Ontario Works Experts by Experience (Draft)

Running head: ONTARIO WORKS: RECIPIENTS AS EXPERTS BY EXPERIENCE 1

Ontario Works: Recipients as Experts by Experience

authored by: Chavez McDonald

School of Social Work

Faculty of Social Sciences

McMaster University


As a part of my third year practicum, a requirement for the obtainment of a

Bachelor’s Degree in Social Work, I worked closely with Dr. Sally Palmer, Professor

Emerita of McMaster University, who supervised me in doing research on the

experiences of Ontario Works participants. My perspective on the concepts and

issues discussed in this paper are coloured by my personal experiences with

economic inequality. Having been raised in a large family (by modern standards) by

a single mother who was a participant of Ontario Works (OW) has given me an

empathetic and critical perspective through which to understand and relate with

participants of Ontario Works. I have developed a deep respect for the groups and

individuals that I have met while undertaking this research, many of whom are local

advocates that postulate the need for a movement towards eradicating economic

inequality.

I will present various concepts and evidences in favour of an argument which

serves to elevate the interests of OW participants. I have provided the reader with a

critical analysis of literature on neoliberalism. I have also drawn upon numerous

sources to create an overview and analysis of the OW system itself, and on

research done by other scholars who advocate for change in this model of delivery. I

then discuss the characteristics of the respondents with whom I conducted

interviews, before presenting the information gained in these interviews. Finally, the

discussion section serves as a means to tie the initial analysis to the information

gained in the research process.


Review of the Literature

Neoliberalism – A Lens through which to view Welfare Reform

Neoliberalism is a paradigm subscribed to by rightleaning governments as

a way of understanding economic theory and policy making, it is arguable that

neoliberalism has become a dominant paradigm in social policy in many Western

countries. The concept of neoliberalism has become widespread [in critical

literature] as a way of describing the spread of global capital, consumerism, and the

decline of the welfare state (Braedley, 2010; Crocker & Johnson, 2010; Herd, 2002;

Lie & Thorsen, 2007; Maki, 2011; Vaillancourt, 2010). Neoliberalism in critical

literature is thought of as the return to, and spread of economic liberalism (Lie &

Thorsen, 2007). Economic liberalism is the belief that states should be

noninterventionist, should have self regulated market forces, and that the role of the

state is to impose legal and administrative reforms that amplify economic

liberalism, and free the market from restraints imposed by taxation (Braedley, 2010;

Lie & Thorsen, 2007). It is argued that neoliberal thought has replaced the economic

theories of John Maynard Keynes (Lie & Thorsen, 2007). Keynesian theory was the

dominant theoretical framework in economics and policy making between

19451970 (Lie & Thorsen, 2007). Keynesian goals had a greater emphasis on

stability, on the alleviation of poverty and redistribution of wealth through taxation

and nation building through social programs (Lie & Thorsen, 2007). In neoliberal

ideology, economic liberalism is seen as the best way to allocate resources, in


Keynesian economics, government intervention is seen as superior. Neoliberalism

as a political ideology supports a restricted approach to social assistance because

the welfare state restrains individual liberty by imposing taxation on capital; a

reduction of the welfare state reduces taxation (Braedley, 2010; Crocker & Johnson,

2010; Lie & Thorsen, 2007; Maki, 2011; Vaillancourt, 2010).

The Progressive Conservatives under Premier Mike Harris (1995 2002)

The Progressive Conservative (PC) Party under Premier Mike Harris was

elected in Ontario in 1995. The party could be described as neoliberal in it’s

approach. The PC’s had the platform of the “Common Sense Revolution” which

would be the basis of Ontario’s social assistance ‘reform’. In 1997 the PC

government passed the Ontario Works Act (OWA), which cut rates by 21.6% (Herd,

2002). An unattached person in Ontario today receives $626.00 a month, the same

person would have received $663.00 a month prior to the 1995 reform, inflation

since then has amounted to 49% (Monsebraaten, 2013). Social assistance rates

are still low, and people on social assistance struggle to make ends meet, to pay

rent, and to purchase and prepare food that is nutritious (Nonguaza, 2009). The

PC’s also restricted the eligibility of applicants, and made it necessary for

recipients of social assistance to participate in ‘workfare’ activities through the

passage of the Ontario Works Act [OWA] (Braedley, 2010; Crocker & Johnson,

2010; Herd, 2002; Maki, 2011; Vaillancourt, 2010). In addition a new “Service

Delivery Model” (SDM) was created under the premise that it would reduce costs,


increase the integrity of the system and improve client services (Herd & Mitchell,

2013; Maki, 2011). Critics argue that the latent intent of this system was, and still is,

to discourage and disentitle recipients by creating a system with complicated

application and appeal processes (Herd & Mitchell, 2013). Many scholars argue

that the current system of social assistance exacerbates social inequalities, that the

current system of social assistance inadequately supports those at the bottom end

of the labour market, and consequentially the gap between the rich and the poor is

growing (Braedley, 2010; Crocker & Johnson, 2010; Herd, 2002; Herd & Mitchell,

2013; Maki, 2011; Sears, 1999; Vaillancourt, 2010).

Labour & Economic Marginalization

Vaillancourt (2010) argues that Ontario Works as a program has nothing to

do with providing people with meaningful work. Rather, it provides precarious and

transient forms of labour to capitalists, which do not produce any real benefit in the

lives of those on social assistance, and could be considered exploitative. The OWA

was intended to temporarily or permanently reduce expenditure on social

assistance (Vaillancourt, 2010). This idea of transient and precarious labour is

outlined by Sears (1999) theory of the Lean State. The Lean State is essentially a

state in which people are reified as flexible workers who are willing and able to work

in a variety of situations and have a variety of skills, but have limited expectations of

security, wages and working conditions (Sears, 1999). Balmer, Dineen & Swift

(2010) provide evidence that the most rapid growth of employment during the


economic recession has been that of temporary work, (term or contract positions,

seasonal and casual) and self employment; The economic recession has lead to the

the disappearance of 139,000 full time jobs between June & July 2010, and job

growth continues it’s decline today. By 2010, Ontario’s social assistance caseloads

rose by 23%, household savings dropped to a level not seen since 1938, and

household indebtedness stands at the average household owing $1.40 for every

dollar of income (Balmer, Dineen & Swift, 2010).

Vaillancourt and Sears would agree that the postrecession economy

demands that Ontario Works recipients become lean workers, that they accept

transient and precarious labour and work towards self reliance and away from

dependency on state resources. How can this be done when work offered by local

economies seems inconsistent and temporary at best? The establishment of this

type of workforce is a significant diminishment of people’s expectations in terms of

jobs and living conditions (Sears, 1999).

Neoliberal ideology stresses that people’s life outcomes are deducible from

their choices, and that poverty is the fault of poor choices and of moral failures

(Braedley, 2010). This concept is commonly referred to as the individualization of

poverty. Neoliberal policy makers theorize that people are masters of their own

circumstances; economic liberalism and its focus on freedom of choice masks the

influence of economic and political structures and their influence on lived

experiences (Braedley, 2010; Chunn & Gavigan, 2004). The individualization of

poverty ignores the structural and oppressive nature of economic and political


structures and is an illogical way to theorize an individuals employment outcomes.

Braedley (2010) proclaims that there are too many confounding variables to be able

to definitively say that people’s outcomes are deducible from their choices. There

are hundreds, if not thousands of social mechanisms that influence an individuals

lived experiences. Braedley (2010) advocates that neoliberalism is built upon a hill

of incorrect assumptions about freedom and liberty that amplify the privilege of the

already privileged while oppressing the already vulnerable. Braedley (2010) uses

the example of systemic discrimination: individuals are prevented from attaining

liberty and freedom because of barriers they face in finding employment due to their

skin colour, speech, sex, age, education, sexuality, cultural background, life

experiences, social class, etc. Free markets favour those in positions of privilege,

and allow these people to live out the neoliberal ideal. The Citizens for Public

Justice [CPJ] (2012) reports that poverty continues to be concentrated in some

social groups more than others; namely working age individuals living on there own,

young adults who are working age but unable to find employment, single mothers

and their children, seniors, Aboriginal people, recent immigrants, racialized

populations, and person’s with disabilities. While personal agency does play a role

in economic outcomes, privileges and oppressions often play a greater role than

neoliberal minded policy makers are willing to admit.

Social Assistance Caseloads in Hamilton, Ontario. The 1980s and

1990s saw some of Hamilton’s largest employers close or leave the city and, over


the course of the past decade, Hamilton was hit by the global recession. Ontario

experienced the second greatest increase in poverty in the country between

20072010 (CPJ, 2012). The Statistics Canada Labour Force Survey reports that

Hamilton has lost 14,000 jobs since September 2012, the unemployment rate has

increased by .5% to 7.5% (Priel, 2013). The global recession has had an impact on

Hamilton’s Ontario Works caseloads: in 2008 there were just over 10,000 cases in

Hamilton; by July, 2011 the caseloads spiked at 14,000 (Priel et al., 2013).

Following a recession, social assistance caseloads recover slowly in the economic

upturn, this is due in part to competition for a limited number of jobs, and an

increase of applicants as they exhaust their Employment Insurance (EI) (Priel et al.,

2013) . Improvements in the local economy have resulted in the employment of

those considered most employable; the remaining caseload includes a large

number of recipients who face multiple barriers to employment and need intensive

case management (Priel et al., 2013). An increase in precarious labour, and a lack

of opportunities for those who face multiple barriers (Priel et al., 2013). In

September 2013 the OW caseload in Hamilton shrank by 172 cases, the caseload

is the lowest it has been since 2009 (Priel et al., 2013). Lowerincome

Hamiltonian's continue to be the hardest hit by the recent economic recession, and

these societal and economic forces evidence themselves in Hamilton’s OW

caseloads.

Ontario Works – Description and Analysis


Over the past eighteen years, social assistance administration and law have

been transformed in Ontario. This means that the lived experiences of recipients of

social assistance has altered dramatically from what that experience would have

been like eighteen years ago.

In 1997 the OWA came into effect. This new Act restricted eligibility,

increased surveillance of recipients, and made receiving social assistance

dependent upon participation in employment assistance which might be in the form

of workshops, résumé assistance, interview preparation, job counseling, job

training, information on potential employers, access to basic education, access to

telephones, computers, fax machines, etc. (Braedley, 2010; Crocker & Johnson,

2010; Herd, 2002; Herd & Mitchell, 2013; Maki, 2011; OWA, 1997; Vaillancourt,

2010). Directive 1.1 of the OWA set the stage for ‘modern welfare reform’. The

reformed welfare system is to: promote individual responsibility and self reliance

through employment; provide temporary financial assistance to those in need while

they satisfy obligations to become employed; to effectively serve people needing

assistance; be accountable to the tax payers in Ontario (OWA, 1997).

Financial & employment assistance. Financial assistance under the

OWA is a benefit based upon family size, income, assets and housing costs. The

benefit also include prescription eyeglasses, drugs, diabetic supplies, employment

related costs and moving and eviction costs (OWA, 1997).

Employment assistance is practical help that prepares recipients to find jobs.


Ontario Works Case Manager’s (CM’s) work with clients to determine their needs in

becoming employed and then develop plans based upon individual skills,

experience and circumstance. The majority of recipients participate in employment

assistance activities, the only people who are exempt are those with disabilities,

seniors over the age of 65, and single parents with nonschoolage children

(Ministry of Community and Social Services [MCSS], 2013). The program is mostly

concerned with helping individuals become self reliant through the development of

skills which lead to employment in the labour market (OWA, 1997).

Surveillance in the Ontario Works system. OW includes an expansive

system of surveillance technologies which reduced the caseload of welfare

recipients by 500,000 between 1995 and 2002 (Chunn & Gavigan, 2004). The

OWA includes a directive for increased surveillance and has institutionalized

surveillance in order to maintain accountability to tax payers. Through various

surveillance technologies and a network of technological databases, social

assistance recipients are monitored for overpayments, and for fraud (Chunn &

Gavigan, 2004; Maki, 2011). In order to reform Ontario’s social assistance system

the PC Government embarked on a joint “Business Transformation Project” (BTP)

with Anderson Consulting (Herd, 2002; Maki, 2011). The BTP set out how the new

social assistance program would operate and the technologies that would be

needed for its operation.

The BTP introduced two stages for application for social assistance. The first


is an automated telephone system to which new applicants are directed. There is

also an “Interactive Voice Response” (IVR) system which allows for “routine

information” such as income to be reported monthly. Herd (2002) comments that the

IVR might cause difficulty for some clients who may have poor English language

skills, low educational attainment, or physical and mental health problems. The IVR

makes reporting changes in income difficult for some people; a consequence of this

is that some people fail to report income and receive notice that their benefits will

be suspended (Herd, 2002).

The second stage of the BTP is the “Consolidated Verification Project”

(CVP) which is a province wide technological database intended to standardize

case reviews, and to provide ongoing analysis and dissemination of information

about recipients. Cases are flagged based on “risk criteria” that are premised to be

linked with an individuals tendency to commit fraud. Ontario Works lacks a definitive

description of what would be considered “risk criterion” however cases are

generally flagged when the CVP finds discrepancies in an individuals status or in

their income (Herd, 2002; Maki, 2011). The CVP works in tandem with the Service

Delivery Model Technology (SDMT), and the Maintenance Enforcement Computer

Application (MECA) (Herd, 2002; Maki, 2011). These technologies work together to

datamine and share information between government services such as

Immigration, Corrections, Ministry of Transportation, Employment Insurance,

Revenue Canada. The goal of this comprehensive technology is to provide a

standardized way of reviewing and flagging cases. The underlying premise is that


such a system will save taxpayers money because it will prevent overpayments,

and will prevent people from committing welfare fraud. Technological glitches cost

taxpayers millions of dollars, and Maki (2011) claims that the amount of money that

is lost to over payments and to fraud is marginal compared to the millions that are

spent maintaining a system to flag assumed fraudulence. Convictions of fraud are

generally minimal as well, and while welfare fraud is characterized as pervasive,

criminal convictions represented only .1% of the entire caseload from 200102

(Chunn & Gavigan; Crocker & Johnson, 2010; Maki, 2011). It is interesting to draw

attention to this major discrepancy, ignoring fraud committed by capitalists while

subsequently imposing surveillance on those collecting OW is in line with the

ideology of economic liberalism, but punishing those experiencing poverty may not

be the most ethical solution.

Client Experiences with a Bureaucratic Structure

Seeking out & maintaining eligibility. Recipients and applicants face

barriers in seeking out and maintaining eligibility. A study by Herd, Lightman, &

Mitchell (2005) as part of the “Social Assistance in the New Economy (SANE)”

project reports that recipients found that worker terminology confused them. Herd &

Mitchell (2002) conclude that there are excessive requirements for documentation,

that recipients are often required to present receipts and bank statements, and this

demand is excessive to the point where people in need often become disqualified


or disentitled. The rules under which OW operates are complicated and

overwhelming to some recipients (Herd, 2002; Herd & Mitchell, 2002; Herd, Mitchell

& Lightman, 2005; NCRSAO, 2012; Nonguaza, 2009). Olcha (2008) comments that

clients experience barriers related to the system, in her study clients commented on:

inadequate financial support, confusing application forms, intrusive and threatening

measures, repetitive requests for documentation, lost documents, delays in

receiving benefits, and a lack of individual treatment; related in part to a computer

driven system. The Commission for the Review of Social Assistance in Ontario

(CRSAO) (2012) acknowledges that the system is a labyrinth of confusing rules and

benefit structures and has recommended a restructuring of the system to eliminate

some of these barriers.

Case Management. The bureaucratic and digitalized structure of Ontario

Works influences the ability of CM's to deliver adequate, personalized social

assistance. The current SDM represents a transition to a more bureaucratic and

less personalized delivery of social assistance with a lack of personal contact

(Herd, Mitchell & Lightman, 2005). This in turn leads to problems, especially for

people with poor English language skills, low educational attainment, and physical

or mental health problems. Many clients report changing workers and having a

number of CM’s deal with them in a bureaucratic fashion (Herd, Mitchell & Lightman,

2005). Clients also report the inaccessibility of CM’s and frequent CM changes

(Herd & Mitchell, 2002). Clients sometimes feel blamed when they are unable to find


work, and yet, they say they have little input when planning for employment and for

interview opportunities (Lightman et al., 2003). Clients have also reported that the

system creates an environment of suspicion and blame and that CM’s reflect these

attitudes in a way that makes them feel devalued, intimidated and discouraged

(Lightman et al., 2003). Some recipients find that CM's use language that they find

confusing; this is special concern for applicants who are limited in their

communication abilities (Herd, Mitchell & Lightman, 2005). CM’s are overloaded

and stressed, they are under restrictive time constraints, and these factors

contribute to their ability to adequately address needs of recipients (Swift, Dineen &

Balmer, 2010; Priel et al., 2013).

Priel (2013) attests that as of May, 2013 the ratio of participants to CM's in

Hamilton was 127:1. Priel (2013) then asserts that these large caseloads interfere

with the ability of CM's to provide intensive and specialized case management to

people who have multiple barriers to employment. This inability to provide intensive

case management is associated with an increased amount of time on social

assistance and increases the cost of delivering social assistance (Priel, 2013).

Priel (2013) contends that intensive case management leads to better employment

outcomes by referring to London, Ontario where there are two specialized case

management teams who works with a population who has multiple barriers to

employment, exits through this intensive case management almost doubled. In my

view, It is important to note, that to conclude that the intensive case management led

directly to the employment of these individuals might be an overstatement: local


economies, and available jobs play a large role, and other economic factors must

not be overlooked in comparing these two Ontario cities. Case management that is

responsive to client needs, and is provided by CM's with reasonable caseloads is

important to the delivery of social assistance in Hamilton.

Ontario works standards of service. Directive 39(2) of the OWA states

that CM's are to meet Standards of Service (SS) in the delivery of social

assistance. The SS are complicit with the Human Rights Code, Freedom of

Information and Privacy Act, Personal Health Information Act, French Language

Services Act, and various accessibility Acts and Regulations. Currently CM's in

Hamilton are trained with a program known as SAIL (Supportive Approaches

through Innovative Learning). SAIL is a competency based professional

development program. SAIL trains staff in knowledge, skills, and supporting

behaviours needed to work with clients and colleagues. CM's are also trained to

follow all of the Acts and Regulations previously outlined in this paragraph.

Hamilton, Ontario has an OW/ODSP Operational Advisory Committee

comprised of both stakeholders in the community and recipients who are actively

attempting to better the city’s delivery of social assistance. Recently, at one of these

meetings, CM behaviour pertaining to the SS was discussed. It was discussed that

sensitivity and awareness of body language was sometimes problematic for CM’s.

The SS may act as reminders to CM’s, and while CM’s receive training, Kerry

Lubrick, Head of the Employment and Income Support Division, states that CM’s


need to be reminded and managers need to ensure that the SS are followed and

that attention is brought to staff if concerns are raised.

CM’s are trained in many areas but some OW recipients claim that CM’s

lack certain skills related to empathetic communication. In a comprehensive study

done by Swift et al. (2010) 200 researchers spread across Ontario to interview

residents who lived in poverty in 30 different communities. Respondents who were

social assistance recipients concluded that,

CM's were genuinely trying to help those who are need; some CM’s might

need to undergo sensitivity training to help them understand the plight of those they

encounter; And a CM's personality and attitude can have a dramatic impact on

social assistance recipients. (p. 34)

Clearly CM sensitivity and awareness of body language continue to be a

problematic area. With the mounting stress of CM overload, and a large and

confusing bureaucratic system of social assistance delivery, it should be expected

that the ability of CM’s to work at a personal level with recipients is negatively

affected.

Methodology

The questions proposed in the interview schedule were informed both by the

antioppressive perspective, and by the service user involvement approach. The

title of the study derives its name from the serviceuser involvement approach which

positions serviceusers as holding expertise in a given context, thus recipients of


OW are “experts by experience.” Experience itself gives a person expert

knowledge, and is worth listening to. It is a form of knowledge, and truth with

transcends the study of textbooks or statistics. The impact of OW on the lived

experiences of people who experience poverty, and learning about these

experiences, will help policy makers and advocates better understand and relate to

OW participants.

The age of the respondents varied from approximately forty years old, to

about sixty years old. While this may have been a result of a sampling error, with the

sample having not been randomly selected from the population, it is more likely that

this sample represents the population that lives in poverty. As Collin (2007) noted,

one of the highest concentrations of poverty in Canada is for unattached individuals

aged 4564. She also notes that this group has a higher rate of unemployment &

nonstandard work arrangements (e.g. transient and unstable employment).

Therefore, what might seem like an error in sampling could also be interpreted as

an accurate reflection of the population.

As a researcher it is hard for me to write from a neutral perspective because

I have experiences inherently related to the experiences of these respondents, and

as a social work student I have a responsibility to uphold the values and ethics of the

Canadian Association of Social Workers (CASW). I personally believe that the

current structuring of Ontario Works is misinformed and is a great injustice. I lived in

Toronto when I was young with my mother who became a recipient of OW. She

struggled to raise my siblings and I on an inadequate income and as a result I grew


up experiencing economic inequality which has definitely had some lasting impacts

on my family. Since, I have completed a B.A. in Sociology and am currently working

towards a Bachelors degree in Social Work, I hope to pursue a Masters Degree in

Social Work.

Characteristics of Respondents

All of the respondents in this study live in Hamilton, Ontario. All of the

respondents (with the exception of Mark) are currently recipients of Ontario Works.

All of the respondents volunteer with a political action committee (the name of which

is undisclosed because of confidentiality). All of the respondents are between the

age of 4060. There is variation in the length of time that each respondent has been

a recipient of Ontario Works. There is variation in educational attainment between

each of the respondents. Some respondents are in the process of completing either

their first, or second application for ODSP, others have not applied for ODSP. A

brief biography of each respondents follows.

Anne, an unattached woman in her 50’s, has been a recipient of Ontario

Works since 1999. Anne finished high school in the Caribbean, these credentials

are not recognized in Canada. She immigrated to Canada in the 1970’s from the

Caribbean. She became a recipient of Ontario Works following the deportation of

her partner whom she owned a business with. Anne recently was diagnosed with


diabetes and is in the process of applying for ODSP. Anne has an 18 year old son

whom she has supported as a single parent since 1999.

Wanda, an unattached women in her 50’s, has been a recipient of Ontario

Works since 2009. She finished a PhD in Health Informatics at the University of

Brighton in 2008. Anne took a brief position as a researcher at the University of

Alberta in 2008. After this contract finished Anne moved back to Ontario, she

exhausted her EI and savings and became a recipient of Ontario Works. Wanda is

in the process of completing her second application for ODSP, her first was denied.

Wanda has arthritis and a degenerative spine disorder. In 2009 she had surgery on

her back. She struggles with pain daily.

Howard, an unattached man in his 50‘s, has been a recipient of Ontario

Works since 2006. Howard has worked a variety of odd jobs in cleaning, farming,

security, etc. He completed his GED in 2003. Howard fell from a roof in 2006 and

injured his leg. He experiences pain from this injury. Howard also reported having

had his mental health assessed in the past. Howard has applied for ODSP in the

past and was denied.

Joe, in his late 40’s, has been a recipient of Ontario Works for approximately

9 months. He is married, and has two children. He has a B.A. in political science

from McMaster University, completed in 1999. He became a recipient when his

business went bankrupt and he could not longer afford to pay his employees or

maintain his equipment. Joe has debilitating knee pain for which his is to have


surgery for in the next few months. Joe would like to return to work after his surgery,

and he has never applied for ODSP.

Wilson, an unattached man in his 50’s, used to work in management for a

large company, and with this job he had a salary and benefits. He lost this job in

2005. Wilson went into business with a friend, but eventually this business

partnership ended. In 2010 Wilson applied for benefits under Ontario Works. He

has been a recipient for approximately 34 years. He has not applied for ODSP.

Nathan, an unattached man in his late 50’s, has been a recipient of Ontario

Works for 25 years. Prior to this he was an employee for a manufacturing company.

He began to receive benefits in the late 80’s. Nathan has applied for ODSP. Ontario

Works funded a psychosocial assessment, from which Nathan was assessed as

being cognitively “able to work.” He reports having given up on the application

process for ODSP.

James, an unattached man in his 50’s, worked for a manufacturing company,

but was laid off, and after an altercation with his employer, quit in 2010. James

exhausted his Employment Insurance Benefits and applied for Ontario Works. He

has never applied for ODSP and is actively searching for a job. He reported good

overall physical and mental health.

Mark, an unattached man in his 50’s, received assistance from Ontario

Works for one year between 2005 & 2006. He has a diagnosis of bipolar

depression. He is now a recipient of ODSP. Mark has a diploma from RCC

Technology. He had a 10 year career with a computer software corporation until he


lost his job in 2002 because the company which he worked for closed. Mark

decided to try to try to update his credentials at Mohawk College in 2005, he

experienced a serious episode of bipolar depression and decided to drop out.

Without any Employment Insurance, and with OSAP debts, Mark sought assistance

from Ontario Works.

There are various diversities and similarities within the sample population. It

is especially interesting to note that some of the respondents had higher

educational attainment, namely university and college degrees, in the colloquial this

phenomena has been referred to as the “new face of poverty.” Also note the

different stage that each client is in their application to ODSP. Some have applied

once and were denied, some are in the process of applying for a second time and

others have not applied because they want to return to the labour market.

Information Gained From Respondents

Respondents Experiences with the Labour Market

Respondents reported feeling as if they had been marginalized within

the labour market (shunned, rejected, or unwanted). Respondents felt an

awareness that their circumstances could be due to marginalization from the labour

market. Many respondents felt shunned, or unwanted, and provided insight into the


different ways in which they had been shunned, or marginalized from the labour

market.

Mark expressed feeling as if people who receive assistance are those who

have been shunned from the labour market. Mark mentioned that because of their

marginalization they have different needs than the average person.

Wilson lost his job as a manager in 2005, his employers decided that they

could employ someone else for less money. Wilson was paid severance and fired

from his job. Wilson said that he felt as if his age worked against him in searching

for a job (he is 45). He said that he has applied to hundreds of jobs and has never

heard a response. Wilson said that he feels as if employers discriminate against

him because he lives in poverty (and they can tell that he is poor). He said that the

labour market also doesn’t favour people who are older (4550+). He also said that

he doesn’t have the same privileged connections as other people, and that it’s a

well known fact that connections can help a person find work.

Anne said that she feels that jobs today require an education, and computer

skills. Anne doesn’t know how to use a computer. Anne said that many new

immigrants face language barriers. Anne also thinks that most employers are

looking for younger people.

Joe felt that he was either underqualified or overqualified for many jobs he

has applied for. Joe thinks that there are not many opportunities for people with

certain degrees. He started his own business because he felt as if finding a job in

his field of study was near impossible.


Howard described his employment as being precarious and unstable. He

switched jobs about eight times prior to 2006. In 2006, Howard’s leg injury caused

his to lose his job, and since then he has been unable to find work.

Wanda studied social inequality and reported being well aware of the data

that shows how people become economically marginalized. Wanda did not think

that it would happen to her.

Respondents reported an impaired capacity in physical health that

has impacted their ability to work. Many respondents reported physical health

concerns that have impacted their ability to work. An impairment in a person’s

physical capacity definitely interferes with their ability to engage in paid

employment. In addition, many respondents reported pain which interfered with their

functioning.

Howard was cleaning a roof when he fell and fractured his leg. He was

injured badly and was bedridden for about 6 months. Howard states that he has

pain 24/7, has trouble walking, and that his doctor prescribed him medication to

help him deal with the pain. He said that his leg will occasionally turn black and blue

from poor circulation and bruising and that he also suffers from occasional muscle

cramps. He says that the only type of work that he can do is desk work, but his

experience is all in physical labour, mining, farming, cleaning, and asbestos

removal.


Joe has problems with his knees and legs. He has cartilage problems in his

knees, and arthritis. He also has gout in his legs. He has been receiving cortisone

injections in both his knees. He is in a lot of pain, and has trouble standing for a long

period of time or walking.

Wanda developed a degenerative spine disorder with arthritis, and this

made it hard for her to walk. She now uses a cane. She mentioned that she has two

secondary conditions that also interfere with her ability. When Wanda applied for

OW she had just had a medical procedure on her back and she noted that she was

in a lot of pain and discomfort. Wanda once had an interview at McMaster

University, she had recently had surgery, she said that the walking around the

campus, and climbing stairs to get to the interview, was excruciating, by the time

she arrived at the interview she could barely focus.

Anne was diagnosed with diabetes in November of 2013. Anne has arthritis

in her back. Diabetes has impacted Anne’s life, and she said that the most difficult

aspect of the illness is knowing that there is no cure.

Many of the recipients reported some kind of impairment in their physical

health which has affected their ability to engage in paid employment.

Respondents reported struggling with mental health or cognitive

ability. Some of the respondents reported that they have experienced mental health

problems, or impaired cognitive abilities that have influence their ability to engage in

paid employment. The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (which


some but not all of the respondents fit diagnosis under) lists impaired social or

occupational functioning as a criteria for most mental health diagnoses (American

Psychiatric Association, 2013).

Wanda was recently diagnosed with depression. Wanda cried during the

interview, she said, “If someone asks [how are you today?] many of us will respond,

[I’m surviving.]”

Mark has a diagnosis of bipolar depression. Before this experience he had

purchased a home, he had a fulltime job, he had a diploma in economics. His

experience with mental health is what led him to become unemployed. He moved to

Hamilton so that his family could support him closer to home.

Wilson noted that he experienced depression, He said that he felt as if his

life was extremely chaotic. He reported having a number of failed relationships over

the past few years.

Howard struggled with an Employment Assistance course, which he failed.

He was told that he would not be funded to participate in another Employment

Assistance program. Howard said that he disliked being accused of having a

mental illness. He said that sometimes people talk to him like he’s in kindergarten

and that OW Case Managers, and other people treat him like he is someone who

has mental health problems.

Nathan reported that his OW Case Manager advocated to have his cognitive

ability tested in order to prove that Nathan had cognitive impairments which might


entitle him to benefits under ODSP. Nathan was assessed as being cognitively able

to work.

Not every respondent reported having experienced a problem with their

mental health or cognitive ability, but many noted deviations from the norm which

have affected their lived experience on Ontario Works.

Experiences with the Application and Intake Process of Ontario Works

Many respondents reported experiencing crises which impacted their

functioning during the initial application process to Ontario Works. Most of

the respondents reported experiencing crisis. James and Gilliland (2001) define

crisis as the “…perception or experience of an event or situation as an intolerable

difficulty that exceeds the person’s current resources and coping mechanisms.” The

experience of crisis differs for each respondent, but each respondent who reported

experiencing crisis indicated that the crisis coincided with their application to

Ontario Works.

Wanda said that the process of applying for OW is complicated and it is

emotionally draining which makes it difficult to advocate on one’s own behalf and to

set goals for oneself. Wanda said, “Everyone on OW had experienced some crisis

that had gone unaddressed and then became amplified. Ontario Works becomes a

trap, it increases harm, it increases hurt.” Wanda remembered leaving her intake

interview feeling like she needed to talk to someone. She went to a walkin clinic


because she felt that she really needed to talk to someone. She said she felt “so

low,” she felt “so afraid.”

Mark mentioned that his mental health difficulties meant that he did not have

the focus to be able to carry through with the Interactive Voice Response (IVR)

application. He mentioned that the IVR was developed with the assumption that

people would have the mental and psychologically ability to interact with it. He

described the IVR as unfair because some people have serious mental health

challenges and that if they do not get help with the process they are impeded from

being accepted for financial assistance. (Carolin Anderson [Personal

Communication, February 11, 2014] stated that intake assistance is available for

those who need it, they need only contact their local Ontario Works office and

describe their special circumstances).

Wilson refers to the time in his life during which he applied for OW as being a

“...breakdown.” He lost his job, experienced failed relationships, and moved several

times.

Anne’s husband was deported, and afterwards they lost their business. She

reported this as being a crisis in her life, one that she dealt with very well. She’s

sees herself as a strong and resilient person. This event led her to seek assistance,

she had a 5 year old son to support. Anne said that when people apply for Ontario

Works they are not functioning at their best. She said that at this point they need

extra support and resources.


Joe lost his business about 9 months ago. His contracts slowly began to

disappear and he was unable to pay his employees or maintain the machines that

his employees used. Without an income, and without any Employment Insurance

benefits, Joe applied for OW. He has a wife and children to support.

While each respondent experienced crisis differently, many reported

experiencing psychosocial events that could be considered abnormal and would

definitely affect one’s mental capacity. Many respondents reported that the

experience correlated with the application to Ontario Works.

Experiences with Applying for ODSP

Some respondents reported that they feel that they are not entitled to

ODSP. Some of the respondents reported that they felt as if they were not entitled to

ODSP, even though these same respondents had reported impairments in their

physical and mental health.

Wanda said that she feels as if she is not entitled to ODSP, and that ODSP

is for people who are worse off than she is.

Nathan said that he doesn’t really want to apply for ODSP because he feels

that “...it’s for people who are worse off.” He thought that ODSP was for people who

had more debilitating problems than himself.

Wilson is completing his first application for ODSP. He doesn’t feel as if he

is eligible. His Employment Counselor suggested that he apply. He has been unable


to find work. He was diagnosed with depression. He says that finding work is a

hopeless endeavor and that the income from ODSP would improve his life.

While these respondents reported that ODSP seemed like it would be helpful

to them in their situations, they felt as if they were not entitled, and as if other were

more “deserving” than themselves. Or perhaps, they wanted to positively distinguish

themselves from the disabled identity because of the stigma attached to this

identity.

Experiences with a Bureaucratic Structure

Respondents reported that the there are excessive demands for

documentation in the form of paperwork. Respondents thought that this

aspect of bureaucracy impeded the ability of the CM to respond to the client

as a human being. Most of the respondents reported that they perceived Case

Managers as being so overly involved in paperwork that they were unable to meet

the clients individual needs.

Wanda commented that the amount of paperwork that was presented when

she met with an intake Case Manager made her want to give up on the application.

She noted that the Case Manager kept checking her watch, checking that she had

signed everything, asking her for information. Wanda said Case Managers seem

“...overworked and tired because they have too much paperwork and too many

cases.” She feels that this “...impacts their ability to treat the client like a person.”


She said the process is “all about the paperwork.”

Mark felt that Case Managers addressed him in a robotic and mechanical

fashion, he said that he was “...dealing with one of the worst crisis’ of his life and that

they weren’t able to support him.” Mark said that the “...bureaucracy of Ontario

Works makes the Case Managers distant. He said that in business there is a

golden rule and that is, [The customer is always right.]” Mark said that he feels that

for Ontario Works the golden rule is, “The Case Manager is always right and the

recipient is always wrong.”

Wilson experienced the Case Manager who helped him with his application

to ODSP as being “businesslike” in her demands for documentation. Wilson thought

that “Case Managers seem overworked, they seem like they don’t have enough

time to see all the people on their caseloads, and they cannot handle their

caseloads. It seems as if there are too many rules and that the Case Managers

have too much paperwork.”

Respondents struggled to meet the demands for paperwork which are

inherently tied to the bureaucracy of Ontario Works. They mentioned that this

demand for paperwork was time consuming for the CM’s, and that this affected the

CM’s ability to engage with them as clients.

Some respondents reported that successful navigation through the

bureaucracy of Ontario Works is dependent on a person’s psychological or

cognitive capacity to respond to the demands for paperwork. Not all of the


respondents struggled to navigate through the paperwork and bureaucracy. The

experiences of those who did not struggle, can be used to delineate the

expectations that are built into the bureaucratic structure. (e.g. the expectation that

respondents can produce paperwork, or understand complicated bureaucratic

processes).

James said that he has never had a negative experience with Ontario Works.

He said that he has never received a suspension letter. He has always sent his

paperwork in on time, and has always participated in employment assistance

programs. He states that he feels too compliant. He stated that once he found out

that he had an overpayment on his utilities, and said that he immediately contacted

his Ontario Works Case Manager and explained the situation, and that he

immediately sent the money to Ontario Works. James was unique because he was

the only person who did not report any struggles with his mental or physical health.

Anne said that she feels that she is mentally able to respond to the problems

that she encounters with the system. She said for example, if she were to receive a

suspension letter she would immediately call her Case Manager and request

information about missing documentation, and if that documentation cannot be

obtained within the time limit she would ask for an extension. She said that she feels

that not everyone has the capacity to be able to respond in the way that she does,

especially those who struggle with mental health challenges.

Joe said that he has never received a suspension letter and that he has

always had his information in on time. If he misses a meeting, he will give his Case


Manager notice. He said that he simply follows the steps that are outlined for him in

letters of information, or he will follow the directions of his Case Manager. However,

Joe said that he could see how this could be challenging for someone who had an

impaired mental capacity, or for someone who has problems with language. Joe

said that the automated telephone messages and the excessive paperwork make

the system difficult to manage.

While some struggle immensely to navigate the complex bureaucratic

structure, others can easily maneuver through the system. Even still, some of those

who find ease in navigating the system empathize with others who struggle with the

bureaucracy.

Respondents felt as if they were being criminalized and as if they had

done something wrong and that the system was set up to punish them or

hold them accountable. Many respondents reported feeling as if they were

criminals. They felt as if Ontario Works was structured to hold them accountable for

some assumed culpability.

Wanda felt traumatized by the intake interview. She recalled, “The

concentration and intent was on keeping recipients honest, and that nobody should

get more than they deserve.” She said that the Case Manager demanded

excessive information and was only there to collect the information that Ontario

Works required. Wanda felt like a troublemaker and she felt blamed for her


dependency and situation. She said that “...the system isn’t set up to support anyone

or help them really.”

Wilson felt uncomfortable going to the Ontario Works office alone, he said

that the Case Managers have a lot of power and said that maybe if he were with

someone else that the Case Manager wouldn’t be so cold and impersonal. He said

that perhaps a lack of supervision means that the Case Managers treatment of the

clients can go unchecked. He felt that the Case Managers understand that they are

in a position of power and use that power to make the recipients feel as though they

have done something wrong.

Wilson said that the current system is modeled around assumptions about

people living in poverty that people are assumed to be committing fraud and that

Ontario Works recipients are criminals or bad people.

Joe said that sometimes he feels that Case Managers treat him in a way that

makes him feel as though he has done something wrong. He said,

You don’t want to go to a meeting an feel intimidated, as if you

have done something wrong. These people are there to help you, and they’re getting

paid to do that. They shouldn’t treat you as if you are asking a personal favour from

them, it’s their job to do the work to help us.

These respondents felt as if power was inherently tied to the role of the Case

Manager and that their job was to keep recipients honest because of an assumption


about the culpability of the poor. Respondents were aware of the culture that exists

within the bureaucratic structure of Ontario Works.

Experiences with Case Managers

Respondents reported having some positive experiences with Case

Managers in which they felt valued and respected. Many of the respondents

noted that their interactions with Case Managers had been positive at times. Mark

referred to the acronym of CARE which stands for compassion, attitude, respect

and empathy. He said that these are the predictors of a positive interaction, and a

positive helping relationship between a Case Manager and a client. Many of the

other respondents referred to the need to be treated with respect and dignity.

Wanda mentioned how gracious and considerate the Case Manager

seemed when she met with her for the first time. She was encouraging and asked

Wanda if she would like to apply for Ontario Works and for ODSP. Wanda was

appreciative of the Case Manager’s attentiveness.

Wilson reflected on a positive experience he had with a Case Manager in

Toronto. He he thought that she was a “...good Case Manager” because she gave

him tips on employment, and she wanted to help him prepare to return to the labour

market. Wilson said that generally he has had positive experiences with Case

Managers.


James stated that generally the OW Case Managers have been friendly and

helpful, they often call him or email him to let him know about job openings. He said

that this goes beyond their duties as Case Managers and that he appreciates their

thoughtfulness.

Anne said that she has never had a negative experience with a Case

Manager. She gets along fairly well with all of the Case Managers she has had. She

said that she feels that the behaviour of a Case Manager very much depends on the

behaviour of the client. She said that many Ontario Works recipients have mental

health problems and can be difficult to work with, and she thinks this would influence

how they are treated.

Joe said that he had positive experiences with his Case Manager. He said

that she always replies immediately to his emails and provide him with resources.

His Case Manager helps him get to his medical appointments by taxi and

transportation subsidies.

Negative Experiences with Case Managers. While many respondents

reported positive experiences with Case Managers, others reported that they had

experiences with Case Managers in which they felt as if the Case Manager was not

demonstrating empathy towards them.

Mark had a negative experience when he went to OW for assistance and

was met by a Case Manager who addressed him in a “...robotic and mechanical


fashion.” He stated that he was dealing with one of the worst crisis of his life and that

he felt as though he didn’t have support.

Mark mentioned how he had moved and not changed his address with OW.

He went to the nearest OW (East Hamilton) office to try to make amends, he said

that the staff was cold and told him to go back to the OW office he had been dealing

with on Upper James to talk to his Case Manager there. He said that he didn’t have

money to pay his rent, he didn’t have money to take the bus. He said that he had to

beg to get a bus ticket, and someone eventually gave him one. He was confused as

to why he had to beg for a bus ticket. He said that he had absolutely no money and

no way to get to the OW office on the mountain. Mark felt as if the Case Managers

lacked empathy and that they need to try to understand how it feels to be in a crisis.

Wilson said that he had a negative experience with the Ontario Works Case

Manager with whom he met to complete his application for ODSP. He said that she

was unable to carry on any social interaction and that she was strictly business like

and demanded documents from him. Wilson said, “If we are considered their clients

then we should be treated like clients.” Wilson said during his experience in

business he learned how to treat clients. He said that people need to be treated on

a human level. Instead he felt as if he was wasting the Case Manager’s time.

Respondents found that some CM’s could be perceived as not

demonstrating skills in empathetic communication, or in other ways were

unconcerned with their humanity to the detriment of the client being treated poorly.


Effects of Living on an inadequate Income

Respondents reported that the amount of income that they receive

from Ontario Works was inadequate in that they found paying for essentials

difficult. Many of the recipients found that the amount of income of $626.00 a month

they receive from Ontario Works exceeds their cost of living, they cannot make

healthy choices as far as food & housing are concerned.

Wanda’s rent costs $425.00 a month. She says that she doesn’t have much

furniture, at first she slept on an air mattress, and had only a card table. She could

not live on the remaining money.

Wilson said, “The quality of life of a person on OW is not something to envy.”

Wilson said that people on OW are under a lot of stress: they have difficult life

circumstances, this causes them to have to make bad decisions this is where the

stereotype of “welfare bum” comes from. He said “...by the end of the month 90% of

OW recipients have absolutely no money.”

He said that life is very hard and by the time he pays his gas bill, hydro bill,

and phone bill, his rent, he has very little money left for food. He said that a large part

of his experience on OW has been learning about resources in the community that

he depends on community meals. He said that these resources are necessary and

without them he wouldn’t have any food.


Anne said that she would love to see the rates go up. She said that they are

so low that one cannot afford nutritious food. She has developed diabetes. She said

she was also unaware of the special diet allowance.

Howard had to move downtown because he could no longer afford to pay his

rent in Ancaster. He lives above a restaurant that has serious problems with pests.

He said, “...it’s not somewhere that anybody would want to live.” He lives here

because it’s the only place he can afford with the income provided by Ontario

Works.

Many of the respondents reported that the amount of money that they were

receiving was inadequate. The inadequacy of income is related to the inability to

make choices that promote health and wellbeing.

Ontario Works has contributed to respondents’ impaired

mental/physical capacity. A few of the recipients noted a connection between

their physical or mental health problems and the limited income that they are

receiving from Ontario Works.

Anne recently was diagnosed with diabetes. She said that she has little

access to fresh food because she has to live off of such a limited income, she

therefore sees a connect between being an Ontario Works recipient, and being sick

with diabetes.

Wilson said his Case Manager told him, that nobody could live with the

stress that the system creates without experiencing some kind of mental instability.


Wilson said, “...trying to live with the financial stress levels and inadequate

resources… to meet their timelines for documentation… stress related problems

are inevitable.” He says that the system should be responsible for the problems that

it has caused him, that this stress caused his depression.

Not only does an inadequate income interfere with the ability of the

respondents to make choices regarding their health and wellbeing, many of the

respondents felt as if their was a connection between their physical/mental health

problems and that inadequate income.

Many respondents demonstrated having their oppression as having

affected their self image. Self image is a person’s perception of themselves and

is how they perceive others see them. Most of the respondents reported having a

self image which reflected the cultural beliefs and stereotypes of those who receive

social assistance.

Wilson said that the stereotype of welfare bum is degrading and that it

contributes to him feeling like a “low life“, or that he is “low class.” James also

stated that feels that being a recipient of OW is “shameful” and that he is “low class”

he has always hated the idea of welfare that it gives a person very few

choices:”...I’ve gotta find a job because I hate welfare.”

Anne said that she recognizes that many people think that people who

receive Ontario Works are lazy and unproductive. She said that she is engaged with

volunteering on various committees and while this might not be considered “paid”


work it is certainly work. She also raised her son as a single mother for 14 years

and she considers this unpaid work. Anne said that she rarely has time to relax, and

that despite what people may think, she is not a lazy person.

Nathan also stated that he recognizes how other people see him, “...welfare

people are bums, losers, that they are the dregs of society.” He said that sometimes

he feels like a bum, or a loser because he is not contributing to society. Nathan

reflected on his own volunteer work and the ways in which his volunteering benefits

his community. He said that without the work of people like him, who are

participating in the “antipoverty movement” recent changes to Ontario Works (such

as the increase in rates) may not have happened.

Wanda stated that she has a feeling of being stereotyped: people assume

that you are “lesser,” that you lack social skills, that you have behavioral problems,

or mental health issues you feel unworthy and unwanted.

Joe said that he had the experience of having a really negative Employment

Counselor who told him that his degree from McMaster was equivalent to a grade

12 diploma. He said that he left that meeting feeling insignificant, and feeling like he

was a bad person. He said however, that he knows he is really smart. He said he

would really like to find a new Employment Counselor.

Respondents drew connections between their experiences of oppression

and negative self image. Cultural beliefs about people who receive Ontario Works

evidence themselves in the selfimage and self esteem of these


Experiences of “Poor Bashing.” Some recipients recalled instances in

which they were the victims of direct discrimination which has been called “poor

bashing” in colloquial language.

Wilson said that he feels that generally people are starting to realize that

poverty is not self imposed, however there is still a lot of “poor bashing.” There are

still a lot of stereotypes and assumptions about people on OW, e.g. landlords

mistrusting “welfare bums.”

James said that he has had friends and others mock and belittle him. People

have told him that they “...pay his rent.”

Joe said that he has experienced harassment from people who knew him

before he was an OW recipient. He said that they will say things like, “What

happened to you? You used to be such a hard working guy, now look at you. Why

are you getting government cheques?” He said that people just don’t understand.

Just because someone receives Ontario Works it doesn’t mean that they are lazy or

stupid or that they do not want to work. He thinks that these that these attitudes

come from our broader culture people need to understand that poverty is not a

choice, events, or circumstances in people’s lives create poverty.

These experiences, especially those with friends, were degrading to the

recipients and contributed to their internalization of a negative self image.

Creative and Thoughtful Recommendations.


Some respondents reported that they would like to see more

supportive/ empathetic behaviours on the behalf of Case Managers. Many

respondents in this study had recommendations about the way in which they would

like to be treated, and changes that they might like to see in the delivery of Ontario

Works.

Mark said that the most important way a Case Manager can help

participants is by being supportive. People come to them when they are in crisis,

unsure about their futures, and needing support. He said that they need to recognize

why people are angry and stressed out and not to shut these feelings down because

these feelings are valid. CM’s should recognize how vulnerable recipients are, and

recognize the difficulties they are having.

Mark reflected on an acronym he had heard once. He said Case Managers

need to CARE. They need to approach clients with attitudes of compassion,

acceptance, respect, and empathy. He thinks that the system makes it is difficult for

Case Managers to CARE because they have huge caseloads (Priel [2013]

reported that the ration is 127:1), and these caseloads impede their ability to

establish relationships with clients.

Wilson thought that the current system is modeled around assumptions about

people living in poverty; that they are criminals or in other ways bad people. He said

that social assistance policies should be informed by research and evidence

instead of assumptions. Wilson also thinks that OW should be more human service

geared. Wilson said ideally he would like to be treated like a real “client.” He would


like Case Managers to answer his questions fully instead of ignoring them. He said

he would like if the Case Managers were interested in who he is as a human being.

Wilson said that it would be good to reduce the bureaucracy and surveillance within

Ontario Works, that this would free up the Case Managers to focus more on the

needs of their clients.

Anne also thinks that there should be more Case Managers who are trained

at responding to the complexity of the problems of people who are experiencing

crisis.

Wanda felt that the intake process should be focused on the problems with

which people come to Intake with, and that CM’s should should invest themselves in

understanding where the client is coming from, how they are feeling, what their

needs are, and that referrals should be made to helpful services.

Many respondents thought that it might be suitable for Case Managers to

deliver more empathetic and supportive services to OW recipients. These

recipients not only mentioned their own experiences, but included concern for other

recipients.

Discussion

The goal of this study was to place Ontario Works within a theoretical

framework, to explore ideological assumptions, and to describe the experiences of

OW participants in interacting with a bureaucratic structure, holding the interests of

OW participants as paramount.


Economic Marginalization

Respondent’s social locations were inherently tied to their

experiences of marginalization. As Braedly (2010) attests, it is a fallacy in logical

thinking to assume that a persons’ lived experience is deducible to the choices that

they have made. While it also may be illogical to propose that agency is void, one

must not discount the effects of economic circumstances, and above all those

overarching social structures that embellish some with privilege while burdening

others with marginal social locations. Participant’s age, marital status, education,

social connections, and mental & physical health contributed to their experience of

marginalization.

All of the respondents reported feeling marginalized, pushed aside, shunned,

or in other ways that their labour was unwanted. Some discussed privilege as it

pertains to age, physical & mental health, social class, social capital, and education.

Some recognized the privilege that is tied to youth and especially how this

privilege declines as one ages and develops health related problems. Others were

aware that mental health is a barrier to employment. Wilson noted how social class

plays a role, how others can tell that someone is poor just by their appearance, and

how this can be a detrimental when someone is searching for employment. The

privilege of higher social class can also provide a person with social connections.

These respondents recognized the various ways in which they had been shunned or


pushed aside within capitalist labour relations.

Others noted how education provides a person with privilege in literacy, in

using technology, and in communication. The “new face of poverty” or the

phenomenon of educated persons receiving Ontario Works was a trend in this

study.

It is interesting to note that all of the respondents reported having

experienced some kind of physical or mental health barrier. Respondents reported

physical injuries, degenerative disorders, and diabetes as physical health problems.

Depression was reported by a number of the participants. These challenges

influenced the respondents experiences of applying to, and engaging with OW.

These were experienced by participants as both being barriers to employment, and

perhaps as having been exacerbated by a low income.

Experiences with Case Managers

Positive experiences with case managers. Respondents had various

insights into the types of behaviours that create a positive experience. Many of the

respondents appreciated when CM’s provided social and psychological support.

They were appreciative of CM’s who validated their feelings, were attentive &

attuned to feelings, who communicated with empathy and demonstrated

genuineness. CARE, and acronym which stands for compassion, acceptance,

respect and empathy was brought forward by one respondent who noted that these


are the core concepts which could be utilized by CM’s. Respondents were

appreciative of CM’s who answered their questions, and provided them with

information especially about employment opportunities, special allowances, and

transportation subsidies. Most respondents felt that it was essential that CM’s make

them feel that they are valued and respected.

CM’s are compliant with Standards of Service outlined in the OWA and

are supervised by their superiors, Anderson (2014) attests that currently all CM’s in

Hamilton are undergoing training to enhance their ability to deliver services to their

clientele. Although CM’s are furthering their skill development, it might still be useful

to emphasize the information gained from respondents in this study both their

positive experiences and their criticisms.

The experience of crisis upon intake and the perception of needing

more supportive responses from OW. Crisis is an experience of insurmountable

difficulty that exceeds a person’s resources and coping mechanisms (James &

Gilland, 2001). A number of participants reported the leadup to their application for

OW as being a period of crisis in their lives. Participants reported feeling hopeless,

that they had lost control, or in other ways exhausted their options. These

participants reported that their experience of crises coincided with the application to

OW. Respondents reported being unable to focus and feeling emotionally drained,

and having these conditions impact their ability to engage with the Interactive Voice

Response (IVR). Others referred to crisis as a “breakdown,” a period of intense


hopelessness, and as a loss of ability to provide for oneself and one’s family. Many

of the respondents reported feeling a need to be supported by another human

being, and struggled with the bureaucracy and the inability of OW staff to respond to

their social and psychological needs. In the study completed by Swift et al. (2010)

respondents stated that CM’s might genuinely want to help participants, but might

lack empathy for those experiencing poverty, and they might also need sensitivity

training including understanding nonverbal communication. Wanda reflected upon

her intake interview for OW, which she left in tears, feeling hopeless about her

future. Bill Atanas (2014) of MCSS expressed that OW in Hamilton is making an

effort to address some of these concerns, their clients are able to phone local OW

offices, and ask to bypass the IVR in favour of meeting with a CM personally. Priel

(2013) also stated in her report on OW in Hamilton that specialized Case

Management is available for those with multiple barriers to employment. I believe

that this is a very important response and shows regard for the wellbeing of the

people whom OW is meant to serve. But perhaps more can be done to address the

psychological and social needs of OW participants.

As Vallaincourt (2010) argues the intention of the OWA is not to support

participants, it is to encourage participants to return to the labour market. Nowhere

in the OWA does it mention that CM’s should support clients with their social and

psychological needs. Perhaps this is problematic, the respondents in this study

definitely thought that CM’s should be more involved in supporting clients from the

point of intake. In my opinion, Braedley and Vaillencourt’s arguments are logical. It is


indeed problematic for an Act to promote oppression and marginalization in the

delivery of a government service, and to ignore the structural causes of poverty

which are readily evidenced in literature, and appears in this study. As evidenced in

this study, respondents perceive the inability of CM’s to respond to their

psychological and social needs as being problematic.

Experiences with a Bureaucratic Structure

Respondents in this study found that various aspects of the bureaucratic

structure of OW had impacted their experience. Many expressed struggling with the

institutionalized surveillance, with excessive demands for documentation, and with

being dealt with by CM”s in a bureaucratic fashion.

Excessive demands for documentation. Complicated application and

appeal processes might have the latent intent of discouraging and disentitling

participants to benefits; a complex computerized service delivery model meant to

flag discrepancies or missing information might disadvantage participants, and

burden Case Managers with excessive paperwork (Herd, 2002; Herd & Mitchell,

2002; Herd, Mitchell & Lightman, 2005; NCRSAO, 2012; Nonguaza, 2009) . Ontario

Works is structured in such a way that it is to be accountable to the taxpayers of

Ontario by ensuring, through an elaborate technological surveillance model, that OW

participants do not commit welfare fraud (Vaillencourt, 2010; Crocker & Johnson,


2010). As mentioned in the literature review, a requirement for participation in OW

is the presentation of documentation upon application, and continuously as one

receives assistance. However, some respondents in this study, and in other studies,

have found that respondents find the demand for paperwork excessive, and that it

actually prescribes CM’s a surveillance role. Respondents in this study found that

CM’s seem overworked and stressed, and suggested that if CM caseloads were

lower they might be able to attend more to the psychological and social needs of the

respondents who face multiple barriers. Respondents noted that CM’s seemed

“distant,” one respondent noted that his CM seemed “businesslike” and attributed

this to the surveillance role that the CM had to perform collecting and

disseminating information on behalf of OW. The bureaucratic structure of OW, and

the high client to CM ratio, have impacted the ability of CM’s to respond to the

psychological and social needs of these respondents.

Entrenchment of a culture of suspicion and blame within OW. The

“Poor Bashing” platform of Mike Harris’ Conservative Party in 1995 reinforced

notions of culpability and criminality in the poor. This campaign was what led to the

creation of the oppressive piece of legislature known as the OWA, and was

responsible for reshaping the delivery of benefits in Ontario. As Maki (2011) states,

however, Harris’ argument was little more than political rhetoric (that the poor readily

and willingly commit fraud) and is actually quite unfounded. Harris’ argument was

rooted in cultural beliefs about poverty and has more to do with punishing poor


people than cracking down on fraud. Maki (2011) defends this position by citing that

the amount of money lost to “welfare” fraud before the 1995 reform was marginal in

comparison to the amount of money lost to corporate fraud, and that the service

delivery model and its implementation costs more to tax payers then that what was

lost to “welfare” fraud. Why is it so important for the Government of Ontario to punish

those experiencing poverty by subjecting them to punitive measures and intrusive

surveillance? It only propagates a culture that mistrusts and blames those

experiencing poverty cultural beliefs that are unfounded and misinformed.

In this study, many respondents found that there is a culture of suspicion and

blame within the bureaucratic structure of OW and that perhaps this is modeled by

the CM’s. Some of the respondents felt that OW was structured to hold them

accountable for some assumed culpability. Respondents felt blamed, and felt that

the excessive demands for documentation were focused solely on ensuring that they

were not committing “welfare” fraud. CM’s, in their surveillance role, hold power over

their clients, and this power can create feelings of intimidation, and fear in their

clients. Respondents commented on the culture that exists within OW one that

promotes the ideology of assumed culpability and criminality of the poor.

Respondents expressed a wish for OW to be more human service oriented, to help

them instead of blaming and marginalizing them further.

Impact of a bureaucratic structure on those with impaired mental and

physical capacities. As described in the literature review, confusing and


complicated bureaucratic processes create challenges for those with impaired

physical or psychological capacities (Herd, 2002). As Herd & Mitchell (2013) argue,

the latent intent of confusing processes is to disentitle or discourage participants.

Some of the respondents in this study struggled immensely to navigate through

complex processes, finding the demands for paperwork and the impersonal

relationships with CM’s difficult. Others reported feeling that successful navigation

through OW’s bureaucracy requires a great deal of physical and mental capacity,

which many OW participants lack. The Commission for the Review of Social

Assistance in Ontario (CRSAO) (2012) acknowledges that the system is a labyrinth

of confusing rules and benefit structures and has recommended a restructuring of

the system to eliminate some of these barriers. Complex bureaucratic processes

impede the ability of those with mental health problems or physical health

challenges in their efforts to navigate through OW’s bureaucracy.

Internalization of Negative Stereotypes and Assumptions

Feelings of low selfworth and the dissemination of the cultural belief

in the culpability of the poor. Negative selfimage is partly the result of the

internalization of stereotypes and assumptions which are culturally accepted and

normalized. These testimonies in this study are evidence that the negative

stereotypes and assumptions that some accept as natural and normal, are actually

harmful to the self image, and thus the self esteem of these OW participants. As


Braedley (2010) and Chunn & Gavigan (2004) conclude, the propagation of the

individualization of poverty in neoliberal ideology is related to the cultural belief that

poverty is the result of poor choices and moral failing. This is the same belief that

informed the Common Sense Revolution, and the OWA. Many of the respondents in

this study have actually internalized this ideology so much that it has influenced their

selfimage.

Many of the respondents reported feeling that they were “low class” or that

their worth as human beings was somehow less than that of a person who had a job.

I listened to respondents refer to the perceptions that they felt that others might have

of them. They demonstrated awareness of the individualization of poverty that

others might see them as being stupid, as being insignificant, as being immoral or

being bad people.

Some of the respondents reported “poor bashing” in which others (e.g.

friends & family) would say hurtful things to put the respondent down or to in other

ways degrade their social status. I feel as if these actions are evidence of the

cultural ideology that exists in a capitalist society. By degrading the social status of

another, individuals can distinguish there own identity as being “workingclass” while

belittling those whose identities are lower on the status hierarchy than their own.

“Poorbashing” behaviours are an enactment of a social ideology the same cultural

values that have informed the Common Sense Revolution and thus the structuring of

OWA.


Respondents feeling as if they are undeserving of ODSP. Some of the

respondents remarked that they felt they were undeserving of ODSP despite having

physical and mental health problems that caused significant barriers to them

becoming employed. Respondents expressed feeling as if there were others who

were “worse off” and perhaps more deserving of ODSP than themselves.

Respondents who meet daily challenges related to physical and mental health

concerns shy away from applying for ODSP because they have internalized the

cultural belief that poverty is something one bestows on oneself because of one’s

poor work ethic and decision making. These respondents acknowledge that

receiving ODSP would increase quality of life, but perhaps are avoiding it because

of the stigma of being labled “disabled.”

Inadequate Income

Effects of an inadequate income. The Harris government cut social

assistance rates by 21.6% (Herd, 2002). Social assistance rates are similar to what

they were in 1995 despite an inflation that amounts to approximately 49%

(Monsebraaten, 2013). The majority of the respondents in this study were

unattached, and thus received the absolute lowest benefit from OW $626.00 a

month (Monsebraaten, 2013). Similar to Nonguaza’s (2009) study, this study also

found that this low income made it difficult for recipients to pay rent, and to buy and

prepare nutritious food. In a capitalist society a person’s income is the main


determinant of their purchasing power and thus influences the choices that

individuals are able to make.

The respondents in this study reported various ways in which an inadequate

income affects their lives. One respondent stated that she could not afford more

than an air mattress and a card table. Another said that he struggles with paying for

essentials like gas and hydro, and also has to seek out community meals. Another

respondent said that hydro is expensive, and said that his light bulbs in subsidized

housing cost $8.00 each so he can only afford lightbulbs in a few rooms of his

apartment. One’s place of residence is also influenced by a limited income, one

participant said that he was forced to move to the downtown area in which his

accommodation was infested with pests because he could not longer afford rent in

a suburban neighbourhood. It is also difficult for respondents to buy nutritious food.

Such a limited income is conducive to a lifestyle that Wilson described as being

“nothing to envy” and Wanda described as “barely surviving.” It is a privilege to be

able to choose where one resides, or what one eats, or what one decides to put in

their home a privilege denied to those respondents in this study.

When ones income cannot adequately meet there needs they are likely to

suffer in other ways. Anne mentioned how not being able to afford nutritious food

might have contributed to her development of diabetes. Wilson reflected upon his

experience with a CM who once told him that OW causes undue amounts of stress,

and that people cannot live off such a limited income for very long without

developing some kind of stress related illness. Wilson also spoke about the effects


of poverty on one's physical appearance, it is a reason for others to marginalize or

shun recipients of social assistance. Poverty inflicts harm upon people, and further

marginalizes them from the labour market. In general, the decisions of the Harris

government could be seen as being measures taken not to save tax payers money,

but to ensure that social assistance rates remain low, and to perhaps punish those

experiencing poverty as an incentive for others to work.

CONCLUSION

It is my hope that the information gained from these respondents serves the

interest of claimsmaking for those engaged in the antipoverty movement. I think

that unity between professionals and the populations that they serve is an important

facet to facilitating change in the face of deepening economic inequality. In

recognizing the hard work of CM’s and government staff, I would like to conclude by

asserting that it is not my intention to place blame on any one CM, but rather to offer

a perspective on analysing the interactions between those who hold power, and

those who do not. Also, to stress the importance of responsibility of government and

the intelligent class of people who represent government in finding progressive and

creative solutions to problems presented by participants of OW.

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Ontario Works Experts by Experience (Draft)

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