Pacific Islands Public Policy Project Victoria … Islands Public Policy Project Victoria University...

Pacific Islands Public Policy Project

Victoria University of Wellington

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MPs and their Constituents

Report on a Pacific Islands Public Policy eSeminar, 12-13 July 2012

Introduction

The need to build knowledge, networks and action to improve Pacific Islands public policy was identified in 2011 discussions facilitated at Victoria University of Wellington (VUW) with partners in Pacific Islands Forum countries and supportive institutions. VUW School of Government (SoG) associate Professor Graham Hassall facilitated the networking and knowledge sharing that identified needs public policy practitioners might focus on in quarters and years ahead through the Pacific Islands Pubic Policy Programme (PIPP). VUW SoG Honorary Fellow and Director of the Centre for Citizenship Education, Anthony Haas, supported the facilitation and action planning.

Consultations between academics, public policy practitioners, media and other specialists on Pacific Islands’ affairs in 2011 identified needs, which in the second half of 2012 will include urbanisation, and leadership. The first eSeminar, and those initially proposed for the future, will identify ideas that networks can consider – and act on - in the future.

On 12th-13th July 2012 the Pacific Islands Public Policy Project in the School of Government held its first eSeminar, on the theme MPs and their Constituents. Participants joined in from New Zealand (Wellington and Auckland), Papua New Guinea (Port Moresby), Fiji (Suva), Solomon Islands (Honiara), and Samoa (Apia).

The purpose of the eSeminar was to ask such questions as: what is the relationship between the Member of Parliament and their constituency? In what sense does the MP “represent” the constituency? In what ways do constituents influence the MP? In what ways do current conceptions of representation benefit public policy processes? In what ways do they constrain public policy processes? What initiatives are underway to improve relations between MPs and their constituents? How are these working?

These issues are important because in Parliamentary democracies, national leadership is premised on constituents electing representatives to the legislative body, delegating to these representatives the responsibility of forming a government, advising that government of their interests and needs, and monitoring the efforts that the government is making to satisfy these needs: the legitimacy of Parliamentary democracy rests on the ability of Parliament and its members to be conscious of these functions and to fulfil them.

In Pacific Islands’ context, Parliamentary democracies were established between the 1960s and the 1990s. Whist these democracies are in some ways succeeding, there are many areas of concern. Moreover, whilst there are many diligent leaders in Parliament, the public sector, civil society, and the private sector, there appears to be broad public scepticism about the MP, and the relationship of the MP to his or her constituency. The purpose of this eSeminar was thus to learn about this relationship, as part of a broader inquiry into Public Policy Processes in the Pacific Island Countries.

On the first day, the seminar was presented with four specific issues for initial discussion: electoral dynamics, MP performance in Parliament, MP performance in their constituencies, and MP oversight



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of the executive branch of government. A second day considered the topic of MPs, civics, and the role of the media.

I. MPs and their Constituents

A. Electoral Dynamics

Apart from a few isolated cases, such as the 2012 elections in Papua New Guinea and 2007 elections in Marshall Islands,1 few systemic problems have been reported about the administration of elections in PICs. There is, on the other hand, widespread acknowledgment of concern about improper and even corrupt campaign practices. Whereas it is often believed that corrupt electoral practices are instigated by candidates, they can also be instigated by voters, who seek to extract benefits from candidates during the campaigning period. In Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and elsewhere, this is a form of “patronage politics”. 2

If there is an issue regarding electoral administration in PICs, it concerns the failure of governments to give non-permanent electoral authorities sufficient time to prepare for elections. In Fiji in 2001, for instance, preparations commenced in May, just four months prior to polling day. Those elections saw an increased number of informal votes and less voter turnout, worse than 1999 – which can be interpreted as an increasing protest by voters about the system as a whole. 2006 election preparation was similarly rushed, leading to inadequate preparation of rolls, and inefficient ballot production methods.

Cultural factors greatly influence constituency relations. For instance, in Samoa, aspects of the Matai system dominate electoral and democratic processes. Only Matai may stand as candidates for election. Whereas democratic theory places the MP as answerable to the electorate, the superior rank of Matai over commoners makes this task quite difficult, since calling an MP to account through democratic means can be interpreted as disrespect for the rank and status of a traditional leader.

Although campaign periods often feature the interests of political parties, constituents in some countries vote less on party lines – let alone on issues - but on kin relations.

The cost of campaigning, and the expenses incurred by candidates, are becoming so considerable as to impact on the subsequent activities of both successful and unsuccessful participants. In Samoa, MPs reportedly need a minimum 100,000 tala to start their campaigns. On polling day all public transport is closed, forcing many MPs to provide transport to convey their supporters to polling stations.

Religion can also be a strong influence on electoral dynamics in a community. however, whilst religious authorities might contribute well to keeping peace and stability, strong clerical voices can

1 Marshall Islands. Commission of Inquiry into the 2007 General Election. Marshall Islands.

Commission of Inquiry into the 2007 General Election. Majuro: Commission of Inquiry into the 2007 General Election, 2008.

2 See http://report.globalintegrity.org/reportPDFS/2007/Papua%20New%20Guinea.pdf, and http://www.forumsec.org/resources/uploads/attachments/documents/PIFS_Good_Leadership_Report_PNG.pdf etc) and http://pngexposed.wordpress.com/2011/05/



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also serve to restrict discussion in situations where constituents hold viewpoints but which they do not expose for fear of stepping beyond what their church considers a proper viewpoint. Although freedom of religion and freedom of expression and association are guaranteed in national constitutions, such freedoms are often constrained in practice, especially at village level.

Although the act of voting is theoretically conducted “secretly”, many PIC constituencies are small, and voting patterns are known: candidates have means of identify the loyalty or otherwise of family members, kin groups, and others in their areas of interest. With this exposure of the “secret vote” by other means, constituents do not feel free in voting according to personal preference.

The acceptance of candidates with criminal convictions is also well documented. One high profile case in Vanuatu is Barak Sope, who although convicted of fraud against the state, was pardoned by the Head of State and released from prison in time to contest and re-gain his seat in Parliament. At the 2012 general elections in Papua New Guinea a number of incumbent MPs facing trial were nonetheless returned to Parliament by their constituents.

In Samoa, the Electoral Act prevents those with criminal convictions from running (although this is currently being reviewed - there is an MP with a criminal record elsewhere, but in his second term). In Solomon Islands the Commonwealth Governance program has recently completed a report for government that notes the public’s view that eligibility to contest general elections be premised on production of a clean police report.

The integrity of Members of Parliament can be damaged by the actions of a few. For instance, MPs attending a regional meeting on hiv/aids in 1994 made media headlines when they reported to police that they had been robbed by women whom they had brought into their hotel rooms. Such instances of hypocrisy damage the image of the MP in the eyes of the public.

The LNA completed for the Parliament of Fiji in 2002 noted scepticism by citizens about their MPs, whom they criticised for their lack of connection to constituents and their lack of visits. As is well known, Fiji’s democratic system was suspended by the military in 2006, but is expected to hold general elections under a new constitution and electoral law in 2014.

Gender is a significant issue in pacific Parliaments, since members are predominantly male. Whether or not special measures should be taken to address this imbalance evokes a range of arguments. The affirmative argument is that “temporary special measures” such as allocating reserved seats for women will “break the cycle” of male dominance and will show the nation what women can achieve in the legislature. the negative argument is that the current voting pattern reflects the wishes of these societies, and that this can only be addressed through cultural change, rather than electoral engineering. women who support this view say they would prefer to win against men on an equal platform, rather than enter Parliament under an affirmative program that does not have the respect of the male members.

Several countries have taken the ‘temporary special measures’ route. In Samoa a constitutional amendment that becomes law in august 2012 requiring 5% of Parliament to be women affect the 2016 Parliament.

It is often remarked at “all politics is local”. In Pacific Island context, it is certainly the case that constituents vote for a leader on the basis of local considerations, rather than national. MPs are



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usually highly sensitive to this fact, with implications for the preoccupations of the national Parliament.

Across the Pacific, turnout at general elections is high, but as with democracies in other parts of the world, the percentage of eligible voters actually voting is reducing at each general election. Observers may blame overseas migration, inaccuracies in the electoral roll, or limited understanding of particular electoral systems by the people. In Tonga, turnout at elections in 1999 was 51% of registered voters.

B. MP performance in Parliament

The manner in which members of Parliament carry out their duties within the legislature is remarked on at length in the media and in popular discourse but is seldom the object of more systematic scrutiny. UNDP has conducted “Legislative Needs Assessments” for nine Parliaments in the region, and a number of these have been translated into Parliamentary Strengthening projects, or have provided direction to induction programs at commencement of each new Parliament.3 However, LNAs did not assess the skills or training needs of MPs, and were focused on the institution as a whole rather than the performance of individuals within the institutional setting of Parliament and constituency. A current project “Parliamentary Careers: Design, Delivery and Evaluation of Improved Professional Development’ lead by Professor Ken Coghill at Monash University is aimed at such an assessment, with data from more than forty legislatures globally.4

Three features of Parliamentary practice in Pacific Islands context should be noted: the lack of strong party affiliations, the lack of legislative activity by individual MPs (such as private-members bills), and lack of strong committee practices. As a result, Parliamentary activity is for the most part dominated by the agendas of the executive branch of government.

In Tuvalu few elected MPs have developed and presented to their constituents a manifesto of what they intend to achieve during their four year term, and most policies at community level are formulated by the Rural Development Department at the central government.

However, individuals can make a difference. Following Vanuatu’s 2008 national election Ralph Regenvanu – a much-hyped candidate and a high–profile new member, raised the level of debate by ensuring that draft legislation was distributed publicly for members to read and consider prior to debate within the legislature. His contributions on the floor raised the level of critical analysis within the Parliament. He was the only MP making use of the internet and email communication.

The reputation of the Papua New Guinea Parliament has been damaged by the actions of MPs and their political parties over an extended period of time. Most recently, a political battle between long-time Prime Minster Michael Somare and Peter O’Neil reached farcical levels: after Parliament replaced Somare with O’Neil on the basis that the former had missed three consecutive sessions without the permission of the speaker, Somare successfully petitioned the courts for relief and was “re-instated” as head of government. The Parliament, in response, met at 6pm to pass retrospective 3 See http://www.undppc.org.fj/pages.cfm/our‐work/democratic‐governance/strenthening‐parliaments‐democratic‐institution/pacific‐parliaments/undp‐pacific‐parliamentary‐resources/ 4 See http://www.buseco.monash.edu.au/mgt/research/governance/parliamentary‐careers/



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legislation legitimating the O’Neil government, and in so-doing undermining in the eyes of many the standing of the Supreme Court.

MPs do not all fill identical roles in Parliament: there are different expectations and demands depending on whether an MP is a minister and member of cabinet, a committee member or committee chair; and MP skills and experience will vary depending on whether they are in their first term or some subsequent term.

There are different perspectives on whether and to what extent MPs are obliged to vote in accordance with prevailing opinion in their electorates. There are examples from New Zealand in which MPs approached “conscience votes” on such matters as alcohol and contraception by conducting a survey of constituent views. However, other MPs note that there will always be a variety of views within their constituency and thus vote in accordance with their own views to ensure consistent application of their principles.

1. Parliamentary Resources

Part of the challenge is providing Pacific parliaments with adequate funding. Most lack an independent funding allocation, and rely on the government of the day to release sufficient resources. In Solomon Islands a new building is opening at the National Parliament in September 2012 to provide offices for individual MPs and the Parliament’s Officers (Speaker and Clerk) are working toward “autonomy” (ie, an independent fiscal allocation). In Tonga, also, a new complex will include a legislative chamber that includes a gallery for the public.

2. Parliamentary committees

In Fiji parliamentary committees were operating but few of their findings were given consideration by the legislature or the government. In Solomon Islands, Parliamentary Committees have been strengthened under the ISP but still lack sufficient financing to conduct their work properly. They have recently expanded from five to 10 in number, and this is one sign that they are working well. The Samoan LNA identified a need for more parliamentary staff. There are currently 7 committee clerks, including stenographers. Most MPs are members of one or more committees, and committee secretariats find it a challenge to coordinate committee schedules.

There is scope for creativity in the functioning of parliamentary committees. For instance, they can be empowered to co-opt specialists should a particular area of expertise not be represented in the parliament. This is allowed, for instance, in the Standing Orders of the Tongan and Solomon Islands Parliaments.



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C. MP performance in constituencies

The manner in which members of Parliament carry out their duties outside the legislature is again more remarked on anecdotally than through systematic observation or methodological inquiry. When parliament and its committees are not in session, MPs are theoretically available to serve their electorates (the Prime Minister and those with ministerial portfolios of course have less unstructured time, but on the other hand are more likely to have access to government-sponsored offices, vehicles and means of communication). Most MPs undertake overseas travel although the destinations and purposes of this travel have not been studied.

Some MPs choose their place of residence on the basis of potential returns. In Fiji, for instance, if MPs lived beyond 30 kms from Suva they were able to claim a sitting allowance for that day. This encouraged some MPs who were living in Suva to claim that they lived in Tailevu in order to qualify for additional allowances, until this practice was queried by the Auditor General. Each MP received FJD 7000 for constituency work (for what time period? Per year? Per parliament?), and some members used this fund to establish an office. But there were constant complaints that MPs were not seen after an election. Issues were usually reflected in questions put in question time and the content of MP speeches. The political parties differed in their ability to interact with constituents. The Labor Party, in opposition, had effective party-machinery, but although the party leader announced his constituency visits in the newspapers, remained a ‘top down’ organization. The ruling SDL party was more recently established, and had less-developed machinery for outreach to constituents.

In Tonga during parliamentary sessions between May and November MPs visited their constituencies using the four return airfares allocated to them in the standing orders – apart from Ministers – who had separate entitlements with their portfolios, and Tongatapu members, since the Legislature was on their island. MPs were accompanied on constituency visits by legislative staff to talk about the role of parliament and how the public could participate in law-making through parliamentary committee processes.

Yet despite constituency visits by MPs there remains a perception that they didn’t focus on community concerns and didn’t understand community issues, and that they mostly visited to gather electoral support rather than to undertake any needs assessment.

In Vanuatu the Constituency Development Office helps the MP with their visits to their members. However, the very structure of the Constituency fund is problematic, since it is being paid directly into MP accounts together with their salary, leading constituents rightly to presume that MPs are cashed up, and creating insurmountable obstacles to transparency and accountability.5

In Tuvalu the ability of MPs to represent their constituents effectively is limited because most of them choose to reside on Funafuti, which removes them from first-hand awareness of the main problems in their own constituents.

There are no studies exploring just how MPs in PICS represent their constituencies, and with what results. Few if any PI parliaments provide MPs with sufficient resources to maintain constituency offices, and this inevitably limits the times and places where constituents might come into contact

5 Comparative information on MP salary packages is set out at http://www.asgp.info/Resources/Data/Documents/DXITYVQTFYZONXSRBKKZUEXXAFSDFQ.pdf



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with their MP. Unless the MP has a published schedule of constituency visits, the average constituent will only be able to “petition” their member at the MPs home or during parliamentary sessions. This has been the case in the Solomon Islands. If the MP dwells more in town than his or her constituency, those constituents in remote constituencies have even less access. In Solomon Islands for instance, people reside on numerous remote islands and know little of national affairs as they are run from the capital, Honiara. A former member of Parliament, Alfred Sasako, has recently called for “online profiling” of MPs to improve transparency and accountability by monitoring the extent to which they deliver on the promises.6

Few parliaments provide MPs with email addresses, so that even those who have access to the internet are using a private email address which is not necessarily available to his or her constituency.

In some countries MPs are provided with substantial “electoral development funds” which should bring them into constant contact with their electorates. In Solomon Islands, MPs have funds to visit their constituencies twice per year.

Source: Celsus Talifilu

However, it can be the case that the existence of significant funds keeps the MPs away from their constituencies, as they tire of requests for money. Abuse of constituency funds, or at least a lack of reporting on expenditure, occurs in a number of PI countries, and the legality of MP practices in obtaining and holding constituency support can be questionable.

In Papua New Guinea, DSIP funds are disbursed through the Office of Rural Development (ORD). Although ORD conducted a review of DISP expenditure in 2010, the results were never made public, reinforcing the public’s perception – and anecdotal evidence – that the funds were not being used to effectively promote the public interest.

Although lack of transparency in disbursement of electoral funds is a widespread concern, there are examples of good practice. In Solomon Islands the late Fred Fono established a committee in his

6 Alfred Sasako, “Online Database Suggested For Profiling Solomon Islands MPs: System would increase accountability of officials to constituencies”, Solomon Star, July 31, 2012.



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constituency to decide on the allocation of funds, and made the results of expenditure a matter of public record.

In Vanuatu MPs must report to parliament on their use of constituency funds but only one member has done so. He reported his visit to all the villages in his constituency to directly distribute a portion of his 3,000,000 vatu (30,000) constituency fund. Although this cash payment may appear an unusually open form of cash distribution, this MP reasoned that given the lack of provision of services to these constituents by government, this cash payment met the expectation of the people who voted for him.

There is widespread concern about MPs promising help to their constituencies but having little ability to initiate action. A case in point was MP response to a Tsunami which hit the Tongan island of Niuatoputapu and destroyed no less than 79 houses: despite appeals from these affected home-owners, government has been very slow to provide assistance, and initial MP responses were of little practical value.

The implications of the distinction between urban and rural constituency deserves fuller consideration. Although all communities at local level desire the same services – such as clean water, health and education services, roads and other infrastructure, the condition of these services often differs dramatically depending on whether the context is rural or urban. MPs in urban constituencies may therefore face a different set of challenges to those in rural ones, and constituents in urban settings possibly have greater access to their MP than do those in rural settings.

D. MP oversight of executive

A key role of the MP is oversight of the executive branch of government. However, in most PICs there is little value seen in being a “parliamentarian”. Some respond by emphasising the role of an active opposition. Some feel that MPs, in general, do not understand the roles that are expected of them, and need awareness training on their roles at the time of their induction.

The level of awareness that constituents have of MP roles also needs consideration. Where voters do not understand the roles of parliamentarians, the latter feel obliged to meet the demands of the former rather than the demands of the parliament, since it is the voters who will determine whether they are returned at the next election, not their fellow MPs, the Speaker, or parliamentary administrators.

There is also the issue of patronage. In coalitions where there are not enough ministerial offices, jobs need to be given to support groups. This is has been the pattern in Vanuatu and elsewhere. Because some PI parliaments are politically fractured and fragmented one of the key paybacks to supporters, in addition to constituency funds, is political jobs. The minister for education, for instance, may have a political advisor who has been given the job as payback rather than for expertise in education.



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E. MP training

Induction programs have been run by UNDP, often in conjunction with the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, the Centre for Democratic institutions, and other development agencies. UNDP has provided parliamentary strengthening projects to Solomon Islands, Marshall Islands and from 2012, Samoa. There has been no assessment of the extent to which Members of parliament use parliamentary library or other research services and resources.

The Centre for Citizenship Education, which was supported by the Commonwealth Foundation to build citizenship education capability for Tonga on the eve of implementation of political reform in 2010, and to seek partners to roll out and adapt experience for other Pacific citizens, identified action options about “Media MPs and Constituents”. The Clerk of the Tongan Parliament welcomed and prioritized these options as part of efforts by his office to take Parliament to the people, with positive involvement by media. The priorities of the team in the Office of the Tongan Clerk were for:

Facilitating annual workshops to bring media and MPs together to build their relationship and trust: such facilitation could go beyond MP’s face to face programmes covered by MPs annual constituency visits,

training trainers who in turn could return and train the MPs, the secretariat and the media at large,

providing intern opportunities in press galleries for journalists preparing to increase their coverage of Parliament,

and developing appropriate publications at agreed frequency.

The Tongan Clerk, the Media Council of Tonga, other media and MPs are interested in deepening their conversation, partnerships and projects drawing on local and other ideas for media roles in communicating between MPs and citizens.

II. MPs, Civics, and the Role of Media

“Civics” refers to education of citizens in their common history and ongoing collective interests. Of course, the details of civics differ by country, in accordance with history and culture. In Solomon Islands, for instance, the notion of “citizenship” as belonging to a common nation has not yet taken hold, and many Solomon Islanders identify more with their province than their nation.

In Vanuatu civil society includes churches, chiefs, NGOs, women and youth, media, political parties and politicians – all have a role in educating citizens. In Tonga, 126 NGOs are registered under TANGO, an umbrella organization which represents the voices of civil society to the government. It includes four churches (FBOs): Methodist, Wesleyan, Anglican and Catholic churches.

One essential aspect of civics is promoting public awareness of the roles of parliament and its members, as well as the structure and operation of parliament. One important question, however, concerns the extent to which civic awareness is the responsibility of the Parliament itself, or the



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responsibility of other agencies. MPs have a role in civics – they have the networks and the vested interests.

The demographic composition of Pacific Island societies will have bearing on future dynamics between MPs and constituents. They are youthful societies who are concerned about the current lack of services available to them, and about the lack of opportunities for them. We can expect them to increase their demands from government, but there are questions about how these demands will be put. In Solomon Islands there is supply of information at present, but little citizen demand. Vanuatu has an unprecedented youth population and leadership will be challenge (?). Political leaders have national challenges but also need to change civil society, or customary institutions at grass roots. In Papua New Guinea, voters have very little information on the type of candidates they are voting for and the media can help explain their backgrounds. There are also difficulties in accountability, transparency and good governance, many institutions mandated to carry out these roles have not necessarily been effective, whether due to budget constraints or otherwise.

Some may say that governments have a responsibility to impart information. In the case of New Zealand, government television services not only include coverage of parliament, but also a Maori Television station. But on the other hand, one could ask whether citizens trust government media. Clearly, there is a need for independent media.

In Tonga there has been lack of understanding the role of the assembly both by MPs and constituents – failure of members to scrutinize the government – they thought that being in the assembly was being part of the government, and that the Assembly belonged to the king and not the people. The people had negative views of the legislative assembly – members were popularly perceived as being overpaid. Since school civics includes Tongan culture but not the Tongan political system, the Tongan parliament has devised a communications strategy, which includes establishing essay competitions in schools on role of the parliament, establishing fact sheets, a student companion, and holding workshops for teachers and public servants.

In Fiji up to 2005, the parliamentary secretariat prioritized community visits, public education, and employed a permanent media officer. The public and the media were able to observe parliamentary proceedings, which were broadcast over television station Fiji One 9am to 3pm (but if members spoke in vernacular – Fijian or Hindustani - this may have put off those who couldn’t understand). The parliamentary had an up-to-date website, was running youth parliaments and developing fact sheets.

The program “Close Up” often addressed parliamentary issues, and the Fijian-language program “Voice of the People” had a large following. The major NGOs had good relations with government but there was always need for enhanced civic education. NGOs commented that they bore the burden of civil education, for instance, concerning the provisions of the 1997 constitution.

Up to 2006 the Fiji parliament had a dedicated media liaison officer and enjoyed a good relationship with the media. The media liaison officer met on several occasions with the Fiji Media Council to hear their concerns, and as there were inexperienced journalists reporting on Parliament, there was a request for a workshop on parliamentary practice and procedure.

It unfortunately seems to be the case that many constituents in PICs only relate to their members of parliament through the distribution of constituency funds. Where states are not delivering services to a level desired by the people, voters have a certain hold over MPs, to deliver material benefits to fill gaps in essential government programs.



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Traditional broadcast media includes radio, television and newspapers. however, one should not assume that these technologies are uniformly available across the Pacific. During 2004-2008, for instance, Vanuatu’s radio transmitter was not functioning and most people living outside the capital had no connection with debates on the key policy issues. In Tuvalu, Media is under the Office of the Prime Minister and there is no private media organization. One proposal is that communities, NGOs, and the private sector be allowed use Tuvalu Radio during periods when the government is not transmitting, as this would increase the community’s ability to express its views on the government’s policies and programmes.

Despite limitations on mass media infrastructure, there has nonetheless been rapid expansion of communications through internet and mobile technologies. In Vanuatu, for instance, there has been an explosion of discussion and debate about key issues since the 2008 elections due to the opening up of the telecommunications market to the extent that there are now more mobile phone subscriptions than there are people.7 Costs have decreased. The radio transmitter is fixed, talk-back radio has re-started, and people call in from all around the country.

Freedom of expression cannot be taken for granted and such bodies as the Pacific Freedom Forum (http://www.pacificfreedomforum.org/) have been established in response to the need to protect media freedoms. In Papua New Guinea in 2012 bloggers were being warned by police that they were breaking the law by criticizing government – which clearly is not true. In Vanuatu there are some good journalists who are too scared to speak up about political and policy issues. In one well-documented incident an MP and eight accomplices beat up a publisher when he didn’t like a story that had been printed, and on another occasion a Politician entered a newspaper office to threaten a journalist with an iron bar, necessitating the journalist to hide in a cupboard.

Finally, in looking at political communication in Pacific Islands context, unique cultural characteristics must be borne in mind. Although mass media are one vital means of communication, traditional patterns remain important. In Vanuatu, for instance, much discussion takes place informally in the “kava bar” during the evenings; each Pacific society has its traditional site of dialogue and debate, where sensitive views or pieces of information are traded in social context.

A. Civic Education

In the New Zealand context, the Centre for Citizenship Education created a civic education curriculum based on publishing of resources; having good policy; building ability of professionals to transfer knowledge and building capability. CCE’s www.decisionmaker.co.nz illustrates the publication of independent and authoritative multi-media reference resources – periodically updated - on how Parliament, government and the big picture work. Newsletters published by the Office of the Clerk in New Zealand and other state agencies illustrate the contribution official information can contribute to the public’s right to know. New editions of independent and official publications could

7 Just before the 2008 election the government de-regulated telecommunications. Although the number of phones increased rapidly the government almost fell over the issue, as the opposition argued that the government had given away a billion vatu worth of shares but did not also point out the benefits of the policy shift.



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include briefings, profiles and case studies for Pacific citizens. Such citizenship education can assist MPs, officials, students, media and other stakeholders to participate in their political systems. The Samoan parliament has plans to improve media relations. It wants to disseminate information to the public regardless of their location and income capacity, so as to provide this service equitably across the nation. They want to reach women, youth, and the disabled – the marginalized groups who might require additional means of access to information. The project has limited funds so is looking for cost effective projects, such as publishing will columns in mainstream newspapers. Existing staff will have to take this as additional duties. The Samoan media is not obliged to cover the proceedings of parliament and because the AM radio frequency does not cover all outer islands, the parliamentary strengthening project is seeking ways to ensure that its messages reach the whole population.

One aspect of civic education concerns the role of women in leadership. A number of development agencies are assisting in the cultivation of women candidates.

B. Communications and social media

All PICs have print media to greater or lesser extents. Some newspapers are government-owned whilst others are privately owned but either way, newspapers are more often politically aligned than neutral. In Vanuatu the independent newspaper is owned by an offshore business house that backs a group of politicians, and journalists with the Daily Post are known for their political alliances.

However, there is a paradigm shift underway in the media industry, with the down-sizing of mass-media at the same time that social media is on the increase. Although mass-communications remain limited in some parts of the Pacific, there has nonetheless been considerable expansion in access to information in the past five years. There has been a shift from lack of information to information overload and the need to filter. Communications takes the form of newspapers, radio, mobile telecommunications and the internet. The removal of telecommunications monopolies in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands and elsewhere has drastically reduced the cost of phone calls, and this has seen increased participation in talk-back radio shows and blog sites.

In Tonga, parliamentary sittings were broadcast live, but then broadcast in delayed and shorter form. These broadcasts stimulated interest in bills. Prime Minister Sevele had his own radio program.

Not all countries in the region have traditions of holding press conferences, whether at parliament or elsewhere. In Samoa, press conferences are called by political parties, whose party whips invite the media to their party offices for briefings.

Social media has become an important feature – there is a new consciousness. There are, for instance, an estimated 300,000 Papua New Guineans on Facebook, from a population of seven million. UNDP’s Pacific Centre communicates actively on Facebook and Twitter, and is assisting Pacific Parliaments develop their websites. Political actors appear to be the slowest to adapt to the changing technology landscape; the people are going online and having the conversations without them.

On the other hand, there are serious concerns about how social media is being used, as unmediated websites also carry “mudslinging”, and many unsubstantiated statements, allegations, and refutations.



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In Papua New Guinea during considerable political instability in 2011-12, many bloggers shared information on Facebook and Twitter, but such reports got no traction until it they were picked up by a trusted source and fact-checked. There was thus an element of self-moderation or correction, with others responding on such sites as yume toktok stret and sharp talk to correct mis-information.

In one specific episode concerning criticism of police handling of a demonstration at the Port Vila Airport, social media erupted with running commentary and harsh criticism, which in turn prompted the police to invite Facebook participants to come to the police station to explain themselves.

Recent discussion in Vanuatu about the government’s decision to join the World Trade Organization provides another example of an important topic which was subject to emotional discussion rather than informed debate. It highlighted the responsibility of NGOs to put out reliable and relevant information rather than one-sided, incomplete, or even inaccurate information.

In fact, government attitudes to social media are negative rather than positive. Many government departments block access to Facebook and similar social media sites, rather than viewing them as a legitimate tool for communicating with the public on policy issues.

C. Public opinion

It is difficult to gauge “public opinion” in Pacific Island societies. In addition to the uneven distribution of mass media, and the diverse geographic and social disposition, is the fact that few surveys are conducted on a systematic basis. In Solomon Islands RAMSI has conducted several surveys to assess the public response to its presence in the country and its efforts in post-conflict rehabilitation,8 and in Fiji Tebutt polls were produced periodically up to 2006, and an opinion poll conducted by the Lowy Institute in 2011 received considerable media attention and scrutiny.9 At least one polling exercise has been conducted in Tonga. It was criticized by some MPs whom it did not depict favorably, but on the other hand was used by some candidates and campaign managers to assist their electoral strategies. Other exercises that could be developed in future include polling MPs, and polling the Pacific diaspora.

1. ThePacificInstituteofPublicPolicy

In 2008 the Pacific Institute of Public Policy (PiPP)10 was established in Vanuatu to act as a regional independent think tank. The PiPP has undertaken specific projects in such areas as trade, climate change, and telecommunications reform, but focuses on the political processes underlying public policy issues.

8 ANU Enterprise. (2008). People's survey 2007 ‐ summary 9 See http://www.lowyinterpreter.org/post/2011/11/14/Some‐facts‐about‐Lowys‐Fiji‐poll.aspx 10 The Vanuatu‐based Pacific Institute of Public Policy is not to be confused with the Pacific Islands Public Policy Project at the Victoria University of Wellington (PIPP-VUW)



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At the time of Vanuatu’s general election in 2008, PiPP worked with the 28 political parties contesting the parliament’s 52 seats (The party system has now splintered and the 2012 election will have many new parties). Since public sector reform programs in Vanuatu had left out the political actors, PiPP decided to discuss the key policy issues from the political party point of view. It produced a booklet profiling all 28 parties contesting the 2008 elections, together with their key policy statements. PiPP didn’t analyse the policies but allowed to the electorate on various islands to do this for themselves – a process that had not taken place before.

At village level, one common comment was that the policies all said the same thing – this was because many parties simply “cut and paste” policies from those of the Vanuaku party and the UMP – and few included statements of intended action. It was also noted that party policies did not necessarily reflect the issues that mattered at village level.

In 2011 PiPP commenced a program called “MP face to face”. it is a simple concept that facilitates meetings of MPs and their constituent through an ‘open mic’ discussion forum. This is an innovation for the country, since discussions formerly held only in Port Vila are now happening across the country’s 17 constituencies. The face to face program initially met with some scepticism. MPs said that the meetings could not be held on a pay day, and that they were going to get into trouble for not appearing since the election.

Indeed, the first line of questioning in many electorates is ‘we never see you after the campaign’. It was thus a risky move by the MPs to participate, and a risky format, but privately MPs said they thought this could affect their chances of re-election. The MP sits in a semi-circle with the audience and the microphone is open to questions from the floor. Although villagers don’t generally feel empowered to challenge leaders, the Vanuatu experience was that people are willing to participate, and in the end the major criticism was that the event was too short at 1.5 hours, broadcast on radio and television. Then other technologies were also introduced, so people could contribute questions by SMS. Feedback to PiPP has been exceptionally positive. Some MPs were grilled over their use of constituency funds, others turned up with nothing to say, and in a few cases MPs failed to show up at all. This “face to face” programme has become a new point of dialogue. It may not have an enormous impact on the 2012 election, which will still feature patronage politics, but it has started conversations about the public policy choices and about the political process. Political parties have also embraced the programme as a starting point to shift to an issues-based constituency relationship.

2. Media training

Although most regional countries have daily news papers, and television news services, and there are schools of journalism in the Pacific (notably at the University of the South Pacific), the profession of journalism faces many challenges in the Pacific. Due to the small size of the industry, many publishers hire junior journalists on low rates of pay (although there may be variations to this by country). when it comes to reporting on parliamentary affairs, inexperienced journalists can face difficulties in reporting on complex matters of politics, draft legislation, government reports, etc, and more experienced journalists are invariably more able to provide both sides of a story. The reality is that if one wants a message to be communicated accurately via the media, it should be expressed in simple language and be jargon free.



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The media plays a vital role in “taking parliament to the people”. Journalists can benefit from training, and parliaments can provide more information to media about how they operate. Diverse approaches to media include development journalism, peace journalism, and citizen journalism. The Pacific Islands News Association (PINA) is simultaneously a professional body but its role in the development of journalism in the Pacific, and in fostering “development journalism” is constantly under scrutiny.

Development journalism was developed by journalists in developing areas who felt that the “first world” media was not doing justice to their aspirations. The response by Tony Haas, in his development journalism, was to write about such topics as dried banana technology in the Philippines hoping it would help Samoa and Tonga. He also wrote about coconut wood uses learnt from the Zamboanga Institute.

Citizen journalism uses new technologies for either broad-casting or narrow-casting stories. It may have some limitations as to the accuracy of the reporting, but it doesn’t cost as much as commercial journalism: it might break news of the “Port Moresby spring” just as it announced the “Arab Spring”.

An example in Pacific context is the Tonganz site developed by Melino Maka, which relies on newsfeeds from Tongans both in the country and in the diaspora. Maka’s involvement in the media happened by chance. Having migrated from Tonga to New Zealand in the 1970s he found that only vague information was coming from Tonga, and this was always slanted to the interests of government. It didn’t allow for the viewpoint of citizens and he thought there must be a better way to communicate messages both ways. Setting out to understand how government and the people can better communicate, he grasped the opportunity provided by the arrival of the internet. This coincided with the emergence in Tonga of the pro-democracy movement. Eventually the government came to appreciate the value of the site. In 2006 the Lord Chamberlain invited Maka to travel with him to Tonga, where he assisted with the establishment of a website for the Royal Palace just prior to the passing of King George. The site was funded by the Tongan Advisory Council and the Palace provided the domain name. When Tonganz reported the funeral of King George in considerable detail, it received appreciative messages from the Tongan diaspora which had never previously had such access to information about the royal family (the palace office still operates the site but the current lord chamberlain doesn’t provide any content). On the basis of this experience Maka realized the demand from overseas Tongans for a website that reported broadly on Tongan politics, society, and economic development. The website currently averages 7 to 900,000 hits per month.

More information could be distributed concerning the work of Parliamentary Committees. The media should be writing about budgets and processes.

D. Prospects for change

When thinking about prospects for change in relations between MPs and their constituents in Pacific Island countries, a fundamental choice has to be made between competing perspectives. The “evolutionary” perspective sees Pacific systems and constituents as “immature”, and in need of time to evolve and ‘mature’. An alternative view is that voters are already rational and mature, and make



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decisions based on what is available. In this view, the system has to evolve rather than mature, and it must evolve toward more desirable institutions and practices, in light of experience.

There is need for reform of political systems and the institutions of government. But whereas PICs have experienced considerable economic and public sector reform programs driven by ADB and others, political reform and civic education have received less donor support. Perhaps understandably, donors don’t want to become too involved in domestic politics, even though there is increasing acceptance from the donor community of the need for support for political reform. Some have adopted a “political economy” approach, which acknowledges the close relationship that exists between actors in the political sector and all other vital sectors.

The checks and balances exist but are not relevant to the electorate – big man leadership held things together for thousands of years. There are already checks and balances – the big man is not a tyrannical leader. So the discussion is to not throw out Westminster but to “tweak it” – such as by changing an adversarial system to a more consensus decision-making process.

32 years after independence for Vanuatu there is serious soul-searching about how the Westminster system is serving the nation. At the 30th year two founders speaking to young people about constitutional drafting – a question from the floor about ‘why did you accept a British/French hybrid’ system – Vincent Boulekone said there had been peace and stability even if not sufficient growth. There was a short period to do this, little knowledge of options, and the British and French watching. Then he said ‘what are you doing for your country now? at your age we were out fighting for our nation”. The political parties have proliferated mostly due to personality clashes. How to now make the political system relevant to the population. Westminster has checks and balances, including vote of no confidence and a leadership code, but these seem to have little resonance with the voting population.

A key finding of PIPP’s “face to face” project is that leaders and their constituents are not sufficiently focused on the policy agenda. Because there are so many political parties in the 52-member Vanuatu parliament, most focus is on getting and maintaining power- takes up most time of the party leadership – takes up most of the PMs time and this ripples down the system. There are reform-minded politicians and political actors who do have good ideas and who want to participate in nation-building and want to fix problems, but there remain problems of political accountability and lack of access to resources.

Building up telecommunications will play a major role. Pacific societies are educated enough but can’t make their voice heard. There is need for more initiatives aimed at civil education which encourage discussion of the notion of the politically responsible citizen, and which normalize the idea of being part of debate, of being an active citizen, and of challenging the ideas of “big men”.

Despite the fact that candidates and electors alike are coming to the electoral process with higher qualifications, there remains a need to educate the public about democratic processes and their rights. in numerous places this education is provided by NGOs rather than government agencies.

Political and constitutional reform has taken place in Tonga, to re-balance the powers of the Monarch and the people, and hence the balance between the executive and legislative branches of government. at the current time the parliament is experiencing its first motion of no confidence. Would current prime minister of Tonga be facing a motion of no confidence if he had used the media more fully to explain his position?



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All forms of media can assist in overcoming the tyranny of distance in the Pacific – and other challenges. There are regional media associations, such as Pacific Island News Association (PINA) and Pacific Media Association (PasiMA), and nation media associations. PasiMA’s e-learning journalism training course, Pasifika Trainer, includes three draft course modules, scheduled for launch pre 2013 with British government support. The course content is geared towards working journalists and media business operators and incorporates critical information on investigative reporting (PasifikaReporter), running a modern media business (PasifikaMediaManager) and tools for the emerging mobile media (e-Pasifika). PasiMA believes its training course will help significantly in enhancing the promotion of press freedom and the public’s right to know in our part of the world.

E. Conclusions

The initial eSeminar report is based substantially on information and analysis offered by participants during the two day dialogue, prior definition of questions, and initial follow up. The knowledge sharing and action suggestions identified in this eSeminar report is a base on which initial participants in the PIPP networks can build. A key driver is a desire to break cycle of political fragmentation and fluidity. In some countries a shift from a parliamentary to presidential system may be considered, or even a hybrid of the two systems, as has been accomplished in Kiribati. If there is going to be a significant shift in constituent behaviour, there has to be a tangible change to the base – access to good education, healthcare, roads, and infrastructure to facilitate trade and commerce– without these basic features, the system of government doesn’t hold meaning for voters.

There is a need to put incentives in place to have leaders act in national interest and not restricted to local interest.

There is also in many places a real desire to shift relationships away from patronage politics. Candidates do not want to continue spending their personal savings on campaign costs, and MPs do not appreciate being petitioned by constituents on an almost daily basis for cash support. In some places MPs are evening providing essential services from their private funds, for fear of losing electoral support. Such forms of patronage politics will become unsustainable and will result in electoral contests open only to the wealthiest in society – in contrast to the egalitarian ethos embedded in democratic ideals and theory. Those entering parliament to help their nation are finding that they cannot afford to be an MP.

Parliament-constituency relations should be cultivated not just at election-time, but also during all other phases of the electoral cycle.

Mobile communications have been the game changer – people’s lives have improved and communications have gotten cheaper. With new communications technologies, it is now possible to promote dialogue between MPs and constituents based on local, national, and regional and international issues. Access to the world wide web is clearly the next communications revolution, based on computers and mobile devices that support voice, data, and SMS communications.



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The knowledge assembled, and the networks opened by the Pacific Islands Public Policy Project eSeminars can assist stakeholders in taking action. Subsequently eSeminars in 2012 will focus on urbanisation and intergovernmental relations, and on policy leadership – each of which provide further opportunities to extend knowledge, networks and action proposals.

III. CCE Statement for Commonwealth Ministers of Education Mauritius meeting, August 2012

Citizenship education

Coinciding with the Mps and constituents e‐seminar, the Commonwealth Foundation invited

Stakeholders’ statements on education for the Commonwealth Ministers of Education Mauritius

meeting, August 2012. CCE, on 15 July 2012, based on policies from Speakers of the New Zealand

Parliament, New Zealand Governors‐General, UNDP, Commonwealth Foundation, Pacific Islands

Forum, Salem school, “Being Palangi, My Pacific Journey”, VUW School of Government Public Policy

Programme and Centre for Citizenship Education 1970 – 2012, drafted the following statement for

Commonwealth audiences.

Effective citizenship education projects foster participatory democracy. Good governance requires

not only the supply of an effective Parliament but also the demand of an informed and engaged

public. Citizenship education through formal and continuing education should assist public

understanding of the roles and responsibilities of Parliament and Members of Parliament in the

whole of government. The public should understand their roles and responsibilities as constituents.

“Just as we expect our democracy to work for us, we have to work for democracy. This means taking

part in the decision‐making process. This means voting, participating in public life…”

The media should see themselves as major participants in maintaining the relevance of Parliament

for the people. Citizenship education should be introduced into the school curriculum. Young people

should experience active citizenship. The public must take responsibility for participation.

Building trust and confidence in systems of national and local governance provides a participatory

environment for deliberation and resolution of key development and public policy issues.

Parliamentary strengthening

A capable, vibrant Parliament is essential to the development process. Poverty reduction and

sustainable activities are achieved through strengthening democratic institutions and encouraging

the incorporation of democratic values into traditional and local governance frameworks.

Strengthening the executive arm needs to be complemented with support to Parliaments and

Parliamentarians to enable the effective discharge of their functions and duties. An effective and

active Parliament can ensure that:

Laws proposed by the executive are properly scrutinized in the Legislature and in



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Parliamentary committees, enabling public debate to incorporate both economic and social issues

Accountable mechanisms for national budget planning means national priorities and expenditure of government agencies is scrutinized and kept accountable

National development policies are scrutinized and debated publicly Potential sources of conflict are aired, debated and addressed publicly and in a bi‐/multi‐

partisan manner The views of constituents are represented in Parliamentary debates and reflected in

Parliamentary outcomes.

IV. Seminar Program: Pacific islands Public Policy Project eSeminar: MPs and their constituents

Thursday July 12th - MPs and their constituents

Session 1 comprises a welcome to the workshop; introduction of participants; explanation of workshop purpose and format; and initial consideration of key questions. The Pacific Islands Public Policy Project is interested in identifying key elements of public policy practice in the contemporary Pacific. This workshop explores the relationship between MPs and their constituents in certain Pacific Island countries. What is the relationship between the member of parliament and their constituency? In what sense does the MP “represent” the constituency? In what ways to constituents influence the MP? In what ways do current conceptions of representation benefit public policy processes? In what ways do they constrain public policy processes? What initiatives are underway to improve relations between MPs and their constituents? How are these working?

9.30-12.30 Session 1.

9.30-10,00 Introduction

The Pacific Islands Public Policy Project Introduction of workshop participants Review of seminar proceedings and methodology

10.00-10.30 The policy problem: MPs and their constituents: what is happening in the Pacific -

Graham Hassall

10.30-11.15 Discussion:

11.30- 1.00 Discussion:

1.00-5.00 Session 2

Session two focuses on the MP-constituency relations in Vanuatu, Fiji, Tonga, and Samoa. What is the relationship between MPs and constituents in these countries? In what ways do these relationships foster good public policy processes and outcomes? What are the current constraints on public policy outcomes? How can these relationships be improved?



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1.00 - 1.30 MPs and their Constituents in Vanuatu - Derek Brien

1.30 - 2.00 Vanuatu: questions and responses: Pala Molisa

2.00 - 2.30 MPs and their Constituents in Fiji: Alifereti Bulivou

2.30 - 3.00 Fiji questions and responses: Mark Borg

3.30 – 4.00 MPs and their Constituents in Tonga: Tony Haas

4.00 - 4.30 Tonga Questions and responses: Melino Maka

4.30 – 5.00 MPs and their Constituents in other Pacific countries: Cook Islands (Hon Nandi Glassie); Samoa; Solomon Islands (Jude Devesi – UNDP, Fitoo Billy, Institute of Public Administration and Management), Derrick R Manu'ari; Tuvalu (Isaia Taape);

Friday, July 13th – MPs, Civics, and the Role of Media

9.30-12.30 Session 3

Session 3 focuses on the training of MPs and constituencies in civics.

9.30 - 10.00 MPs, Civics, and the Role of Media in Tonga – Tony Haas

10.00- 10.30 Tonga questions and responses: Melino Maka

11.00 – 11.30 MPs, Civics, and the Role of Media in Papua New Guinea - Susan Grey

11.30-12.00 Papua New Guinea Questions and Responses: Vergil Narokobi, Wallis Yakam [Consultative Implementation and Monitoring Council],

Other respondents Hugo Hebala [Director Research, Policy, Planning & Information Division, Solomon Islands Ministry of Women, Youth, Children & Family Affairs], Rikiaua Takeke [Kiribati]

1.00 - 5.30 Session 4

1.00 – 1.30 Civics, and the Role of Media in Samoa - Charlene Malele

1.30 – 2.00 Samoa respondents: Tepa Suaesi (SPREP), Potoae Aiafi (VUW)

2.00 – 2.30 Civics, and the Role of Media in Tonga

2.30 – 3.00 Tonga questions and Responses

3.30 – 4.00 Civics, and the Role of Media in Vanuatu – Derek Brien

4.00 – 4.30 Vanuatu questions and Responses

4.30 – 5.00 Civics, and the Role of Media in Fiji - Alifereti Bulivou

5.00 – 5.30 Fiji Questions and responses Mark Borg

Other respondents Celsus Talifilu [Director Committees, National Parliament of Solomon Islands]



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Wellington

Auckland

Hamilton

12-13 July

Nauru

Suva

Port Moresby

Funafuti

Honiara

Port Vila

Apia

Tarawa

Nukualofa

Rarotonga-22 hrs

(13 and 14 July)

9.30am 9.30am 7.30am 8.30 10.30am 11.30 am

11.00am 11am 9am 10am 12pm 1pm

1.00pm 1pm 11am 12pm 2pm 3pm

3.00pm 3pm 1pm 2pm 4pm 6pm

V. Seminar Participants

Potoae Aiafi

Derek Brien

Mosmi Bhim

Alifereti Bulivou

Shobhna Decloitre

Tricia Donnelly

Billy Fitoo

Tupua Fuifui.

Titi Gabi

Susan Grey

Tony Haas

Graham Hassall

Melino Maka

Charlene Malele

Sarah Mecartney

Pala Molisa

Vergil Narokobi



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Fulisia Sale

Isaia Taape

Celsus Talifilu

Udu Vai

Pak Yoong

.

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