ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM … NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND...
Transcript of ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM … NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND...
ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND THE MYTH OF A NATIONAL CULTURE By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D. Associate Professor and Director School of Communication Studies University of Ghana P.O. Box LG53 Legon, Ghana Phone: +233-21-512589 Fax: +233-21-500693 E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] or [email protected] BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh is currently an Associate Professor at the School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Legon, where he lectures in communication research methodology and development communication. He the Director of the School. He obtained his Ph.D. from La Trobe University at Melbourne, Australia and has taught at the University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada. He is the author of Communication, Education and Development. In addition, he edited the two-volume Perspectives on Indigenous Communication in Africa. He is also the author of chapters in books and journal articles. PAPER PREPARED FOR THE COMMUNITY COMMUNICATION SECTION OF THE 23RD GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE OF THE
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION RESEARCH (IAMCR), INSTITUT DE TEATRE, BARCELONA, SPAIN, JULY 21-26, 2002 ABSTRACT In this era of ethnic conflicts in the West African region, it has become important to monitor community inclusion in nationhood as determined by language and culture, especially when multiculturism and multilingualism are key characteristics of African (including Ghanaian ) nationhood. This paper examines the notions of national unity and collective belongingness as enhanced or impeded byn multilingualism arising out of languages restricted to small communities. It argues that multiculturism is not necessarily coterminus with multilingualism. It identifies language representation in broadcasting in numbers and airtime. Findings indicate that only a few of the 50 odd languages are employed in broadcasting. It further discusses activism geared toeards securing representation of minority languages in broadcasting. This is followed by a historical review of language policies designed to achieve national integration and inclusion. The paper concludes that there is a difference between inclusion at the local level and at the national level. It then proposes strategies for the formulation of communication policies aimed at achieving language inclusion in broadcasting for national cohesion and unity.
ONE NATION, MANY TONGUES: LANGUAGE OF FM BROADCASTING AND THE MYTH OF A NATIONAL CULTURE By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh School of Communication Studies, University of Ghana, Legon
Introduction
Spoken tongues or languages and their role in the construction of culture have suddenly become topical
in Ghanaian politics following a major government policy change which favoured the English language
over local languages for instruction at early primary school (Okine, 2002). This paper critically
examines the language of FM broadcasting in the Ghanaian national capital, Accra and its environs and
contends that, language is no indicator of nationhood. It argues that although the nation's 1992
Constitution (Ghana 1992) recognizes the multilingual situation of the country -- a condition Ansah
(1986) effectively described and analysed from the broadcasting perspective --, languagewise, there is
nothing like a Ghanaian culture. And, indeed, one could actually be looking more at development
communication problems as by-products of intranational language-related cultural incongruencies. Even
then, the contribution of the spoken tongue to the construction of culture is recognised by a proposed
National Communications Policy (Ghana 2000) document which identifies "social responsibilities of
broadcasters" to include the promotion of "the use of Ghanaian languages by broadcasting in at least
those spoken in a station's coverage area: for a defined percentage of airtime." After a review of current
FM broadcast language use practices, the paper advocates a recognition and appreciation of a
multilingual Ghana from which a national culture can be constructed by positively exploiting, rather than
encouraging negative competititon among, its diversity of languages.
Language is as much a vehicle for comunication as it is the soul of culture (Fuglesang 1973, Freire
1981). As the soul of culture, it is a key indicator of, the unilingual nation. A national culture would,
indeed, imply the existence of a national language. Nevertheless, an extended association of language
with national pride would likely generate competition among different languages of a geo-politically
defined entity called nation for a national status and designation as national language. Indeed, it is difficult
to define nations with multiple languages by using the language criterion. Yet even such nations would
want to project "national culture," something so easily achieved in the unilingual national setting. An
expectation of broadcasting to promote Ghanaian national culture had been one of the main
preoccupations of Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah (Ansah 1986), in the context of the nation's
multilingualism. He had hoped for, and actively sought the use of Ghanaian languages as instruments for
the presentation of the broadcast content which together with other forms of language use would
"construct" and promote a culture of the "African personality." Nkrumah would, therefore, have
expected present day FM radio to broadcast in Ghanaian languages.
Language Use Policy in Ghana
In a nation with an "effective literacy level" of 46.9 percent (Ghana Statistical Service 2002:7), and
where literacy largely means the ability to read and write the English language, a policy that prefers the
use of the English language to that of the mother tongue of citizens, is tantamount to a "tyranny of the
minority." Yet, this is what the policy pronouncement by the Minister of Education, Professor
Christopher Ameyaw-Akumfi, that changed the language of instruction in the first three years of primary
education to favour the English language over local languages. From 1967, the policy had been "a
Ghanaian language should be used as the medium of instruction for the first three years of primary
school" (Ghana 1967:9). The new policy has been challenged by linguistic and education experts (mainly
from the pedagogical stance) who insist upon greater learning achievement when lessons are
communicated in the mother tongue (Okine 2002). The Minister had included in his reasons for puuting
premium on the English language its significance as an international language, something that suggests
"overglobalization" of policy. The policy change is strenghthened by apologists of globalisation as
transplantation such as Dartey (2002:7) who believe “there is the need for a fair knowledge in English
Language by every individual to cut off the communication barrier between our nation and other
nations.” Intercultural exchange, exchange of ideas as well as tourism can only be enhanced by bridging
the language gap” Dartey (2002:7) adds.
Constitutionally, the policy does not seem to be in line with Article 26(1) of the 1992 Constitution
which requires that: "Every person is entitled to enjoy, practise, profess, maintain and promote any
culture, language, tradition or religion subject to the provisions of this Constitution." The Standing
Orders of the Parliament of Ghana (November 1, 2000, pp. 29-30) also adopts an inclusive
approach to language use by prescribing that its debates shall "ordinarily be conducted in English
Language, except that a Member may exercise the option to address the house in either Akan, Nzema,
Ga, Ewe, Hausa, Dagbani, Dagaare or in any other local language ..."). At the local government level, a
" District Assembly may conduct its business in English and in any Ghanaian language common to the
communities in the District" (Ghana 1993:9). The new “English only” policy contradicts the above
inclusive legislative framework at the local community level. It does, indeed, not facilitate inclusiveness
and participation, two key attributes of the community.
Just as the English language is credited for providing a unifying communication mechanism for a
multilingual Gold Coast (former name of Ghana) nationalists in their fight against colonialism, the Minister
might also have been influenced to arrive at his decision by English as the single language that is used
across all ethnic groups. If in the nationalist struggle English became an indicator of "nationness," in its
recognition as the leading instructional communication tool in education (including for citizenship) it
incongruously represents "Ghanaian nationhood."
What this suggests is that the difference that was established right from the point of the construction of
nationhood between the language of the leadership and the language of the led persists. Thus, while from
the perspective of the leader the foreign language is a unifying device, it actually alinates the leader from
the led. This fits into the development dependency model a la globalization which proposes intensive
integration and strenghthened linkage between the periphery and the centre the adoption of whose
language is a condition to be fulfilled by the dependent nation.
This arrangement is also antithetical to the practice of the indigenous leadership where the Chief was
prohibited from speaking in a language other that of his people. The rationale here was for cultural
survival and enrichment as well as securing communication between the leadership and the led. These
days, some chiefs speak English at public functions presumably to display the state of their
“educativeness” and sophistication. A more conciliatory approach would be to transform the role of the
okyeame (spokesperson) into that of an English translator to encourage the chief to continue to link up
with his people through the indigenous language medium.
None of these legal provisions which regulate language use in Ghana expressly designates any
language(s) as "official" or "national." Governments, such as the new language of instruction policy
suggests, sometimes, appear tempted to declare English as such. In such a decision, they would be
encouraged by the fact that "...much of [the language of] literature and mass communication is in English"
(Ghana Statistical Service 2002:7). Indeed, the observation by Ansu-Kyeremeh and Karikari (1998:11)
that "there is not a single Ghanaian language newspaper" still holds.
Accra's 13 FM Stations
Some fifty-seven out of Ghana's sixty-two years of radio broadcasting experience had been
dominated by a sole national broadcasting agency, the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation (GBC)1
(which metamorphosed from Radio ZOY in 1939 through Gold Coast Broadcasting System, Ghana
Broadcasting System to its present name and status) and its centrifugal (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1992) single
station format. In addition to two FM stations, UNIIQ FM and OBONU FM, which are operated by
the GBC, there are eleven others that are located in the capital city. These include ATLANTIS RADIO,
CHANNEL R, CHOICE FM, JOY FM and PEACE FM. The others are RADIO GOLD, TOP
RADIO and VIBE FM. RADIO UNIVERS, which is owned and operated by the University of
Ghana, is also located in the capital. In close proximity at Tema, Accra's neighbour city are two other
stations, Meridian Radio (owned and operated by a women's advocacy group) and Adom FM. The
latter is owned by Multimedia Broadcasting Company which also owns JOY FM. Station Adom
appears to be JOY's Ghanaian language answer to the success of PEACE FM. Although its the initial
GBC Radio (Radio ZOY) relay format by which programmes originated from the BBC in London meant
English as the language of broadcasting, within a few years of its inception, it had introduced the local
languages Akan, Ga, and Hausa in that order.
Language of Broadcasting in Accra
Today, GBC which had begun as an English only broadcaster broadcasts through its regional stations
in more languages than any other single station in the country. This is in contrast to JOY FM which
broadcasts virtually solely in English. JOY FM seems to have taken a cue more from the pro-English
stance of the likes of the Ministry of Education than from the multilingual legislative instruments. It is
virtually in competition in English language broadcasting with the local BBC FM2 station, whose
programmes "Focus on Africa" and "Sports Round Up" JOY (serving as a beachhead) broadcast live
BBC programmes before the BBC's local FM was established. A local Radio France International
(RFI) FM station broadcasts virtually in French and vigourously promotes French culture. There is no
doubt BBC FM and RFI FM are respective agents for the propagation of British and French languages
and cultures.
One consequence of the positioning on language use by JOY FM has been the success challenge to it
and the final edging of the station from the top position in ratings. Surveys, including one by Ansu-
Kyeremeh (2000) indicated a serious challenge to JOY FM's domination of commercial broadcasting
by PEACE. The latter is now regarded as the top and most popular commercial FM station in Accra.
The phenomenal success of PEACE has been attributed to its presentation of programmes in the local
languages. its would be examined in greater detail shortly. Need one state, though, that also in the
mould of JOY FM is ATLANTIS RADIO which broadcasts in English only and plays a lot of American
country music. The rest of the stations broadcast either in multiple languages or in multilanguage use in a
single programme formats.
The University of Ghana station, Radio UNIVERS, broadcasts in at least four major local languages:
Akan, Hausa, Ga and Ewe. Actually, it was the first privately operated or independent radio station to
be established in the history of the nation. Its establishment had been enabled by the 1992 Constitution.
It was also the first independent station to broadcast in a Ghanaian language (Ansu-Kyeremeh and
Karikari (1998).
PEACE FM, the leading commercial station in Accra (as well as nationwide), broadcasts mainly in
Akan and in other Ghanaian languages. It seems to have opted against JOY FM's English stance and
responded to the multilingual recommendations of the various legislative instruments cited above. Radio
GOLD, on the other hand, prefers the presentation of single programmes in as many languages as
possible in a format it calls "multilingual broadcasting." Listeners seem to be responding favourably to
the format since the station has consistently placed second to the Ghanaian language dominated
brodcasting of PEACE FM in listenership surveys.
.
Table I: Language of Broadcast of Accra Radio Stations STATION
LANGUAGE(S)
REMARKS
Atlantis Radio
English
English only
Channel R
Twi (Akan), English
Mainly religious
CHOICE FM English Mainly talk JOY FM
English
Some BBC programmes
PEACE FM
Akan (also Ga & Ewe)
Virtually Ghanaian Langs
UNIIQ
English (Main), some Akan
Virtually English
Radio GOLD
Akan (lot), Eng/Ga/Ewe/Hau
Multiple language use
Radio UNIVERS
Eng/Akan/Ga/Dagbani/Ewe/Hausa
Only Six-language Station
TOP Radio
Eng/Akan/Ga
A lot of Akan
In effect, various radio stations have adopted different formulations of a "Ghanaian" national culture
through their language policies. For example, JOY FM's approach indicates language as peripheral to
the constrcution of culture, since the prospects of a "Ghanaian culture" with the English language as its
soul its rather remote. PEACE FM, on the other hand, places language at the centre of culture. The
multiple language format of Radio GOLD may be interpreted as a recognition and contribution to the
construction of a multicultural Ghanaian society.
Table II: Accra Ethnic* Population and FM Language Use
LANGUAGE
POPULATION
STATIONS (9)
TOTAL AIRTIME/Wk (1,267
hr)
Akan
1,064,679
6 (9)
111hr 11m
Ga/Adangbe
793,501
4 (9)
4hr 57m
Ewe
480,618
4 (9)
6hr 25m
Mole Dagbani
136,650
- (9)
-
Guan 77,247 - (9) -
Grusi
54,109
- (9)
-
Gurma
20,933
- (9)
-
Hausa
-
2 (9)
2hr 25m
Nzema
-
- (9)
-
Other Groups
27,934
- (9)
-
*Ghana Statistical Service, 2000 Population Census Report.
Language Use and Airtime
In terms of a station using a language, English appears to be the most often used among stations (Table
I). And the listeners of polyglot Accra (Dakubu) to the nine FM stations hear more English than any
one Ghanaian language. This is reflected particularly in the totality of airtime, the Ghanaian language
(irrespective of type) appears more regularly used than English.
The free expression enablement provided in the provisions of the 1992 Fourth Republican Constitution
and supported by theNational Media Commission ( NMC) Act has created a boom for radio pluralism
to the extent that as implied from above one shortwave station in 1995, and for that matter one FM
station in the same year, Accra today has 13 stations - an addition of 12 stations within a period of six
years.
Table 1 shows nine out of Accra's thirteen FM stations and the their various approaches to linguistic
applications to programme presentation. It is representative of the stations for the discussion of language
of FM broadcasting and its implications for the purposes of the construction of a Ghanaian a nation.
The representativeness hinges on the inclusion of stations such as PEACE FM, the leading [see various
studies] commercial FM station which emphasizes the use of local languages, JOY FM the premier
commercial and one of the leading stations which broadcasts in virtually English only and Radio
UNIVERS, the truly privaly owned public broadcasting station. In the Table, one finds evidence
supporting the statements above which attempt to categorize Accra FM radio stations in terms of the
extent of each station's potential to contribute to the construction of a "Ghanaian culture" with language
diversity.
In a sense, in the context of language of FM broadcasting in the nation's capital, what is often perceived
as a homogeneous "national culture" is in reality a multicultural situation or collection of cultures bound
together by artificial structures such as a constitutional instrument and other indicators of statehood. For,
just as radio programming follows the western time method, language of broadcasting is determined
more by commercial opportunism or by political expediency. An example of the former is PEACE FM
which continues to exploit local languages for their lucrative advertising and OBONU which was
established as a Regional public broadcasting station.
The corollary of this would be that there is no national culture without a national language. The reality
could, however, be a geographically defined nation such as Ghana with multiple languages which when
not properly managed can degenerate competitive polyglotism in which conflicts can arise out of
competition by languages for attention such as being adopted as a national or an official language. In
nations such as Canada where such possibilities do actually exist, one may hear more of "official
language" than "national language." The content of culture, manifest or latent, is constructed and enriched
with and by language. Language may however be affected by culture when the latter is shaped largely by
factors other than language. From this perspective, a kind of symbiotic relationship exists between
language and culture. Growth of language is growth of culture and cultural transformation means change
in the language of expression of that culture. And so while the language of cultural representation on
radio would impact on the content of culture, culture may affect the operation and content of radio.
Multiculturism and its associated multilingualism or that nations are cultural heterogeneities, is often more
recognized in countries with a mixture of westerner-dominated and non-westerner racial minorities than
in African situations where the reality of multiculturism is subsumed under a notion of national culture. In
westerner-nonwesterner situations, communication-influenced cultural incongruities are often discussed
as a clash of western and indigenous cultures. Ansu-Kyeremeh (1992), for example, links the
problematics of the application of technology in development communication to exogenously stimulated
disjunctions between western technology and individualistic values on the one hand and indigenous
largely interpersonal and communalistic values [communication structures and principles] on the other.
(Also language of instruction /instructional use of language as one of the problematics of pedagogy).
References
Akosah-Sarpong, Kofi (April 15, 2002) The challenge of Africa's multiethnic make up, West Africa,
4321:36-37.
Baneseh, M. Aku (Wednesday, May 29, 2002) Lecturers Deplore Cabinet's Decision on Use of
English Language, Daily Graphic, p. 3.
Dartey, Joyce (Friday, June 28, 2002, p. 7) Examining the essence of education, The Evening News,
p. 7.
Dovi, Efam Awo (May, 2002) Education: Starting from First Principles ..., Ghana Review
International, pp. 10-11.
Freire, Paulo (1985) The politics of education: Culture, power and liberation. London: Macmillan.
Fuglesang, Andreas (1973) Applied communication in developing countries: Ideas and
observation. Uppsala: Dag Hamarsjoeld Foundation.
Ghana (1992) Constitution of the Republic of Ghana, 1992. (Article 26(1)).
Ghana (1993) Local Government Act, 1993 (462), Section 5(4).
Ghana (1967) Report of the Education Review Committee (appointed by the National Liberation
Council), June 1966 to July, 1967 [Kwapong Committee Report] Accra: Ministry of Information.
Ghana (November 1, 2000) Standing Orders of the Parliament of Ghana, 47.
Ghana. Ministry of Education and Culture (1975) Cultural Policy in Ghana. Paris: Unesco.
Ghana. Ministry of Communications (Octocer, 2000) National Communications Policy: Draft
Document.
Okine, Charles Benoni (Friday, May 17, 2002) "English now only medium of instruction," Daily
Graphic, pp. 1 and 3.
Press Statement at Press Conference by a Group of Language Experts and Educators in the University
of Ghana, Legon (May 28, 2002).
TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION
By
Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.
Associate Professor and Director
School of Communication Studies
University of Ghana
P.O. Box LG53
Legon, Ghana
Phone: +233-21-512589
Fax: +233-21-500693
E-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] or [email protected]
BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh is currently an Associate Professor at the School of Communication Studies,
University of Ghana, Legon, where he lectures in communication research methodology and
development communication. He is also the Director of the School. He obtained his Ph.D. from La
Trobe University at Melbourne, Australia and has taught at the University of Windsor, Ontario, Canada.
He is the author of Communication, Education and Development. In addition, he edited the two-
volume Perspectives on Indigenous Communication in Africa. He is also the author of chapters in
books and journal articles.
PAPER PREPARED FOR THE COMMUNITY COMMUNICATION SECTION OF THE
22ND GENERAL ASSEMBLY AND SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE OF THE
INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF MEDIA AND COMMUNICATION RESEARCH
(IAMCR), INSTITUT DEL TEATRE, BARCELONA, SPAIN, JULY 21-25, 2002
TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION
By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.
ABSTRACT (ORIGINAL)
For years, broadcasting in Ghana was unilinear; inundating listeners and viewers, in a top-down
direction of communication flow, with messages which they could not respond to. The freedom of
expression provisions of Ghana's 1992 Constitution seek rectification of this lack of audience
participation by facilitating dialogue. For example, rejoinders are now constitutionally guaranteed.
Indeed, Chapter 12 of the Constitution enables audience involvement in the communication act. Such
audience involvement happens to reflect the objective of the principles of participation. Following the
liberalisation of the airwaves in the mid-1990s, along with private broadcasting, audience contribution
through phone-in or in-studio presence as well as other forms of feedback and participation have
become integral part of Ghanaian radio, and to a limited scale television, broadcasting. This paper
examines this phenomenon from the perspective of objectives, principles and characteristics of effective
audience participation. It distinguishes between "talk-shows" and "phone-in" programmes on the basis of
instantaneous and delayed feedback. Its findings include the reduction of the power of audience
participation in recorded talk-shows by gate-keeping in the pre-recorded, and therefore, edited
programmes such as "Focus" (radio) and "Mmaa Nkommo," and "Public Concern" (television). On the
other hand, unscreened phone-in seems to be generating "negative" emotions and passions that may not
be helpful to the cause of participation. It is proposed, therefore, that "transparent" broadcast monitoring
and call-in screening devices could be the answer to enhancing participation through increased live
phone-in programmes rather than the production of pre-recorded talk-shows.
TWO-WAY BROADCASTING AND THE POWER OF PARTICIPATION
By Kwasi Ansu-Kyeremeh, Ph.D.
INTRODUCTION
Decades of one-way, unilinear, state-monopoly broadcasting in Ghana yielded to two-way, dialogical
and interactive audience participatory broadcast programming in the mid-1990s. Suddenly, input-
access, hitherto closed to the audience is now open for listener and viewer contribution to programme
content. The radical change could be attributed to constitutionalism and liberalisation of the air waves.
Akin to international interactive broadcasting such as the BBC's radio discussion, "Talking Point" or
CNN's "Q and A" television programmes, Ghanaian audiences now use the telephone, e-mail and other
communication media to instantaneously, spontaneously, contemporaneously and simultaneously
contribute to live radio and television talk programmes.
This paper examines broadcasting in Ghana for this new two-way interactivity broadcasting for open-
input1 listener/viewer access to the hitherto privately appropriated, but otherwise public, broadcasting
space to the listener/viewer. The paper, thus, attempts to describe and explain audience-participation
phone-in broadcast programming in Ghana. The phone-in is seen as power, expressed in the ability and
capacity of impact or to generate reviews or attract observations which may be positive or negative in
the hands of previously powerless listeners/viewers.
The findings indicate powers of participation exercised through enabling communication mechanisms
with both positive and negative consequences. Measures proposed to rectify the shortcomings of the
4
new participatory phone-in broadcasting include "transparent" broadcast monitoring and the introduction
of call-in screening devices. Also advocated is an infusion of indigenous elements of communication into
the technology-based formats to enhance interactivity. These would strengthen the exercise of the
positive powers of participation for the effective, active and enhanced citizen involvement in national
affairs in fulfilment of the freedom of expression expectations of the nation's current practice of
democratic governance.2
One-Way Non-Participatory Broadcasting
From July, 1935 to March 1997 when broadcasting was entirely state-owned and operated,
communication was one-way with a top-down flow pattern. The format excluded the audience from
input-access. A centrifugal organizational structure, by which all programme production and presentation
originated from a central point, ensured that the role of the audience would be confined to receiving the
broadcast output.
Whether by rediffusion, shortwave wireless or even FM mode, broadcast communication by the Ghana
Broadcasting Corporation (GBC) which produced and presented programmes from its Accra
headquarters and studios flowed in one-way direction. Indeed, the initial FM stations (including URA
Radio and Radio GAR) operated on a 60 per cent and 40 per cent air time for national and local
programming, respectively.
However, since 1995, broadcast pluralism, private ownership of radio stations, the FM broadcasting
mode and improved telephony have combined to revolutionise broadcasting (Ayitevie 1996, Sakyi-
5
Addo 1996, Kumado 1999). The direction of broadcast communication has been transformed from
one-way to two-way and audience participation is a major component of broadcasting. The 1992
Fourth Republican Constitution (Article 162[6]) actually prescribes the rejoinder as a right. Factors
propelling the new two-way interactive broadcasting include people's desire to be associated with the
novelty of the idea after years of one-way broadcasting, the opportunity to make one's voice heard (as
claimed by Radio UNIVERS), and improved telephony. Participation, as a conceptual framework for
this study, is examined next.
PARTICIPATION
In this study, participation was examined from the perspective of mechanisms for involvement such as
programme format (how participation is encouraged), language of broadcasting, time allocated to
phone-in programmes and actual phone-in time for each specific programme. Objectives of
participation, in this context, include the achievement of dialogue, audience feedback input into
programmes and two-way communication that recognises both vertical bottom-up and horizontal flows.
For the principles guiding participatory phone-in broadcasting, the message sender is also a receiver;
communication is both interactive and multidirectional; and the medium is means for sharing and not an
appropriation for dissemination.
Types of effective audience participation recognised in this study included the "talk-show" programme
with a "phone-in" segment. From the BBC and CNN examples cited above, participatory broadcasting
has the listener/viewer as discussant or contributor. And listener/viewer input could be by in-studio
6
presence or out-of-studio link through telephone or by other means such as the fax or e-mail.
Both Coleman (1998) and Stein (1998) posit participation enablement in their studies of audience
phone-in to radio and television programmes respectively. Ansu-Kyeremeh (1998), from Freireian and
other participatory communication perspectives, identified "interactivity," "input-access," "dialogue" and
"content relevance" as some of the key aspects of participation, which is interpreted here as active
involvement of the audience in the broadcasting activity.
As far back as the mid-1970s, Crothers (June, 1975) classified two types of current affairs talk-backs
radio shows: (a) general entertainment-oriented talk-backs run by the state-owned New Zealand
Broadcasting Corporation (NZBC); and (b) more focused, critical talk-backs broadcast by private
radio stations. Liddicoat et al (1992), though, using the discourse analysis method, found strategies in
talk-radio openings differed from regular telephone conversations. But Hutchby's (1992) findings
indicated an adversarial discourse between hosts and callers whereby both parties would resort to
seizing upon minor details to strenghthen each other's argument. This study adopted the approaches by
Coleman (1998) and Stein (1998) in seeking for instantaneity and spontaneity of audience input.
METHODOLOGY
One questionnaire elicited information on access as perceived by radio stations. Another asked about
access as experienced by "in-vehicle audiences."3 A five-page questionnaire was administered to a
representative from the programming department of each of six radio stations in Accra: CHOICE FM,
JOY FM, PEACE FM, Radio GAR, Radio GOLD and Radio UNIVERS. The questionnaires were
7
administered from March 20 to April 4, 2000.
Questions asked about the proportion of phone-in programming of overall programming, time allocated
to the phone-in segment of a programme, format and mode of administering phone-in programming and
language of broadcast. Television phone-in programming was observed for its characteristics.
For the in-vehicle audience survey, research assistants travelled on tro tro4 and taxis on Friday, March
24, 2000 to record listening and listener reaction in those vehicles between 8 a.m and 9 a.m. Friday was
chosen because one of the most popular (English-speaking) FM programmes, "Front Page" (JOY FM)
aired on that day. And morning was selected for being the daypart with the most popular phone-in
programmes.
FINDINGS AND DISCUSSION
This study sought from broadcasters data that would serve as basis for an exploration of participatory
opportunities generated by their programmes. Information about the audience situation, on the other
hand, was to help assess the ability and capacity of the audience to access the output and exploit
avenues for input into programme presentation.
Input-Access
The characterisation of access as the first stage of participation (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1998) was sought
either as out-put access (means for broadcast information consumption) or input-access (content input
enablement opportunity for the audience).
8
The receiving set is required to listen to or view the programme as broadcast output. Input, though,
demands both the creation of the opportunity by the station in its programme formatting and the
availability of extra-broadcasting communication facility (such as the telephone, fax or e-mail) to a
listener or viewer. The latter bring to the act of participation their own supplementary or associated
costs including telephony tariffs. Participation meant affordability of calls from the pay-phone or the
"communication centre."5 Callers from both fixed and mobile phones would complain about time spent
waiting to be put on air.
Thirdly, the nature and extent of audience participation, granting the satisfaction of the first two
conditions, depended on a station's level of tolerance of audience contributions. Thus, the ability to
participate was contingent upon both opportunity and affordability.
Table I: THE PHONE-IN
CHOICE
GAR
GOLD
JOY
PEACE
UNIVERS
Calls/Program
20
25
20
-
15-20
10
Wait Time
3min
3min
3min
-
3min
3-5min
Screened
Yes
Yes
No
Yes
No
No
Call Type
F/O,H
F/C,O
F/C,O
M,F/C
F/C
F
Who Calls
Gen.
Gen.
Gen.
Gen.
Gen.
Gen.
F- Fixed phone, O-Office, H- Home, C- Communication Centre, M- Mobile phone, Gen- General
In this study, no one aboard the surveyed vehicles carried a mobile phone, the only practical means for
reaching programmes from a moving vehicle. However, from stations' responses, out-of-vehicle (public
transport) as well as those riding in private vehicles do call them as shown in Table I.
9
Calls to programmes were placed directly from homes, work places and by mobile phones. However,
individuals without phones would use the pay-phone or place calls through communication centres.
Table II: CHARACTERISTICS OF PHONE-IN PROGRAMMES
CHOICE
GAR
GOLD
JOY
PEACE
UNIVERS
DAYPART
Afternoo
Morning
Morning
All-Day
Mor/Aft
All-Day
DAYS
Alldays
Mon-Fri
Mon-Fri
Alldays
ExcepTue
ExcepSun
LANGUAGE
Eng/Akan
Eng
Eng
Eng
Akan
Eng/Gha
PROGRMS
6
8
6
7
6
7
TLKHRS/W
16.5
13
7
7
8
6.5
TOTALHRS
142
168
168
168
168
133
TOTALHRS = Total broadcast hrs per week
Questions sought to construct phone-in programme profile and format. Phone-in programming showed
the characteristics summarised in Table II. The six stations together broadcast a total of 43 programmes.
These could be categorised (by objective and format) into: straight talk, discussion, problem solving,
and dedication. The four follow the classification by Ansu-Kyeremeh (1998).
Straight talk shows "encourage in-person audience participation in the studio or by phone from without
the studio" (Ansu-Kyeremeh 1998:7). The direction of the in-studio host-audience communication and
interactivity was mainly vertical. In-studio input examples found in this study were "Straight Talk"
(GTV), "Mmaa Nkommo" (GTV) and "Public Concern" (GTV) (all pre-recorded). Classified along
with these was the GTV programme "Talking Point," although it was occasionally live (despite being
10
pre-recorded), and also in the discussion format with interaction limited only to cross talk at the "top" or
"cross talk/questioning" (only the dicussants without in-studio audience).
Discussion programmes involved in-studio panels whose members talked among themselves as well as
to extra-studio audience who reached the panel through phone calls, faxes, or e-mail. Examples
included JOY FM's "Front Page" and Radio UNIVERS' "Media Review." Programmes such as "Area-
on-Line" (UNIVERS), "Feedback" (JOY), and "Talk-Back" (CHOICE) belonged to the problem-
solving type of programming during which live audience complaints lodged by phone in were
investigated and solutions sought by the stations.
Dedication programmes involved audience phone-in requests for music to be played for others. The
GTV "Music-for-You" was, however, recorded on-site with members of the audience making their
request on camera or by write-ins.
Table III: FEATURES OF MOST POPULAR PHONE-IN PROGRAMME FEATUR
STATION
CHOICE
GAR
GOLD
JOY
PEACE
UNIVERS
Name
BueWanKasa
GoodMo Accra
Kana Wu
Ghana Speaks
AsomdwNkomo
Media Review
Days
Th
M-F
MWF
M-F
MWF
M-F
DPart
Aft
Mor
Mor
Mor
Aft
Mor
PerWk
1
5
3
5
3
7.5
Lang
Akan
Eng
Eng+
Eng
Akan
E+
Durat
120m
180m
60
15m
120m
90m
PhTim
30m
60m
30m
15m
60m
30m
11
AudSz 1m - 1.2m - 1m 1.5m Durat- programme duration in minutes, PhTim- phone-in segment time in minutes Stations named their most popular phone-in programmes as follows: UNIVERS - "Media Review"
(discussion), JOY - "Ghana Speaks" (problem-solving) PEACE - "Asomdwee Nkommo (Peace Talk)"
(straight talk), GOLD - "Ka na Wu (Speak up and die)" (problem-solving), GAR - "Good Morning
Accra" (straight talk), and CHOICE -"Bue W'ano na Kasa (Open your mouth and talk)" (problem-
solving) (see Table III).
Table III also summarises features of station-declared most popular phone-in programme. It shows that
phone-in programmes were being broadcast every day of the week by two stations, CHOICE and
JOY. GAR and GOLD broadcast no phone-in programmes on Saturday and Sunday while UNIVERS
had none on Sunday. PEACE also had no phone-in programmes on Tuesday. On the whole, though,
there was an opportunity for listeners to partake in some phone-in radio programme on each day of the
week.
Also evident from Table III were opportunities for audience phone-in irrespective of broadcast daypart.
Each daypart featured at least one programme. In the case of JOY FM, its phone-in programmes
straddled morning, afternoon, evening and late night. With UNIVERS, virtually all non-Sunday
programmes attracted some phone-in.
Interactive programmes that discussed the media and their content were also popular. In fact, moving
around Accra on week-day mornings, one got the impression that Radio UNIVERS' English "Media
12
Review" programme was, probably, the most popular for that time slot. No wonder it also broadcast
Akan (Afisem), Ga (Me Ni Akee?) and Ewe (Tomenyao) versions. Actually, the programme most
drivers had tuned in to, Kokrokoo on PEACE FM, incorporated a media review segment.
The Phone-in Format
Radio phone-in formats were question-answer, listen for delayed answer or conversational. An
adoption of a specific format depended upon whether a programme was problem-solving, educational
or provided information/relaxation.
Observed interactive television programmes were far and few and included "Straight Talk" (Mondays),
"Public Concern" (Tuesdays), "Mmaa Nkommo" (Tuesdays), "Sports" (Saturdays), "Meet the Press"6
(occasional) and "News Conference" (occasional) all by GTV. Only "Sports" had a phone-in segment.
TV3 broadcast a similar programme "Sports Station," also with a phone-in segment. Metro TV showed
a television version of CHOICE FM's phone-in programme "Odo ne Asomdwee" twice-a-week and it
was the only interactive non-sports phone-in talk-show on television. The other television talk-shows
were sports programmes which were broadcast on GTV and TV3 as already noted.
Even output access was found to be restricted. Limits to output-access were, however, sometimes
minimised through community or group listening/viewing achieved by locating a receiving set at crowd-
gathering spots such as the lorry park or post office. FM radio listening in moving-vehicles is further
examined next.
13
Testing Access Mutiplier Factor in the Moving-Vehicle
Access in its output mode did not necessarily mean access in its input mode. Listening or viewing a
programme passively was entirely different from listening or viewing a programme that included an
opportunity and capacity for active audience feedback input (which could be instantaneous or delayed).
To test output-access multiplying effect, the in-vehicle survey of listening described in the methodology
was conducted. In all, 89 vehicles were surveyed out of which were 65 (73.0%) tro tros and 19
(21.3%) taxis. Passenger capacity per vehicle varied from 61.8% of the vehicles with between 11 and
20 passengers per vehicle to 20.2% with up to five passengers. Around a tenth (12.4%) of the
combined taxi and tro tro carried between six and ten passengers.
Table IV: STATIONS TUNED IN TO INSIDE PASSENGER VEHICLES
PROGRAMME
STATION
LANGUAGE
VEHI
%
Kokrokoo
PEACE
Akan
46
51.7
Front Page
JOY
English
10
11.2
Media Review
UNIVERS
English
6
6.7
Good Morn' Accra
GAR
English
6
6.7
All other
Dif. stns
Various
21
23.7
TOTAL
89
100
In Table IV the programme available in the largest number of vehicles (51.7%) was "Kokrokoo"
(literally cock-crow-at-dawn). It was followed by "Front Page" (11.2%), with "Media Review" and
"Good Morning Accra" tying for third place at 6.7% each.
14
The language of broadcast seemed to have determined the programme that drivers had tuned in to. For
example, the language that was being used to broadcast the largest number of programmes was Akan
(38.2%). "Kokrokoo" (51.7%) was principally an Akan language programme. Surprisingly, the next
largest group was English only programmes (33.7%).7 Both "Front Page" on JOY FM (11.2% of the
vehicles) and "Good Morning Accra" on Radio GAR (6.7% of the vehicles) were English language
programmes. "Media Review" on Radio UNIVERS (also 6.7%), however, combined English and local
languages. A combination of Akan and English actually formed 21.3% of programming. Indeed, well
over half (59.5%) of the drivers had their radio dials on Akan or Akan/English programmes.
IMPLICATIONS
The implications of the apparent power of participation derived from two-way broadcasting include
concerns expressed by officialdom, the public and the stations themselves as well as the problematics
arising out of the concerns. The implications also reveal positive and the not-so-positive contributions of
phone-in broadcast programmes to the construction of democracy.
Table V: PHONE-IN - USEFULNESS AND PROBLEMS BY STATION
STATION
USEFULNESS
PROBLEM
CHOICE
Gives room for other views to be heard
Unfairly used to attack people
GAR
Feedback, democracy; everyone speaks his/her mind
-
GOLD
Effective listening participation
-
JOY
Indicates thought patterns of sections of society
Could stir up conflict
PEACE
Checks the imposition of
People use it as avenue to
15
views of the few on the many
insult and settle scores
UNIVERS
Voice for the voiceless
Where wild rumour passes unchecked and uncorrected
The Positive and the Not-so-Positive
Views expressed about the pros and cons of phone-in by the stations are summarised in Table V.
Respondents from all six FM stations unanimously believed that phone-in programmes promoted
information flow within their host communities. The programmes were also seen as facilitating community
problem-sharing/solving. Stations justified the need for phone-in programmes with reasons such as
"Other people's opinion would have to be heard; at least it is just, fair and lawful" (CHOICE). GAR
observed that, "Feedback is good for democracy because everyone speaks his/her mind." GOLD
believed it provided "effective listening participation;" while JOY felt it "indicated thought patterns of
sections of society." To PEACE, the phone-in was "a healthy national development and was checking
the imposition of the views of the few on the many." UNIVERS saw it as providing voice for the
voiceless, and that "We cannot continue to have monologue formats in radio if we want our people to
participate in our development effort as a nation."
The stations actually provided examples of how phone-in programmes were helpful to communities.
They were proud of successes achieved with their problem-solving phone-in programmes. While
GOLD felt phone-ins "create avenue for problem sharing and solving," CHOICE believed "issues and
problems could be brought to the attention of those in authority." UNIVERS noted, "Non-performing
institutions are exposed." PEACE stated, "Help identify the best of ideas among the variety provided by
the public."
16
Despite its many perceived positive contributions to the construction of a vibrant civil society and the
implicit strengthening of democracy, listener participation in FM radio programme presentation attracted
a litany of concerns. Many thought that live talk-back broadcasting lacked professionalism or presenters
"knowing when to cut off a contributor" although this would be censorship to some people.
Minister of Communications, John Mahama (1999:2) who observed "another trend in our broadcasting
[is] the strong negativism and cynicism that it is engendering in our people," interpreted professionalism
in terms of "presenters who are not on top of their programmes, or who carry out very little research
before coming on air." However, that the Minister's concerns seemed more about the quality of output
than the elements of output since he assumed the importance of input-access.
The stations added other thoughts about the problematics of phone-in radio. These included "When it is
unfairly used to attack other people" (CHOICE); "People use it as an avenue to insult and settle scores"
(PEACE); "Could stir up conflict" (JOY); and "Where wild rumour passes unchecked and uncorrected"
(UNIVERS).
This unsatisfactory situation was compounded by the lack of government action to create the enabling
environment for monitoring broadcasting. An attempt to introduce regulations stalled after the Bonso-
Bruce (1995) report. The National Media Commission (NMC) (2000) recently introduced regulations it
has no teeth to enforce since it does not issue frequencies. The National Communications Authority
(NCA) which could enforce regulations because it issues frequencies had none.8
17
Consequences of Stations' Concerns
To solve some of their phone-in programming problems, stations exercised controls which largely limited
audience participation. These controls included language of broadcast, call-screening, and truncation of
contributions. In the broadcast format where time is of extreme importance, callers who played upon the
trivia of seizing upon minor details to strengthen each other's argument, as was found by Hutchby
(1992), risked being cut off.
Indeed, each of the six stations involved in this study indicated cutting off certain callers in the course of
their contributions. Reasons for these cut-offs included the caller "trying to settle personal scores outside
topic for discussion" (CHOICE), "indecent/abusive language" (GAR), "foul language" (GOLD), "abusive
language" (JOY), "personality attacks, insults, profanity" (PEACE) and "unsubstantiated allegations"
(UNIVERS).
Dimensions of the implications of management concerns have come to include employees losing their
jobs or discontinnuation of programmes. JOY FM (after apologising "to the Presidency and its listeners
in general") dismissed the producer of its programme "Newsfile," Mawuko Zormelo, for "the broadcast
of an audio tape which contains bizarre allegations against the presidency."9
The Crusading Guide (April 6, 2000, p. 12) cited two instances of interactive radio programmes,
Radio GOLD's "Ephson's File" and "Hotline," hosted by Kweku Baako on GROOVE FM being taken
off air. The paper proceeded to speculate that:
Keen media and political analysts believe many listeners will miss the quality handling
18
and critical outputs of the two programmes particularly in this crucial election year.
Strategies such as call-screening (by three out of six stations) and outright call cut-offs (all stations) were
used by stations to solve the problem of "abusive language" or "insult and settle scores" or "stirring up
conflict."
However, less disruptive indigenous alternatives to these strategies could be explored. For example,
both broadcasters/broadcast journalists and the audience could be educated to recognize the
significance of terms such as "sebe" and other local expressions to incorporate into broadcast
language.10 These are "offensive language" managing mechanisms that would keep the programme in
progress while moderating the unwanted aspects of content.
Other implications of phone-in programming appeared to be access and class related. Indeed, an
overarching implication of phone-in broadcasting could be the development of elitist communication
which would exclude the technology-have-nots although possibilities for "open elitism" existed in
communication centres and the pay-phone/card systems for those who did not own fixed or mobile
phones.11 Connected to this was the appropriation of public space (frequency and airtime) by powerful
interests, in particular, the governing party and its agents of the incumbency.
Access was restricted by language, telephony and other gadgets that linked audience to station. The
multiplier effect (including "back-pass"12) might not necessarily enhance access because the evidence
from this study (in the case of the moving vehicle) portrays a captive/passive audience which cannot
facilitate two-way broadcasting.
19
The proposal for the introduction of call-screening devices has implications for technology deepening in
an environment of little support (with their extremely heavy costs) for utilisation. An input-access mode
that is so technology dependent can only flourish and be sustained by technology-deepening such as the
expansion of telephony.
In-vehicle FM radio listening indicate access in the output mode is not access in the input mode. In this
particular case of driver-only control of station selection, the passengers constituted a captive audience
for whichever station a driver tuned in to. Such an arrangement rendered the audience passive.
Phone-in propelled "interactive journalism" through programmes which discuss media content and the
practice of journalism is emerging. The journalist's work was under constant scrutiny by the public.
Three programme types were observed: review and discussion of content ("Media Review" -
UNIVERS, "Newsfile" - JOY, "Breafast Show" - GTV); assessment of professionalism ("Media Watch"
- UNIVERS); and showing the most prominent headline of the next day's dailies during the late newscast
- TV3.
PROGNOSIS
Problems of phone-in broadcasting in Ghana, real or perceived, notwithstanding, all the radio stations
forecast a brighter future for it in Ghana. Responses to the question "How do you see the future of
phone-in programmes?" were all positive. CHOICE FM "A bright spot;" JOY FM "It has come to
stay;" PEACE FM "Has great potential;" RADIO GAR "Bright;" Radio GOLD "If not effectively and
maturely handled, could inflame passions with nasty legal and other results;" and Radio UNIVERS
20
"Brighter should we introduce conferencing and free or reduced call charges."
SUMMARY
This study, though small and descriptive, has attempted to provide some insights into phone-in
broadcasting as technology-based interactive communication in Ghana. The study gives glimpses of
narrowing the space between message source and destination. The findings indicate the transformation
of unidirectional broadcasting into two-way presentation formats which encourage audience input; that
phone-in has become an enabling tool in public communication. Audience contribution is achieved by
sheer numbers of phone-in programmes and the magnitude of air time taken up by that programme
genre. And the implications of the findings include the possibility of class emerging in access to
broadcasting, especially input-enabling access.
All the above issues could positively inform future directions for their comprehensive analysis including
possible hypothesis testing. Future studies may, however, need to recognise the limitations of this study.
Among them are that it is not a listenership survey but FM radio patronage inside taxi and tro tro
vehicles. It excludes private transportation where car owners are more likely to speak English and
therefore would more likely listen to "Front Page" or "Media Review" (note Peace FM's local language
version is submerged within "Kokrokoo").
The audience programme input aspect of the study was also limited in the sense that listeners/passengers
were captive (held hostage) to the drivers' choice of station. They were also not in possession of the
(mobile phone) means to call the stations. Listeners' ability to access any opportunities for phone-in
21
participation could, thus, not be fully explored.
Difficulties and the descriptive nature of this study apart, issues have been raised attention to which
could stem early erosion of public confidence and credibility in that broadcast format. The findings that
phone-in broadcasting inherently empowers constructively, obstructively or even destructively shows
whichever prevails in Ghana would depend upon the phenomenon's management.
22
NOTES 1. Input-access is defined here as audience ability and opportunity to contribute to live programme content. Open input-access is mass oriented while closed-input is elitist. The former is bottom-up communication achieved by the audience irrespective of one's socio-economic status through the use of the telephone, facsimile and e-mail to contribute to live programmes in two-way communication. It may be distinguished from closed-input or top-top communication which excludes the audience from active input. 2. A BBC news report (Thursday, March 3, 2000) attributed the cleanness of elections in Senegal to the role played by FM stations which announced results instantaneously as they were released polling station by polling station thus underscoring the power of radio to facilitate democracy. Such positive perception of FM broadcasting in the West African region is contradicted by the recent closure of two Liberian FM stations for broadcasting "inflammatory statements and programmes which threatened security," (see 'Re-open radio stations,' Daily Graphic, Saturday, March 18, 2000, p. 5.) 3. A politician (District Chief Executive) recently stated that "engaging in political party debates and discussions in moving vehicles" is bad if one wishes "to avoid distracting the attention of drivers and promote safe driving and smooth travelling" (Thomas Asante Mensah, "Don't discuss politics in moving vehicles," Daily Graphic, May 26, 2000, p. 13.) 4. Tro tro (meaning threepence threepence) is commuter minibus vehicle with passenger capacity of 15-33. 5. Communication Centres are small shops from where phone calls can be made and paid for. Services may include fax, photocopying and sometimes e-mail. 6. "Journalists of the private media have decided to boycott the ongoing "meet the Press" series organised by the Ministry of Communications" [for] "failure by the Ghana Television to play back the entire programme to the general public smacks of a hidden agenda by the powers that be to deny Ghanaians of whatever questions they, the journalists ask during the programme" (Free Press, Vol 20, No. 22, Friday, May 19 to Thurs, May 25, 2000, p. 12). 7. Surprising because of the small proportion of the population that understands English (Kropp Dakubu and Ablekuma study). 8. Although the NCA recently procured an American consultant to produce a draft document "General Regulations Under the National Communications Authority Act of 1996: Excerpts of Draft Received from Ministry of Communications Consultants on 22 February 2000." 9. A quote from a statement broadcast on JOY FM on Monday, November 1, 2000. 10. As suggested by K. Ansu-Kyeremeh in his lecture: Meeting the Challenges of Professional Journalism Training in Ghana for the 21st Century (Accra: Ghana Institute of Journalism, 2000).
23
11. Discussants on a BBC (Sun., June 4, 2000) programme on elitism in British society attempted to distinguish "open elitism" from "closed elitism." 12. Listener contributor strategy to maximise call opportunity (limited by line-feed capacity which make getting through to stations difficult) and costs. "Back-pass" is phone-in language indicating someone would like to share an original caller's opportunity to also contribute to the programme.
24
REFERENCES Ansu-Kyeremeh, K. (July 26-30, 1998) Participation as Access: An Audience Agenda for Research. Paper Prepared for the "Participatory Communication Research Section" of the 21st General Assembly and Scientific Conference of the International Association of Media and Communication Research (IAMCR), Glasgow, Scotland. Ayitevie, Adiki O. (April-June, 1996) Revisiting Radio EYE: Breaking into Controlled Territories, Media Monitor, 3:9-10. Bonso-Bruce, T.N.L. (Chairman) (1995) Report of the Preparatory Committee on Independent Broadcasting. Accra: Ministry of Information. Coleman, Stephen (1998) BBC Radio Ulster's Talkback Phone-in: Public Feedback in a Divided Public Space, The Public, V(2):7-19. Crothers, Charles (June, 1975) Community radio: general and focused current affairs talk-backs, Australian and New Zealand Journal of Sociology, 11(2):54-59. Hutchby, Ian (Nov., 1992) The pursuit of controversy: routine skepticism in talk on "talk radio," Sociology, 26(4):673-694. Kumado, Kofi (1999) Ghana. In Robert Martin (ed.) Speaking Freely: Expression and the Law in the Commonwealth. Toronto: Irwin Law. Pp. 175-208. Liddicoat, Anthony et al. [Annie Brown, Susanne Dopke, Kristina Love] (1992) The Effect of the Institution: Openings in talkback radio, Text, 12(4):541-562. Mahama, John D. (August 14, 1999) Keynote Address Delivered by Hon. Minister of Communications at Formal Outdooring of RADIO ADA. Ada. Mahama, John D. (November 19, 1999) Speech delivered at the opening of a "Three-Day Conference on Independent Broadcasting in Ghana," Ada. Mensah, Thomas Asante (May 26, 2000) "Don't discuss politics in moving vehicles," Daily Graphic, p. 13. National Media Commission (NMC) (2000) Broadcasting Standards. Accra. Sakyi-Addo, Kwaku (April-June, 1996) Broadcast Pluralism in Perspective, Media Monitor, 3:6-8). Stein, Laura (1998) Democratic "Talk," Access Television and Participatory Political Communication, The Public, v(2):21-34.