Tamihana4 Eruera Ani Arapere5 Teone Hamiria Eruera Nihana6 Henare Tareti Rawiri7 Kereopa Ani8 Ihaka te Wharekahu (since

dead)Henrietta

9 Nihana Rakera10 Herewine11 Timoti12 Miritona13 Hetraka Tara14 Kepa

Totals 14 9 6 1

Table 3g(iii): Watamango 1868



1 Tamati Katipa Ripeka2 Mohi Tatoawa Ripora3 Timoti Mokoare Hara4 Wiremu Putu Wikitoria5 Arapere Ria6 Mare7 Mata

Totals 5 7 0 0

Table 3g(iv): Kaipapa 1868



1 Hare Tiaki Paku Tiripu Hematina2 Timoti Kaipapa Tiripa

Totals 2 1 0 2

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Table 3g(v): Hitaua 1868



1 Billy Keenan Sarah Keenan Billy Martha2 Hutuku Hone Ru3 Ani4 Hareta5 Kataraina6 Hariota

Totals 2 1 2 6

Table 3g(vi): Te Pangu 1868



1 Ropata Witikau Pirihira Ropata Haimona Piniripi2 Haimona Mere Riwai Tiki Rena3 Hamuera Pirihira4 Tiki Mere5 Piniripi

Totals 4 5 2 2

Table 3g(vii): Tawaiti 1868



1 Ho Keenan Kataraina Makareta2 Teimi Pounu Mina Haria3 Teimi Keenan Ani

Totals 3 3 0 2

Table 3g(viii): Anatoia 1868



1 Dan Love Charlotte John2 Paora Pipi Riwai3 Hoeta Hannah Rameru4 Taitua Roera5 Komene6 Wiremu7 Kirihipu8 Arepere

Totals 8 4 3 0

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Table 3g(ix): Ngakuta 1868



1 Rihari Roka Tamati Metiria2 Karira Pirihira Heneri Repora3 Karena Mere Tare Hokipera4 Pehimene Hera Ramera Pehinana5 Ramera Raira6 Hemi Emma7 Aperahama

Totals 7 6 4 4

Table 3g(x): Anauku 1868



1 Pumipi Mere Puku2 Paraone Raita

Totals 2 2 0 0

Table 3g(xi): Totaranui 1868



1 Kereopa Mere Keupu Kereopa Tera2 Wi Mete Karoraina Peta Mete Mati3 Raiha

Totals 2 2 2 3

Table 3g(xii): Te Ketu 1868



1 Tikopa Mata Wiremu Ritipeti2 Te Hi? Iti? Mere Maki Pana Tarewa Mereona3 Tera

Totals 2 2 2 3

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Appendix 5.5.2:Customary Fisheries Report 2012Responses to Interview Questions

6.3 The Species Harvested

6.3.1 Marine Finfish:

There were some clear patterns which emerged from questions about what species were targeted.

Blue cod was often the first choice where it was readily available (Queen Charlotte Sound, Tory

Channel, Arapaoa Island, Pelorus Sound, D'Urville Island). Some said that was because cod was

so plentiful, others said you could eat cod every day without getting sick of it. One interviewee

said that relatives could identify exactly where the cod was caught from the taste. Snapper was a

targeted species, particularly in Golden Bay and Tasman Bay, although in some other areas

interviewees said that they did not bother with snapper. Grouper, flounders, herring, mullet and

kahawai were targeted and caught in large quantities across the region, with tarakihi, gurnard,

shark, mackerel, barracouta, bloater, crayfish, butterfish, conger eels, octopus, red cod, moki,

garfish, kingfish, squid, elephant fish, Maori chief, frostfish, John Dory, bream, trevally, warehou,

sole, trumpeter, sea perch, spotties, saltwater whitebait, smelts and leather jackets all receiving

mention. Tuere (hagfish/blind eels), which were plentiful near the whaling stations in Tory

Channel and around D'Urville Island, were an important delicacy and harvested for special

occasions and koha. One interviewee assured the researchers that six kete of tuere would

purchase a good wife. Lamprey were also a delicacy kept for special occasions.

Some interviewees said their whanau harvested and used all available finfish, others said they

always returned red cod and gurnard to the sea, or did not target Maori chief or parrot fish.

6.3.2 Shellfish:

Most families harvested a wide range of shellfish, the major limitation being a lack of transport

to reach resources further away from home. Cockles, pipi and mussels (green and blue) were

often the most accessible species, with paua and kina sometimes requiring transport further

afield. A range of other species, such as tuatua, pupu, rock oysters, kopakopa, limpets, tuangi,

dog cockles, king cockles, toheroa, periwinkles, titiko, whetiko, red crab, geoduck, starfish and

catseyes, were gathered.

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A few said they ate scallops, while others said they were not aware of them when they were

younger or didn't bother with them. Pacific oysters have become part of the diet more recently.

6.3.3 Freshwater Fish:

Eels, which were extremely important, and whitebait were fished regularly and in quantity by

those who lived near rivers and streams. A number of varieties of eels were harvested, and there

was a degree of discrimination exercised with regard to the water quality from which eels were

taken.

Inanga, freshwater mussels and koura were also harvested, the last often by children.

One curious species is the freshwater flounder, found in the Tuamarina Stream and other

localities in that part of the Wairau district.

Lamprey were highly prized.

6.4: Quantities Harvested:

6.4.1 Quantities Harvested Then:

Shellfish, freshwater and seafish were all abundant in the early lives of interviewees, even the

younger ones, despite the fact that many families had neither vehicles nor motor boat transport.

Some who lived close to the resource e.g. those who lived on Arapaoa Island, in Tory Channel

or on D'Urville Island, fished daily, or even for individual meals. Others, whose staple protein

was eels and/or whitebait, fished regularly too.

A significant proportion of families relied heavily on fish or shellfish as their main protein

source, and as a way they could eke out incomes to meet the needs of large families. One of the

most significant and widespread comments was that nothing was wasted: every part of any fish

caught was used, and there were strong sanctions against catching or harvesting more than was

needed. Some families who lived further away from particular resources (e.g. river dwellers who

did not have ready access to shellfish and seafish) would make organised heke to harvest at

regular intervals so that their catch could be preserved and stored.

Considerable quantities of fish were caught to feed large extended families, ranging up to 80

people, in some cases, daily. The proximity of the fish to the place of residence, the abundance

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of fishstocks, and the ease with which large catches were made were all remarked on frequently.

Shellfish were readily available too, and did not require any particular equipment (e.g. snorkels or

scuba gear), or special skill to harvest. Rivers and creeks were alive with eels, whitebait and

koura.

A number of interviewees reflected that there was little competition for the resources in those

days. Most Europeans were not great fish eaters, and shellfish and eels were very unfashionable

in New Zealand society as a whole. There were also few pleasure boats, and commercial fishers

operated on a very small scale. The export of fish and shellfish has had a huge impact.

6.4.2 Quantities Harvested Now:

Much regret was expressed about the current situation.

Freshwater resources have been devastated by a combination of

commercial eeling

loss of wetlands through drainage, fill and reclamation

silting up of rivers and estuaries through land clearance and land use

diversion of waterways, river controls, piping of streams

pollution through nightcart dumping, sewage disposal, stormwater disposal,

agricultural, horticultural, industrial and forestry runoff, stock effluent, dead stock etc

the destruction of habitat, including breeding habitat, through inappropriate,

excessive riverbank and stream bank spraying and stripping

the fact that some streams now dry up in droughts so that there are no more eels in

them perhaps as a result of water taken for horticultural and other purposes

the introduction of exotic plant and fish species at the expense of native species

competition from other users.

In some cases access to specific customary sites has been restricted or denied by current

landowners, although most interviewees say that landowners as a whole are very willing to allow

access if permission is sought.

The shellfish resource has similarly been decimated. Reasons given were

destruction of habitat through reclamation, construction of marinas, wharves, jetties

etc, and the transformation of the nature of the foreshore as the result of ferry wash

pollution of many habitats through sewage disposal, stormwater disposal, oil spills,

rubbish, rubbish dumps on shorelines, agricultural, horticultural and forestry runoff,

anti-fouling paint, activities such as boatbuilding, boat cleaning, stripping and

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painting, and other shoreline industries and activities

the spread of exotic plants and shellfish which displace native shellfish and their

nutrients

commercial activities which harvest inappropriately and give no thought to the longer

term sustainability of the resource (e.g.kina dredges)

increased competition from recreational harvesters who are now very mobile

scuba diving technology and equipment

illegal activities, especially in relation to paua and crayfish and to a lesser extent, kina

the ease of preservation through freezing.

Marine finfish too have become increasingly difficult to catch. Some older interviewees

commented ruefully on the irony of their situation where they now have access to a good boat

and have the time to go fishing, but there are, in effect, very few fish to catch. Others said that

they are still able to make good catches because they are very good at fishing, but that they have

to go further and further out towards Cook Strait to do so. Reasons given for the decline of the

finfish resource include

commercial fishing which has sometimes been allowed too much latitude, especially

with purse seiners

the virtually unlimited export markets

population increase and the extraordinary growth in recreational fishing, exacerbated

by the ease of movement to fishing areas afforded by the ubiquitous modern pleasure

boats

the number of charter vessels and tourist vessels which carry large numbers of

passengers, all able to fish to the recreational limit

the fact that fish has become very popular as a food with virtually the whole

population

the idea of fishing as a sport (“see how many we can catch”)

the incentive to fish to the legal limit provided by the ability to freeze what is not

immediately eaten

the loss of breeding grounds such as estuaries and lagoons, and habitats

improved fishing equipment e.g. rods

too many small fish being taken; some are cut up for bait instead of being thrown

back

exceeding catch limits

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lead poisoning from lost sinkers.

The Marlborough Sounds and Tasman and Golden Bays may be particularly hard hit by

recreational and charter vessel fishing because their waterways are comparatively sheltered, the

surrounding environment is very beautiful, there are a large number of holiday baches and

holidaymakers in the areas, and they are all promoted as tourist destinations.

6.5: Fishing For Whom, Fishing By Whom:

6.5.1 Fishing For Whom?

Most fishing was done for the family table, often as a matter of survival, although there was a

strong awareness of the extended whanau, and especially the needs of those who were less able

to fish themselves – the elderly, the sick, and those with very large families. Fishing was also

undertaken for special events such as hui, tangi, weddings, visitors, special occasions.

If a surplus was caught it was shared with whanau, friends and neighbours, including Europeans.

For those who lived in more traditional settings at Wairau Pa and at Waikawa, fishing was often

for the whole community.

A few families sent fish to relatives in the North Island, and a number always took fish with

them as koha when they travelled.

6.5.2 Fishing By Whom?

In some families the men of the whanau did the seafishing, while in others there was little

distinction between male and female roles. In fact, women and children were often obliged to

fish when men were away at war, or whaling, or shearing or on other jobs. One interviewee told

us that some of the best boathandlers in his whanau were women, and that several women were

expert fishers. Some suggested that the male responsibility for seafishing reflected the inherent

dangers of the task.

Women were often the shellfish gatherers (although men usually harvested paua and crayfish)

and certainly did the lion’s share of whitebaiting. Eeling was often a male preserve, although in

some families women eeled too.

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Children were usually involved in fishing as soon as they were considered useful and not a

liability. They were expected to learn and contribute rather than play on fishing expeditions.

In some larger families there was a clear allocation of tasks so that every child had a role and a

responsibility. In more traditional settings the chiefs would make decisions about fishing

expeditions and allocate jobs to all those involved.

There were many fond memories of large whanau and community fishing expeditions which

strengthened identity and relationships, transmitted cultural beliefs and practices, and provided

opportunities for individuals to contribute to the good of the hapu. Unfortunately, because of

the pressures of modern life and the dispersal of family members, there are few such expeditions

today.

6.6: Fishing Methods and Fishing Gear:

6.6.1 Fishing Methods:

Most fishing methods were relatively simple but effective. Seafishing was almost always done by

handline, with long multiple-hooked droplines for hapuka. Set nets and dragnets were used for

fish in the shallows and in rivermouths or estuaries.

Dams were sometimes built to trap herrings and mullet, and flounder were either netted or

speared (sometimes with nothing more complicated than a sharpened manuka stick).

Lures were used to catch kahawai and barracouta. Kahawai were also gaffed when they were

shoaling and some interviewees used a gaff (a lancewood pole with a hook) for almost

everything.

There was some fishing at night by lamp or torchlight for flounders, eels, and garfish.

Shellfish was usually gathered by using a knife or a shovel while standing in the shallows at low

tide.

Paua, kina and crayfish sometimes required diving with a knife for paua and a gaff for kina, but

not with scuba gear; a few used snorkels. Crayfish were sometimes attracted by hanging a bag

of offal, goat bodies or lambs heads in the water, preferably in some material the crayfish would

get their claws entangled in. At other times crayfish were potted or simply picked out of the

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water.

Eels were caught by a variety of methods – on lines, by bobbing with a ball of muka (or baling

twine) and worms and/or huhu grubs on a manuka pole, by spearing, by blindspearing through

watercress, by gaffing, by hand (feeling – sometimes with a short baling hook in the other hand

to slip into the eel), by ripi when the eels swim onto farmlands during floods, by hinaki, by scrim,

by flicking out on to the bank, and by digging a hole in the gravel to fool eels into believing they

had completed their journey through the gravel.

Rotten eggs, rotten milk, very dead chooks, possums, 3 month-old blood from freezing works,

dead goats and sheep were all used to attract eels.

Whitebait was usually caught by scoop nets of various materials, although one or two families

trapped them in creeks.

Whether or not it could be termed a “traditional” method is another matter, but gelignite (the

“Public Works lure”) was mentioned as a fishing method by a few interviewees (usually with

disastrous results). Gelignite was usually used to obtain quantities of bait fish, such as shoaling

herrings, mullet etc, or for individual trout. A number of interviewees identified relatives who

had lost hands to fishing with gelignite.

6.6.2 Fishing Gear:

Considerable ingenuity and skill was evident in the inventions and adaptations made by fishers,

of traditional and modern fishing gear. Several commentators referred to the ready acceptance

of new technology by their elders and said that most of their fishing gear was purchased from

shops. However, many noted that apart from beach surfcasting, the use of fishing rods and reels

is not very popular among Maori fishers; most seem to prefer handlines.

6.6.2.1 Freshwater Fishing:

Hinaki for eeling was probably the one traditional device universally retained throughout the

region. However, although the customary designs have been retained, very few interviewees

reported using hinaki of traditional materials in recent decades. Older interviewees who did use

traditional hinaki described a variety of materials from which they were constructed –

longtitudinal struts of manuka poles to form the frame, and fine supplejack, flax, pingao, kiekie

or cabbage tree leaves to weave the outer covering were most common. Others described crude,

but effective hinaki which could be made “in the field” from materials at hand, such as bracken

rods to form a frame, stuffed with the fern leaves, bound together with flax strips – the end

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result was a “tunnel” into which eels (and lamprey) would insinuate themselves to seek out the

bait. Hinaki covered in wallpaper scrim represented an early adaptation of European materials,

but most common today are hinaki fashioned from light reinforcing steel frames covered with

wire mesh (“chicken wire”). A number of interviewees made the point that hinaki were used

only when large quantities were sought.

None of the interviewees reported using a modern collapsible fyke net – possibly because these

were the hated device of the commercial eel fishers. In fact a number of interviewees stated that

such nets were often vandalised if traditional fishers came across them in local streams.

The traditional ripi was probably a slim whalebone slashing weapon, but various iron or steel ripi

were described; for some, a slasher from the implement shed served the same purpose. Eel

spears and gaffs also came in various styles; descriptions were given of multi-pronged spears of

No 8 wire, pitchforks with tines bent to a narrower profile, baling hooks adapted as a hand gaff

for feeling eels, barbless spears and gaffs for particular purposes etc.

Three or four older interviewees described the construction of weirs, grids and other devices for

catching piharau (lamprey), and some identified the streams where these were likely to be caught.

Trenches to lead fish, especially eels, from lagoons to the sea were common practices at

appropriate times of the year i.e. during the “tuna heke” – the eel migration. Others recalled

catching eels at such time migrating at night through damp grass in farm paddocks.

Special places for digging worms for bobbing were referred to by some interviewees, as were the

techniques for threading them live onto flax strings (muka) or baling twine. Some told of being

able to keep a bob alive for months by burying it in a special way between each use.

One commentator mentioned a reta board but didn't know what it was or how it worked; in

some North Island districts a reta board is a thin but stiff board shaped like a fish, to which two

lines are attached – one at the front and the other at the rear. The board is placed in the current

of a stream and the lines are held one in each hand, by adjusting the tensions on the lines, the

board can be steered through the water in similar fashion to flying a manoeuvrable kite; baited

hooks can be trailed from the board.

6.6.2.2 Seafishing:

Supplejack set pots were commonplace, although No. 8 wire has largely replaced fine supplejack

for weaving the wefts of the pot. Several interviewees recalled the special jigs set up at home for

making supplejack pots, and a couple described methods for obtaining perfectly straight wire for

the job – by securing one end to a tree and the other to a tractor to stretch the wire straight.

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Several recalled nets being made by elders, and a number had themselves acquired such skills.

Hoop nets for crayfish pull pots were commonplace, and a couple recalled full-length set nets

being made at home.

A number reported huge shoals of herrings coming inshore during certain seasons and of

catching them with “jags” made of 3 or 4 large hooks soldered together. Shoaling kahawai or

barracouta were often herded and induced into a frenzy whereupon they were caught by poling

i.e. using a stout manuka pole with a short line and an unbaited, barbless hook – the fish are

simply flicked out of the water into the boat.

Bloater, being an oily fish, was regarded as one of the best baits, but as it has a soft flesh, it

would be wrapped in mackerel or squid to hold it on the hook.

Before the days of nylon cordage, ropes were usually cream or white manilla or hemp – prone to

rot and highly visible in the water. Several interviewees reported their elders dyeing ropes in

concoctions obtained from the bark of various trees or shrubs, then preserved by burial in black

muds for some weeks which would also fix the dye.

Some families had special kete for different purposes – some for wetfish, some for shellfish,

others for carrying gear. Several mentioned the care with which the fishing gear was handled and

stored between uses – everything thoroughly cleaned, hung up, dried and stowed tidily; lines,

nets and other gear properly stowed away.

Various home-made devices were described; kina dredges, different forms of knife for lifting

paua, and the fashioning of trolling lures, some using traditional materials such as paua shell.

A number of interviewees discussed practices for harvesting and treating supplejack, harakeke,

pingao and other botanicals used in the construction of traditional fishing gear.

6.7: Cultural Observances:

6.7.1 Seasons, Signs:

Most of the interviewees seem to have grown up in the transitional phase between a time when

customary fishing was undertaken in accordance with Maori beliefs, signs, seasons and cultural

practices, and a later time when such matters have been forgotten or are no longer regarded as

essential. Many remember snippets of the signs and seasons which triggered fishing practices in

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their parents’ and grandparents’ lives, but some remember only disjointed fragments, and other

have no idea what the fragments they remember mean.

The greatest consensus is reached about the flowering of the manuka which indicates that kina

are fat and snapper are in good condition. Some spoke of the flowering of the cabbage tree, rata,

rangiora, clematis, kanuka, willows, wattle, kowhai and gorse, although they were sometimes

ignorant of the significance. The calendar and the moon were believed to guide fishing activities,

but little of the detail of that knowledge has come down to the current generation. The phases

of the moon and the tides were considered to be the most significant factors in decisions about

fishing.

Some specialist knowledge related to the prediction of weather patterns persists to the current

time, especially around D'Urville Island. There appears to have been considerable knowledge

about seasons for particular fish and shellfish, including spawning seasons, although that too has

dimmed with time and, in some cases, lack of practice.

6.7.2 Karakia, Te Ika Tahi etc:Some families always practised karakia before setting out on a fishing expedition, but the

majority no longer carried on that tradition. The same applies to the returning of the first fish to

Tangaroa. Some believe the practices have been returning recently as a result of a revival of

teaching of te reo me ona tikanga in pre-schools and schools, and attempts to re-capture cultural

practices in danger of complete extinction. At least one of the tangata whenua – Ngati Koata –

has a dedicated person whose job is to unearth and record in detail as many of the tribe’s

customary practices as possible, and to compile information and hold wananga (teaching hui) to

acquaint members with the results of her investigations.

6.7.3 Tapu, Rahui:

Rahui (a temporary ban) are imposed when a death occurs (usually by drowning, but not always)

and are maintained for varying periods of time. Some old rahui in Queen Charlotte Sound were

respected for more than 170 years. Some localities are permanently tapu: sites near urupa (burial

grounds), sites of old battles, sites of disasters, or other localities of special significance. For

some Te Atiawa of Queen Charlotte Sound, a rahui has been in place in Tory Channel since the

Air Albatross plane crashed into the power cable, killing all passengers.

The scattering of ashes was also marked with a 6-month rahui in one case, and a much longer

rahui existed over an area where a family member died on his way to hospital.

Most rahui are communicated by word of mouth, rather than by a specific occasion or sign;

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ceremonies to lift rahui or tapu are more common. Most Maori residing in or visiting a

particular district, regardless of their tribal affiliation, respect rahui if they are aware of them, and

some Europeans do too.

Rahui have also been imposed when fishstocks are under threat, and quite a number of families

practise rotational harvesting in order to protect shellfish resources. There have also been rahui

when serious pollution or disease is suspected e.g. dead fish or shellfish, or a decomposing

whale.

One interviewee spoke of rahui if a hammerhead shark was seen, and especially if a hammerhead

died; the hammerhead is believed by many to be the embodiment of Tangaroa.

6.7.4 Other Cultural Practices:

A number of rules seem to apply across tribes and districts of Te Tau Ihu:

Never clean fish on the fishing ground. Scale, gill and gut it on shore and bury the

waste.

Never shuck or eat shellfish over the beds; such actions will cause the shellfish to

move away.

Don't put empty shells back on the beds.

If a grouper bleeds move off the hole as fast as possible.

Never urinate in the sea.

Never leave fish out under a full moon – it will be poisoned.

Take only what you need. Leave the rest for another day.

Menstruating women and girls must stay out of the water.

Don't turn your back on the sea.

Never take alcohol on fishing trips.

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6.8 Customary Fisheries Management and Customary Fishing Localities:

6.8.1 Customary Fisheries Management:

A number of interviewees made the comment that active fisheries management was not really

necessary when they were growing up because of the sheer aabundance of the fish available.

However, a number spoke of rotational harvesting, selective harvesting, and sustainable

harvesting which were practised as a matter of course.

There were also strict rules enforced to protect stream and river habitats frequented for eels.

Where the interviewees were living in a traditional Maori setting the kaumatua and kuia would

make such decisions.

Quite a number of species have been transplanted in the hope of establishing a mahinga kai

closer to home. Paua seem to be the most widely transplanted, although those who have done

the work caution that there must be suitable seaweed to feed the paua. One family has paua

“paddocks” which must not be touched unless there is an emergency such as unexpected

visitors. Another interviewee spoke of seeding up the coast near the households ( with paua and

kina) so that the families would have easy access to shellfish while the men were away shearing

or scrubcutting. Ngati Tama have a tradition concerning the transplantation of yellow foot paua

from Taranaki to Wakapuaka soon after the invasion of the late 1820s – early 1830s. Other

species transplanted with varying levels of success include crayfish, kina, mussels, pipi, cockles,

pupu, scallops, toheroa, Pacific oysters, and eels. Seaweed has frequently been transplanted too

to provide essential nutrients.

6.8.2: Localities for Customary Fishing:

Some families regarded their fishing grounds or whitebaiting or eeling spots as exclusive because

they were the landowners onshore from or immediately adjacent to the fishing grounds. Others

in s similar situation regarded the resource as communal. A number of interviewees told us that

they would not go fishing in an area they believed to be in another tribe’s or hapu’s or whanau’s

rohe without first seeking permission from the Kaitiaki or being accompanied by one of the

owners. It appears that there was a strong sense of respect for manawhenua and manamoana

even when the owners themselves did not demand such respect. In a few cases access to the

fishing grounds at a particular locality was very difficult without the Maori landowners’

cooperation.

Some fishing localities were believed to be exclusive because only certain people knew about

them e.g. spots to catch piharau, grouper grounds, crayfish holes, eeling spots etc. Prior to the

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advent of GPS technology some of these localities were identified by lining up a series of marks

involving features onshore or rocks in the sea. Expert Maori fishermen sometimes found

themselves being watched and followed by less successful European fishermen.

6.9: Statutes and Regulations:

Mitchell Research did not probe deeply into issues pertaining to statutes and regulatory

frameworks, as such matters were outside the approved brief under which this Report was

contracted. However, from the responses which were given it appeared that many of the

Mitchell Research interviewees knew little about either the statutory and regulatory frameworks

within which customary fishing/gathering/harvesting may take place, or the protective

mechanisms by which Maori may exercise some sort of management control over customary

mahinga kai. This is reflected in the fact that in 44 of the Mitchell Research interviews,

responses to such questions elicited little that was useful for the purposes of this study.

However, among the remainder, several who were more intimately involved in iwi trust affairs

and/or were active as Tangata Tiaki under the South Island Customary Fishing Regulations did

offer many useful observations.

In comparison, the Te Atiawa/Waikato University interviews generated rather more information

in this area, but their study was much more tightly focussed from a Waitangi Claims perspective

towards the re-acquisition, retention and management of all of the iwi’s former traditional

resources, including mahinga kai for all food-gathering, mahinga rongoa as source of customary

medicines and many other traditional resource issues.

Several themes regarding statutes and regulations involving customary, recreational and

commercial fisheries management, including a number of issues outside the jurisdiction of

MFISH, emerged during the interviews. These themes are dealt with in the following sections, in

no particular order of priority.

6.9.1 Taiapure and Mataitai Reserves were generally favoured as good management tools

for customary fisheries, although there were some qualifications:

There seemed to be some preference for taiapure because of the requirement that the

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wider community be involved in the establishment and management; it was felt that

with community support, there was a much greater chance of general acceptance of

any special regulations that may be imposed.

However, there must be a strong iwi presence on the management committee of any

taiapure, otherwise there may be capture by interest groups other than the tangata

whenua applicants.

There needs to be greater publicity that mataitai do not necessarily de-bar non-Maori

from such reserves – that a mataitai is simply a management tool.

The drawn-out nature of the application procedure was criticised; 7-8 years for the

Wakapuaka Taiapure recently gazetted was regarded as far too long.

A disputes resolution procedure needs to be incorporated in taiapure regulations or

in the statutory framework on which the regulations are based.

6.9.2 Customary Fisheries Regulations

These were also regarded as a good management tool, although there were a number of relevant

comments:

It is often still a hassle to get a permit, especially if the local Tangata Tiaki are not

available.

The regulations are acceptable for harvesting for large-scale special occasions, but

many other elements of traditional practice are not covered in any convenient way by

any of the regulatory frameworks. For example, there is a problem for food-

gatherers trying to supply large whanau on a regular (sometimes daily) basis.

Theoretically they either need to get a customary permit each day to avoid breaching

the recreational regulations, or the whanau needs to send a larger group of fishers to

do what 3 or 4 could otherwise catch.

There is some resentment that rahui provisions were omitted from customary

regulations.

There is some resentment that gazetted customary fisheries regulations are over-

ridden by other regulations such as those pertaining to marine reserves.

Some believe that instead of harvesting on an occasion-by-occasion basis, there

should be flexibility for marae to bulk harvest in anticipation of inevitable calls for

large-scale catering as tangi are recurring occasions at all of the marae of Te Tau Ihu,

as are frequent large hui.

Some Tangata Tiaki are outraged at the scale of harvest sought by some greedy

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applicants, and have refused to issue permits.

There is still a lack of appreciation of the scale of harvest required for some large

occasions, such as tangi of senior chiefs; 2 such tangi in Nelson during 2002 saw the

consumption of tonnes of fish as several thousand people visited to pay respects.

6.9.3 Marine Reserves:

While some supported the concept of marine reserves as having benefits for the environment as

a whole, and perhaps enhancing fishstocks in adjacent waters, there was more scepticism and

some criticism of such a “management” tool:

That marine reserves are far too passive and can’t really be called a management tool.

That the taiapure is a far better model in that regulations can be framed to actively

enhance or promote recovery of desired fishstocks, and remove predators and other

unwanted stocks.

For marine reserves to be successful, powers should be framed to allow active

intervention.

There is a rumour that some conservationists wish to remove and destroy kina which

are allegedly dominating other species in the Long Island Marine Reserve, but would

not agree to local iwi harvesting them for customary consumption or commercial

sale.

6.9.4 Legal Sizes and Catch Limits:

These are generally approved as management tools, although some believe that minimum size is

not a relevant consideration; other pertinent comments include:

There should be a maximum size (as with eels), beyond which fish must be returned

to the water, to ensure that breeding adults are retained in the fisheries.

Some recreational catch limits are ridiculously high; 3 or 4 fish is often the maximum

which any normal family group require.

6.9.5 Charter VesselsThe operations of commercial charter and other tourist vessels were regarded as enjoying a

favoured status which should be brought under much tighter control of an appropriate fisheries

management framework. The following observations were made:

That charter vessels take too many people who catch too many fish – other

recreational craft are limited to individual catch limits and to a maximum number of

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individuals (4 persons per boat) against whom a boat catch is counted.

That there is a tremendous wastage of fish on such vessels, as under-sized fish are

often cut up for bait, and many fish are eaten on board and therefore not available

for counting.

That MFISH officers should pose as tourists and travel on charter vessels to see for

themselves their practices; some iwi members have done this.

That as charter operators are commercial exploiters of fish resources, they should be

required to fish against commercial quota, and not be subject only to recreational

fishing rules.

6.9.6 Stock Assessments, Experimentation, Enhancement etc:

A number of comments were made in the general area of stock assessment, fisheries

experimentation and enhancement.

Some dissatisfaction was expressed regarding various techniques of stock assessment

which seem to overlook the habits of particular species. For example, commentators

noted that paua can move a considerable distance into deeper water (“10 chains between

tides”) to escape temporarily from turbid conditions in the shallows. If stock

assessment dives are made before the effects of such sea conditions have reversed,

quite unrealistic stock counts may be made. Iwi representatives from both D'Urville

Island and the Te Tai Tapu coast made similar observations in this regard.

The success of the Challenger Scallop Enhancement Programme is seen as a model

for the recovery and sustainable management of other fisheries. Some feel that

similar actions should be taken with paua and other stressed fishstocks.

“Fish-down” experiments proposed by NIWA scientists are seen as particularly

idiotic; the question is asked “what if the fishery doesn’t recover?” One iwi noted that they

were prepared to support a paua fish-down experiment provided the existing stocks

were re-located, not harvested, arguing that if there is no natural recovery, the fish

can be shifted back later. Apparently MFISH would not agree to this modification of

the experiment.

6.9.7 Recreational Fisheries:

It was suggested that recreational fishing should be subject to the same standard of

record-keeping as is now demanded of commercial fishing under the Quota

Management System and Fishery Permit Systems, and of traditional fishing under the

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South Island Customary Fishing Regulations.

Recreational fishing was seen as the worst threat to stock levels, given its relatively

unregulated nature, and the difficulties of enforcing compliance.

6.9.8 Local and Regional Authorities:

There was considerable resentment about decades of debilitating statutes and policies of

Government and Local agencies which have led to huge losses of customary habitats for the

Maori communities of the region. References were made to

pollution through sewage disposal, industrial effluent, farm runoff, weed control

inaction regarding remedying causes of pollution (e.g. of the waterways at the mouth

of the Wairau River and Vernon Lagoons)

habitat destruction through land clearances, roading, drainage, flood control,

subdivision and land use changes

lack of action, or reluctant late action, to reduce the destruction of coastal habitats

through ferry wash, compounded by an early illogical Environment Court decision

on the matter

losses of access to mahinga kai through subdivision and transfer of titles to less

sympathetic owners

losses of Maori-owned lands through river “controls” forcing flows to erode the

Maori lands at the Lower Wairau River; conversely, resentment was expressed that

most of the accretion due to the same causes occurs on the European-owned

properties on the opposite side of the river.

6.9.9 Other State Agencies, and General Crown Behaviour:

Mention was made of several causes of grievance with statutes, policies, regulations etc of a

number of other state agencies; examples included:

DOC’s discussions regarding possible installation of culverts through the causeway at

the Wairau Bar to re-instate tidal flows across the sand flats; regret was expressed

that those talks have led nowhere.

The protection of introduced species such as trout by DOC and other agencies was

also criticised, with interviewees recalling that Rangers required Maori to remove

their nets from various rivers in Marlborough in case trout should happen to caught

in them.

Reserves and Parks statutes which have extinguished customary harvesting – e.g.

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o in marine reserves

o at Lakes Rotoiti, Rotoroa and most other lakes in the region

o losses of various islands including the Titi Islands.

It was noted that many rivers and streams are now so polluted that they are denuded

of eels, piharau, freshwater mussels etc, yet access to alternative sources such as the

National Park lakes is now denied to Maori

The Crown was accused of being a thoroughly unwilling party in many issues

involving Maori, unless the Crown itself is the initiator of dialogue. It was noted that

the inevitable Crown reaction to any iwi/hapu attempt to assert rights is not to

sensibly discuss how these can be accommodated within available frameworks

currently available, but rather a mustering of the forces of the State to deny any

existence of such rights. Examples given included the foreshore and seabed claim of

Marlborough iwi, and the recourse to the Courts to try to deny Ngati Tama’s titles to

the Wakapuaka Estuary.

Better integration of the Fisheries Act and the Resource Management Act was

suggested, in part as a means of avoiding some of the jurisdictional issues which arise

from time to time. Proper consultation on how this might be achieved was also

suggested.

6.9.10 Seasonal Controls

A number of interviewees took issue with current seasonal controls and other management

regimes:

Whitebait seasons were seen as too rigid and often lacking relevance to the behaviour

of the fish themselves which often have big runs outside of the permitted dates

Can't be on rivers legally with a whitebait-type net outside of the whitebait season, to

catch inanga, smelts and the like, even though the preferred harvest periods for those

species lie outside of the dates of the whitebait seasons.

6.9.11 Restrictions of Customary Trade

There were criticisms of the inflexibility of all fishing regulations (recreational, customary or

commercial) to allow continuation of customary trading practices such as exchanging fish for

other local resources (e.g. exchanges of fish for farm produce or for wild game from hunter

families), or for resources held by tribes in other regions of the country – e.g. titi, totara (for

marae carvings), pounamu etc. A number confirmed that they continue to carry out these

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practices, even though they are likely to be breaking laws to do so.

6.10 Trading, Preparation and Preservation of Fish:

6.10.1 Trading:

Very little fish caught was sold or traded, apart from the fish caught by those Maori who made

their living as commercial fishers. In some families the line between commercial fishing and

customary fishing was a little blurred. The main exception was whitebait which was frequently

fished for sale. In most cases if surplus fish was caught it was shared around families, friends

and neighbours.

There was a fairly loose system of reciprocal koha which operated between and among Maori

families in different localities with different resources. For example, the abundant kaimoana

available to Waikawa families would be given as koha to families at Wairau, and whitebait,

potatoes or eels from the Wairau would be given in return. There was also a strong tradition

that families who lived close to bountiful fish supplies (at D'Urville Island, Queen Charlotte

Sound, Tory Channel, Whangarae) would make a special catch of fish for their whanaunga in

town whenever they made a trip to town. A few exchanged fish for goods (meat, groceries,

cigarettes) or services (doctor) and some sold fish for particular purposes (boarding school fees,

dental training, boat tickets etc). One family in Blenheim ran an informal barter market on

Sunday mornings, which allowed a number of people to exchange their own special harvest or

catch for other people’s.

6.10.2 Food Preparation and Preservation:

The great bulk of fish caught was eaten as fresh as possible, especially in the days before

household refrigerators, although some interviewees reported that their elders preferred their

fish to be hung for some time before cooking.

6.10.2.1 Reasons for Preserving: Preserving of fish was undertaken for a range of reasons:

as a buffer against poor weather which would make fishing impossible (sometimes at

places like D'Urville Island, rough weather may last for several days)

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for use when those who regularly fished were not available

because some fish caught, such as shark or conger eel were too big to eat all of it

fresh

to prevent waste

because particular species were available in large quantities only at certain times of

the year e.g. the tuna heke, shoaling kahawai, herrings etc

to provide the fish for the off-season, when particular species were not readily

available or were not good eating e.g.kina

to feed families who did not have the opportunity to fish regularly

to provide variety of presentation

to achieve certain tastes which were particularly desirable

to provide food which was easily portable as lunches for working people and school

pupils

to prepare food for taking or sending to relatives in other parts of New Zealand.

6.10.2.2 Methods of Preserving:

A wide variety of methods of preservation were used.

a. Pawhara: Perhaps the simplest and most traditional method of preservation was

the gutting, splitting and drying of fish on lines or poles, in trees, or sometimes in nets.

A range of species was preserved in this way including kahawai, moki, eels, tuere, shark

(usually in strips), cod (sometimes dried whole with the skin left on), octopus, wings of

rays, crayfish, and grouper heads. The lines had to be high enough to be above fly level,

although some interviewees remember being on duty with a switch to deter flies when

they were children. Some families dried fish within safes.

A windy day was the best drying medium, and fish needed to be covered or brought in

on moolit nights to avoid poisoning. Some people salted fish before drying. Those who

still dry fish say that wasps are a real problem now.

One family kept eels which had been salted and dried in butter boxes with layers of

brown paper. The children took them for school lunches.

b. Sundrying: Many smaller species were dried in the sun. Pipi, inanga, paua,

mussels, cockles and kina were strung on flax to dry; some of the larger ones were cut

into strips. They provided very convenient food for travelling, for snacks and for school

lunches.Inanga, whitebait, cockles and other small species were often sundried on

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corrugated iron or on cotton sheets so that they could be tossed easily.

Once dry they were stored in brown paper bags and could be soaked the night before use

to reconstitute them. Some families also dried whitebait for chook food.

c. Smoking: Smoking was a popular method for preserving fish, although it was

usually considered a shorter term method of preservation, and the smoked product was

not expected to be kept for a long time. Some smoked fish for the taste (and for variety)

rather than for preservation. Mussels (on a rack), eels, shark fin and liver, cod, mackerel,

conger eel, herrings, kahawai, trout were some of the species smoked regularly. Manuka

sawdust, leaves and branches were the first choice for the smoking fuel, with

pohutukawa and fruit trees used if manuka was not available. Some people salted, rinsed

and then sprinkled the fish with brown sugar before smoking.

One interviewee said the amount of smoking done in their household depended on the

amount of suitable sawdust available.

Another said that snapper was never smoked.

d. Pickling: A number of species were preserved in vinegar with a range of other

ingredients such as sugar, onions, puha, watercress, and other vegetables. Mussels,

salmon, herrings, freshwater mussels, and snapper roe were treated in this way. Herrings

were also pickled in tomato sauce with puha or watercress, and paua was pickled in hot

chowchow by one family.

e. Salting: Some species were salted down in tins or barrels. Kahawai, eels, and

whitebait were preserved in this way. One family salted kahawai especially for bait as the

process would result in a leathery product which would stay on the hook.

e. Preserving in Fat: Some fish was preserved by covering the cooked fish with

mutton fat or pork fat. Paua was mentioned as an example of the use of mutton fat.

f. Running Water: A number of species were kept for some time by immersion in

running water. Kina, for example, could be kept in fresh water for up to a week

(although the interviewee said the smell was terrible), and crayfish could be kept for

several days. (Vegetables such as corn and potatoes were also preserved in this way

g. Preserving in Oil:: One interviewee reported that mussels were sometimes

preserved in oil.

Maori methods of preservation required much teamwork, dedication and hard work, and

displayed considerable ingenuity. Some households had special facilities for drying, preserving,

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and smoking which were sometimes used by the wider community. One family had a safe dug

into the ground with water running over the top of it which was almost as good as a refrigerator.

Seacaves on the shady side of the bay or Tory Channel were sometimes used to keep fish at their

best for 2 or 3 days.

6.10.2.3 Cooking Methods:

Perhaps the most striking feature of Maori food preparation was the way in which virtually every

part of every fish or shellfish was used. Livers, roe, heads, bones, skin, eggs, unborn young (e.g.

of shark), and even the gut of some fish were used.

This approach was based on strong conservation principles which required that only what was

needed was to be taken, and that there be no waste. Most fish was cooked with the skin on, and

many fish were cooked whole so that everything could be eaten.

Women usually did the cooking although many men were quite skilled too.

Some reported that they always had bread to go with seafood.

a. Baking:

Cleaned tarakihi or cod was wrapped in leaves, covered with clay and seawater

and baked in the ashes of a fire on the beach.

Eel was cooked in a camp oven.

Eels were dusted with flour and baked.

Eels were baked on a tray in their own oil.

Whole fish were stuffed with bread or other stuffings and baked.

In later days fish was baked in foil in the oven.

b. Boiling:

Shellfish and fishhead and fishbone soups, or boilups of heads accompanied by

rewena or fried bread, were very popular.

“Sounds Stew” or “Maori Stew” consisted of boiled fish, onions, potatoes, puha

and/or watercress.

Blue mussels are bitter unles boiled.

Fish heads are always boiled.

Some eels were steamed for chook food.

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c. Grilling or Roasting:

Dried tuere are cooked on netting over an open fire.

Kotoritori consists of dried eels and rotten potatoes cooked on wire mesh over a

fire.

Conger eel is grilled.

d. Frying:

Paua hua (gut) makes good fritters (if not eaten raw).

Fish is floured, battered or breadcrumbed for frying.

Grouper is cooked as steaks.

Inanga are made into chips.

Fresh eel was dusted in flour and fried.

e. Hangi:

Only one respondent spoke of hangi cooking and said that children from as young as 6

were taught hangi methods by following the instructions of kaumatua.

f. Other Methods:

Freshwater mussels in onions and milk.

Cod livers and roes, cooked with butter and flour.

Whitebait cooked in eggs, butter and milk.

g. Some Tips:

Slice fillets of kahawai and shark on an angle – not so dry when cooked.

Some parts of the grouper (e.g. liver) are toxic at some times of the year.

Kopakopa are important food for pregnant and nursing mothers.

Moki makes some Ngati Koata women very ill.

Leave kina in a creek overnight to remove bitterness.

Roll a bottle over herrings to free flesh from bones and then lift bone out.

Put tuere in fresh water for several hours to kill them and to remove the slime.

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6.11: Other Issues:

This commentary is limited to a number of relevant themes which emerged; some of the issues

noted here are entered in the tables of the preceding sections of this report, but were not

discussed in the accompanying commentaries. No attempt is made here to comment on each

and every extraneous issue raised by interviewees, some of whom ranged far and wide in

response to the interview questions put to them.

6.11.1 Maori Perspectives of “Customary Fishing”:

It was emphasised that the term “Customary Fishing” is not a Maori term – rather, it is a

European term to describe something which European law regards as a special class of activity.

Interviewees stated that for Maori, fishing was a permanent part of everyday life, and not

something which was undertaken for special reasons, other than the special reason of survival.

Others re-affirmed the central role of fishing in the household economy of most Maori families

in the past, and for many still today. Fishing was described repeatedly as an essential part of the

domestic wellbeing of families and whanau; had fish not been available, hundreds of people

would have suffered even worse deprivation than was already the case compared with European

standards of living. Fish was the staple protein for the survival of the majority of Maori families

in the past, and had fish not been available in such quantities during the 1930s Depression years

and at many other times of low household income, then Maori would have been in an even more

parlous state than was the case anyway.

6.11.2 Wastage:

It was confirmed by many interviewees that nothing was wasted – that virtually every part of the

fish was used. One person said that even the shells were smashed for use as garden paths, as grit

or as fertiliser for the garden. Some had commented on “excess” fish being dug into the garden,

but this was not seen as wastage – from the fertilising effect came benefits for the growing crops.

Similarly, fish caught to provide food for fowls, pigs or dogs was also seen as an important part

of the domestic economy of Maori families.

Several recalled that fishing for sport was not a Maori value; some poured disdain on sport

fishing. While they admitted that catching a fish could be a satisfying experience as the end

result of considerable hard work, preparation, discomfort and some risk, and a lot of fun as well,

the aim and object was always food for the table. Many respondents spoke of instructions from

elders, sometimes emphasised with some vigour, that unless a fish was intended for eating, it was

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to be left in the sea: “don't kill that fish unless you are intending to eat it!”

6.11.3 The Whanau Expeditions:

The role of customary fishing as an important socialising influence in the lives of extended

families and friends was highlighted in the interviews. Many commentators had fond

recollections of large whanau picnics-cum-food gathering expeditions. On such days (or

weekends or longer), family members would not only catch and gather a wide variety of seafood

species, but also harvest a range of materials for a variety of traditional activities. Wild pigs and

deer would be hunted, birds and their eggs would be taken, pingao, kiekie, harakeke and other

botanicals for weaving would be gathered, mushrooms and banana passionfruit would be picked,

chestnuts would be gathered and so on. Everyone – even the youngest children – would have

jobs, so that all could contribute.

On the fishing side, the communal effort of dragnetting was a huge amount of fun which

involved everyone, from the oldest grandparents to infants barely able to walk – lots of hard

work, sweating, shouting, laughing, getting soaked etc followed by serious work on the catch,

and usually a feed cooked on the spot.

The feasting and partying which accompanied these occasions were fondly remembered. These

expeditions were socialising events which helped maintain the kotahitanga of the whanau/hapu,

and sometimes became family reunions as well, as distant family members often returned home

to participate.

As a matter of course on an everyday basis, fish catches were distributed to family and friends.

More than one commentator recalled with wry amusement their parents delivering fish to other

families on the way home from a fishing trip, only to get home and find that someone else had

hung a fish or two in their own safe.

6.11.4 The Sea as Prophylactic:

A small number commented on the curative aspects of immersion in sea water for cuts, grazes,

hakihaki (sores), school sores etc. Another recalled that his father used to bring a bucket of

seawater to an elderly Chinese neighbour every day for relief of the man’s chronic stomach

condition.

6.11.5 Changing Food Habits:

During the course of the interviews several people commented on the changing diets of

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European people which had shifted from low fish intake to a wide range of seafish and shellfish.

However a number also commented on the fact that their own diet had changed too, especially

with regard to scallops. They said that until relatively recent times many were not aware that

scallops were in the adjacent waters, even though from time to time storms would toss up shells

with animals inside. In large part the barriers which denied knowledge of scallops to Maori were

probably technological; until snorkelling became commonplace in the early 1940s, many did not

realise scallops were in relatively accessible waters. The next step was the development by

European interests of the commercial scallop dredge fishery, with the emergence of

technological adaptations such as small dredges for recreational harvests. For these various

reasons, for many Maori families, scallops are a relatively recent part of their diet.

6.11.6 Commercial Eeling and Commercial Eel Nets:

The fyke nets of the commercial eelers were hated by many Maori families, and from time to

time these would be removed from rivers and streams (and sometimes destroyed) by customary

eelers. In fact, commercial eeling remains one of the most deep-seated grievances of Maori of

Te Tau Ihu. The admission of each of the iwi of Te Tau Ihu to a 1-tonne entitlement to

commercial eel quota has done little to assuage the resentment which still simmers. Some

question the value of such quota when the fishery is so depleted that it is difficult to put one eel

on the table, let alone obtain a commercial catch.

6.11.7 Grievances re Titi and Other Customary Foods:

Representatives of several iwi strongly voiced grievances about their loss of titi harvest rights

and/or access to titi harvest areas. Ngati Kuia people in particular spoke of the wresting from

them of hereditary rights to the Titi Islands in Pelorus Sound. Some claimed they were

defrauded by the Crown into relinquishing their harvest rights; what was supposed to be only a

temporary closure to allow for the bird population to recover became permanent when the

Crown assumed control of the islands under the Reserves Act. This grievance is to be taken to

the Waitangi Tribunal, and similar issues may be raised by other iwi for other titi resource areas,

such as the Chetwode Islands, Glasgow Island etc off the Marlborough coast.

Other customary harvest rights, such as the gathering of eggs from seabirds and more recently,

swans, have also been lost to families, for many of the same reasons as for titi.

6.11.8 The Contemporary Customary Fishing Effort:

Today most customary fishing for day-to-day family use can be adequately provided for under

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the recreational fishing rules. It was not part of the Mitchell Research brief to conduct a

focussed audit of current levels of customary fishing effort in Te Tau Ihu as provided under the

Customary Fisheries Regulations; this material is available through the Kaiawhina’s records of

Tangata Tiaki permit allocations to customary fishers. However, what we have done is inquire in

an informal manner about the scale of customary fishing as indicated by interviewees who

happened to be Tangata Tiaki, and by casual discussions with a number of other Tangata Tiaki

who were not interviewed for this report.

During the past 18 months there have been two major tangi in Nelson for rangatira whaimana

(chiefs of high mana), each lasting several days. On both occasions the caterers had to provide

thousands of meals, for which hundred of kilograms of fish were required. For both tangi, one

Tangata Tiaki authorised 20-30 bins of cockles and 2 bulk bags of scallops; he also arranged

koha of considerable quantities of finfish and shellfish from Talleys and Sealords. Another

Tangata Tiaki authorised the catch of 1,600 kg of finfish for one of these tangi; a commercial

fishing vessel was “decommissioned” for the explicit purpose of catching and landing that fish.

In addition Tangata Tiaki in other districts of Te Tau Ihu (Golden Bay, Motueka, D'Urville

Island and Marlborough Sounds) issued permits for the gathering of significant quantities of

paua and kina which were sent to Nelson for these occasions. Attempts were also made to

provide quantities of eels, although that resource is now so badly depleted that only modest

numbers were taken. Marae in Golden Bay, Motueka, Te Hora, Waikawa, Wairau Pa and Omaka

all have to host tangi each year, and while most of these are on a more modest scale, permits

from Tangata Tiaki are usually necessary and in the aggregate the annual consumption of

“customary fish” must be quite significant.

Large-scale hui also occur reasonably frequently, and some of these require considerable

quantities of fish. Even one of the smaller marae, Onetahua in Golden Bay, has hosted sizeable

events, not the least of which was the re-opening of its meeting house in January 2001 when

several hundred people gathered for 2 or 3 days. That same marae hosted a national gathering in

late 2001 of the iwi of the Treaty Tribes Coalition, and the customary permits issued for that

event included 2 bulkbags of scallops and 1 of oysters (in addition to koha of cockles, mussels

and finfish from Talleys).

Even the smaller hui and the occasional whanau gatherings for weddings, 21st birthdays, family,

school and club reunions, Waitangi Day commemorations etc – for which customary fishing

permits are required - would, in the aggregate, also amount to significant tonnages each year.

While there remains some resentment about having to get permits to allow 2 or 3 individuals to

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fish for whanau gatherings,1 families’ day-to-day needs are generally not met through special

customary fishing permits, but are accommodated within recreational fishing regulations.

However, there does remain, and there will always remain, a considerable demand to access bulk

fish supplies through Tangata Tiaki authorisations.

6.11.9 The Loss of Knowledge:

The great regret expressed by many interviewees was the loss of knowledge they and their

families have experienced. This has occurred for a number of reasons:

the loss of te reo which is accompanied by a loss of concepts and values

modern lifestyles requiring urban residence for training and work

a trend towards having to work on weekends which prevents people from returning

to papakainga regularly

the dispersal of family members

a trend away from whanau living where children had considerable interaction with

grandparents

modern concepts about children’s work and children’s safety

a perception on the part of kaumatua and kuia that their specialist knowledge is no

longer relevant

an inability to practise customary fishing because of the destruction of habitats, loss

of access, and low numbers of fish and shellfish.

On the positive side there is optimism that the last 15 – 20 years of kohanga reo, whanau classes

and kura kaupapa primary schooling, and secondary and tertiary classes in Maori studies,

combined with marae and iwi drives to recapture lost language skills, history, tikanga and

traditional information, will help redress those losses.

But there is a real sense of sadness that the very sophisticated and detailed science which was

Maori fishing in Te Tau Ihu may never be fully revived.

1 As noted in paragraph 6.9.2, page 91 above.

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Chapter 7:

CONCLUSIONS

7.1 Te Tau Ihu o Te Waka a Maui (Nelson-Marlborough) offered an abundance of finfish,

shellfish and freshwater species to the succession of tribes who have occupied the region.

7.2 Archeological evidence indicates

considerable populations at various times over at least 800 years

Maori ingenuity and skill in the use of resources to manufacture fishing

equipment, and

significant exploitation of marine resources, especially shellfish.

7.3 Archeologists suggest that Maori dependence on fish and shellfish increased markedly

after the moa became extinct and seals were not so readily available. Some aspects of

midden deposits continue to puzzle.

7.4 European visitors and early settlers admired Maori fishing expertise and were very

pleased to enjoy the fruits of Maori labour and skill.

7.5 Up until recent times Maori of Te Tau Ihu relied heavily and sometimes entirely on fish

and shellfish as the staple protein in their diet. Fish and shellfish (both marine and

freshwater) were available in considerable quantity and variety close to all Maori

settlements, and even to those who lived in Nelson City and Blenheim. Maori

demonstrated considerable knowledge, skill and ingenuity in their fishing, preserving and

cooking methods. Strong conservation values, whanau values, and spiritual values

dictated fishing practice. The ability to catch or gather fish and shellfish saved some

families from starvation during difficult economic circumstances.

7.6 Unfortunately, Maori are no longer able to pursue their traditional fishing practices in

most areas of Te Tau Ihu. Inland waterways and estuaries have been damaged and

polluted to such an extent that many traditional fishing grounds no longer exist.

Commercial eeling has stripped many rivers and creeks. Foreshores and seabeds have

been modified so that they no longer support shellfish. Commercial exploitation of

finfish, paua, kina and crayfish has decimated fishstocks, and recreational fishing and

illegal activities continue to do so. Aue! eeeeeeeeeeeeee

7.7 Maori of Te Tau Ihu hope that recent initiatives to protect and rebuild stocks and

habitats may salvage at least some of the taonga they have lost.

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Appendix 6.10.1:

Extracts from David Alexander: Reserves of Te Tau Ihu Vol I

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Appendix 6.11.2: Application Area for Customary Marine Titleby Tahuaroa-Watson Whanau

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Appendix 6.11.3: Application Area for Customary Marine Titleand Sites of King Salmon Ltd’s Proposals

Papatua

Kaitapeha

Ruamoko

Ngamahau

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Appendix 7.1: Federation of Maori Authorities Model

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