On, Around, And After a New Drawing by Raphael

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On, around, and after a New Drawing by Raphael Author(s): Paul Joannides Source: Master Drawings, Vol. 43, No. 3, Sixteenth-Century Florentine Drawings (Fall, 2005), pp.

356-371Published by: Master Drawings AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20444417Accessed: 12-08-2015 21:12 UTC

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On, around, and after a New Drawing by

Raphael

PAUL JOANNIDES

In 1836 Lord Francis Egerton (1800-1857), later 1st Earl of Ellesmere, acquired from Samuel Woodburn (1780-1853) for 3800 the eighty drawings attrib uted to Giulio Romano (1492/99-1546) previous ly owned by Sir Thomas Lawrence (1769-1830).1

They were listed in 1898, in the privately published catalogue of the Ellesmere collection at Bridgewater House, but it was only half a century later that they

received critical study from Frederick Hartt. He accepted just under half-thirty-nine sheets, sixteen of which he illustrated-in the handlist of auto

graph drawings in his still fundamental monograph

on Giulio Romano.2 When the Ellesmere drawings

by Giulio were sold in 1972, it was acknowledged

that Hartt was largely correct, that the collection was

less homogeneous than Woodburn-and presum

ably Lawrence-had assumed, and that several

drawings were studio works or copies.3 But not all

the reattributions made at the sale were demotions.

The autograph sheets were enriched by two mag

nificent additions, a River God and a St. Michael,

recovered from Ellesmere's Carracci sequence,4 and hiding among the "Giulios" were fine sheets by

Perino del Vaga (1501-1547), Francesco Salviati

(1510-1563), and Girolamo da Carpi (c. 1501-1556).

Lot 4 of the 1972 sale was a drawing fully

attributed to Giulio and described as follows:

A STANDING MUSCULAR MALE NUDE /

This drawing would seem to be an early work before

Giulio's departure to Mantua, showing him strongly under

the influence of his master Raphael who died in 1520. It

is also very reminiscent of Baccio Bandinelli' pair of stuc

co colossi in the Garden of the Villa Madama, Rome. They

are dated byJames Holderbaum... not long after 1520.5

This drawing (Fig. 1) was purchased by one of

the most acute collectors of drawings then active, Mathias Polakovits (1921-1987), whose stamp it bears. Polakovits's French drawings were bequeathed at his death to the Ecole Nationale Superieure des

Beaux-Arts, Paris, but his Italian drawings were grad

ually dispersed.6 Figure 1 reappeared on the NewYork

art market in 1998, again as by Giulio, and is now in a

private collection in Lugano.7 The drawing is obviously of high quality. It is

carefully elaborated, but not pedantic, the line is

decisive and firm, the construction of form rugged

and vibrant: particularly fine are the rendering of the

left thigh, with the swelling contours powerfully evoking density and strength, and the relaxed ener

gy of the arms and wrists.The attribution to Giulio

has not been publicly doubted-although its absence from Hartt's handlist implies rejection-but neither has it been publicly affirmed.8 It has not

attracted the attention of any scholar concerned

with the work of Giulio Romano, nor was it men

tioned in either the catalogue of the comprehensive

survey exhibition mounted at Palazzo delTe in 1989

or that devoted to Giulio's drawings at Hunter

College, New York, in 1999. The omission of so

strong and memorable a figure drawing might seem

356



strange, until one recalls that disregard is frequently

the fate of matter in the wrong place.

In light of our present knowledge, much expanded since 1972, it is clear that the drawing is

not by Giulio, c. 1520: it has none of the fast-running

linearity that characterizes the pen handling of even

his earliest drawings; the contours are tighter, the modeling more robust and three-dimensional than Giulio's figure studies ever are, even when he copied

his master's pen drawings.9 Figure 1 is clearly by

Raphael (1483-1520) and datable 1507-8, toward

the end of his Florentine period.10 There are numer

ous links with other drawings by him from that

time. The junction of torso and hips expressed as a

sequence of S-shaped lines is precisely that of nude

studies such as the Gesturing Nude Man (Fig. 2), on

the verso of a double-sided sheet in the British

Museum, London;1` the hatching on the thighs is

directly comparable to that found in the Two Nude

Men on the recto of the same sheet (Fig. 3), as well

as to that in the Hercules Killing the Hydra (see Fig. 6).

The manner of defining rib cage and breast is that

of Hercules Killing the Nemean Lion in the Royal

Library at Windsor Castle (see Fig. 7).12 A drawing of

evidently different-but unknown-purpose, the St. Blaise Holding the Instruments of His Martyrdom in

the Museo Horne, Florence (Fig. 4),13 of around

1508, shows closely comparable tricks of handling, down to the particular formulation of the knuckles,

as well as equivalent rigor.

A sinilar breadth and severity is common to a

number of pen drawings made by Raphael at the end

of his time in Florence and during his first years in

Rome. Among others, it is seen in his copy, in the

British Museum (see Fig. 10),14 of the statue of David

by Michelangelo (1475-1564), in his variant, in the

Albertina,Vienna,15 of Michelangelo's Virgin and Child with St.John the Baptist (Pitti Tondo) -mployed for the simulated relief of Charity in the predella of the

Entombment (Rome, Galleria Borghese), and in his study, in the Musee Fabre, Montpellier,16 for the man

leaning forward at the right side of the Disputa in the

Stanza della Segnatura in the Vatican.17 That the

"hard" style such drawings exhibit coexists with oth

ers practiced by Raphael concurrently demonstrates its selection for particular purposes. It is not simply an

artistic habit or the product of a particular stylistic

moment: it is involved with plastic emphasis, and with the creation of the sculptural and the sculpturesque."8

The "hard" style finds its apogee in the pen drawings

for the Parnassus, in which Raphael, deliberately play

ing against the harmonic interlinking of the adjacent

Disputa, staged a gathering of animated statues-fig

ures whose mode is that of sculpture and whose

models are sculptural."9 And in a drawing made short

ly after the Parnassus studies, but in their manner, the

magnificent study in the National Gallery of Art,

Washington, DC (Fig. 5),2? for the two prophets in

the left upper level of the Chigi Chapel in S. Maria

della Pace, Rome, the head of the seated figure is,

apart from its slightly longer beard, identical to that of

Figure 1. Expressive anatomy was a particularly

Florentine preoccupation during the early Cinquecento, and Raphael naturally made many

studies of the male nude during his sojourn in

Florence. As a category they are outnumbered-by about 25%-only by his drawings for Madonnas

and Holy Families. Some would have been simple

exercises to further his command of anatomy and

physical expression, but others would have been

made with more precise objectives.The battle pieces being prepared for the Palazzo della Signoria in

Florence by Leonardo da Vinci (1452-1519) and

Michelangelo, both of which Raphael copied, fired

his imagination and eagerness to try himself at dra

matic and magniloquent projects demanding anatomical skills. His ambitions are revealed by his

numerous drawings of battles, some of which were

no doubt made for fresco schemes, either aborted or

lost, for palaces in Citta di Castello and/or Perugia

rather than Florence, where, save for the Dei altar

piece ("Madonna del Baldacchino," now Florence,

Palazzo Pitti), his commissions were restricted to portable paintings.2' The heroic and bellicose aspects of Raphael's pre-Roman work have been little

investigated, but they were of great significance to him and they bore a rich crop once he arrived in

the metropolis. Other studies of single nudes, and no doubt

those of nudes in small groups, would also have been

made for specific projects. Although there are no

357



Here attributed to

RAPHAEL

Hereules

- Lugano, Private Collection

358 C



Figture 2

RAPHAEL

Gesturing Nude

Man

Londoo, Britisli F t * ~~~~~~~M,{*CCTJ;1

surviving paintings to prove it, it seems likely that two

drawings in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, the

Group of Four Soldiers and the classicizing Dancing

Fauns, were made in preparation for decorative

schemes of some kind.22 And it is clear too that Figure

1 is much more than a study piece. Its degree of fin

ish, the exceptional severity of its penwork, its cut ting-wire contour, and emphatic plasticity argue for its being made at an advanced stage of some project;

it is sufficiently complete and informative to present to a patron. And the subject is unambiguous for,

although attributes are lacking, the powerfuil physique and mature virility of this "muscular male" are not in

doubt.32 His characterization is that of Hercules as Raphael portrayed him c. 1507-8 in three well

known drawings so sinilar stylistically to the present one as to be cognates.The purpose of these drawings,

illustrating three of Hercules' labors, has never been

satisfactorily elucidated. On the recto of a sheet at

Windsor is Hercules Killing the Hydra (Fig. 6), while the

verso shows Hercules Killing the Nemean Lion (Fig. 7);

an autograph variant of the latter is in the

Ashmolean.2' Hercules Killing the Centaur (a subject e

Raphael had already treated three or four years pre- RAPHAEL

viously) is represented on a second large sheet in the Two Nude Men

British Museum (Fig. 8).25 Raphael depicted at least LO'idoit, British

one further combat: his Hercules Killing Antaeus- Muiseii

which is known only from a chiaroscuro woodcut by

Ugo da Carpi (fl. c. 1502-32) and an engraving (Fig. 9)

by Marcantonio Raimondi (c. 1470/72- 1527/34)-is usually dated c. 1517 (when the prints were published), but the group's rather stiff design argues that it origi

nated at the same time as the other three.'

What might have been Raphael's aim in creat

ing the Hercules illustrated in Figure 1 and the quar

tet of struggles? The single figure is complete in

itself, not engaged in action, and, while clearly

linked to the narratives, is not part of them. He

embodies in his resolute repose those physical and

moral qualities demonstrated in action in the

labors: the narratives, then, would be in apposition to, rather than in continuity with, the single figure,

359



Figure 4

RAPHAEL

St. Blaise Holding the Instruments of

His Martyrdom

Florence, Museo

Horne

Figu re 5 and this concatenation suggests a substantial com

RAPHAEL mission. Raphael frequently imitated sculpture in Two Prophets his paintings and if these drawings were made with Washington, DC, painting in view, then a fresco scheme in grisaille, National Gallery of with a standing Hercules accompanied by scenes of Art his labors, is more likely than a sequence of panels.

But the rough handling and large format of the

drawings counts against such a role. Both Figure 1

and the four developed narrative compositions are

more appropriate as designs for sculpture than

painting and the obvious inference is that the sin

gle figure is a project for a statue while the narra

tives prepare high reliefs.V A relation between them

could have taken several forms but the most prob

able is that the reliefs were intended to decorate the

four-sided pedestal of a freestanding statue.28

Figured pedestals were known in antiquity,29 most famously that supporting Pheidias's Athena, described by Pliny and Pausanius.The statues of St.

George and Judith by Donatello (1386/87-1466)

had revived the practice in different ways and

although furll narrative bases are not demonstrably

current so early as 1508, Hercules' labors would

have presented a compelling invitation.3" Raphael

studied Donatello closely, and he, with his extraor

dinary visual and cultural intellect, is the most like

ly of all his contemporaries to have appreciated the

potential of the historiated pedestal.3' Raphael had

360



designed innovative sculpture and metalwork dur ing his Umbrian period and was to do so again,

extensively, in Rome.32 While collaboration with sculptors during his Florentine sojourn is virgin ter ritory for research, there can be httle doubt that it

occurred.33 In this instance he might have taken

over a project from Leonardo, who made a note, in

1508, about a series of Labors of Hercules for Pier

Francesco Ginori and who, in contemporary draw

ings, planned a multi-viewpoint, freestanding Hercules, which may or may not have been con

nected with the Labors.34 Hercules was, of course, a centraliy important

exemplum virtutis in Florentine iconography and par ticularly topical during Raphael's stay in Florence.35

Whether or not he inherited a project from

Leonardo, he would surely have known of his plans,

as well as Soderini's intention to provide the David

in the Piazza della Signoria with a companion

Hercules and Antaeus also to be carved by

Michelangelo. That Raphael paid serious attention

while in Florence to the work of both Michelangelo

and Leonardo is not fresh news.36 In particular,

Raphael concentrated on the marble David-more

intently than any of his contemporaries, indeed, more so than any other sixteenth-century artist

except Baccio Bandinelli (1493-1560). He studied it

from the rear in the British Museum drawing (Fig.

10), and, no doubt, from other angles in drawings

that do not survive. Several of Raphael's Florentine

drawings are variants of the David. The best known

of them, the Ashmolean Spear Bearer (Fig. 1 1),3 was

employed, appropriately enough, for a simulated statuette, by his friend Domenico Alfani

(1479/80-1549/57) in his Virgin and Child between Sts. Gregory and Nicholas of Bari of 1518 (Perugia,

Galieria Nazionale dell'Umbria). Raphael, in his

Hercules, cleverly exploited aspects of the David's pose-the widely separated legs, the outward gaze,

and the raised left forearm-but to convey achieve

ment rather than anticipation. A relation between Raphael's drawing of

Hercules and his fascination with Michelangelo's David can be demonstrated in an unexpectedly

immediate way. A sheet in the Biblioteca

Ambrosiana, Milan (Fig.12),38 carries at the left a

copy of Raphael's copy of the David, and at the right

a copy after Raphael's Hercules, which suggests that

both original drawings (Figs. 1 and 10) were togeth

er when the Ambrosiana copy was made. But in

addition to providing external support in favor of

the attribution of the Hercules to Raphael, this page

hnks Raphael-and Raphael's interpretation of

Michelangelo-directly to one of their most promi

nent younger contemporaries, for it is one of a

group of sheets in the Ambrosiana divided between

autograph drawings by Baccio Bandinelli and draw

ings by one or other of his numerous pupils, who

assiduously reproduced their master's models.39 Figure 12 is no doubt a student facsimile after a now

lost page by Baccio, who would have made his

"original" copy when Raphael's two drawings were

side by side.40 Although the handling of the

Ambrosiana drawing reflects that of Raphael, it is in

the mirror of Bandinelli. The linework of a second

copy of the David study, which passed through the

Paris art market some years ago (Fig. 13),41 demon

strates that it too was made from Bandinelli's lost

intermediary rather than Raphael's British Museum original.

Given Bandinelli's equivocal reputation and skill

at making enemies, he tends to be seen somewhat

apart, his life and works not closely integrated with

studies of other High Renaissance artists. But the

young Baccio was active and alert, precocious and

rampantly ambitious. He worked in the studio of

Giovanni Francesco Rustici (1474-1554), through whom he met Leonardo, who advised him to study Donatello.42 Bandinelli took notice, and numerous drawings by or after him of Donatello's reliefs and

statues are known. He was an avid student of the past

and the present: drawings after Leonardo,

Michelangelo, Giotto (1267/75-1337), Masaccio (1401-1428), Desiderio da Settignano (1429/32 1464), and Fra Bartolommeo (1472-1517), among

others, have been identified, not forgetting the antique; but much more remains to be uncovered

about Bandinelli's copies. Furthermore, even if only a short-term or indirect protege of Leonardo, the

adolescent Bandinelli would have had an avenue to

Raphael, and although no documentary or anecdot

al testimony survives of direct relations between

361



them in Florence--Bandinelli would have been

about fifteen when Raphael departed for Rome

contact is not unlikely: astonishingly precocious him self, Raphael was sympathetic to precocity in others.

His artistic generosity is well known and does not

require reiteration. In this regard, the tough, even brutal drawing style of the Labors of Hercules, in which

Raphael employed a broader pen and coarser hatch

ing than hitherto, is of particular significance.While, in the final analysis, their rough-hewn handling of

pen registers the impact of Michelangelo's drawings, Raphael's response was not imitative but creative.43

His "heroic" pen drawings, of course, miss the delica

cy and vulnerability that vitalize Michelangelo's

grandeur, but they are emotionally unambiguous, more directly conumunicative, more immanently classical-and more Leonardesque. It was Raphael's

drawings of this kind, rather than those of

Michelangelo himself, that inspired Bandinelli's pen draftsmanship, and Raphael's approach to antiquity

too was finally to prove more congenial to him than

that of Michelangelo.44 Apart from the Ambrosiana page-or, rather, its

now lost prototype-no copies by Bandinelli after drawings by Raphael have yet been securely identi

fied.4` But a famous study of Figlting Men by

Raphael of c. 1510 in the Ashmolean,"' made

appropriately enough-for the simulated marble relief below Apollo in the School ofAthens, carries on its verso (Fig. 14) sketches of a figure incontestably related to one employed by Bandinelli in his design

for the strikingly ambitious multi-figured engraving of the Massacre of the Innocents (Fig. 15), his response

to a famous image by Raphael. Bandinelli's design

for the print, cut for him by one of Raphael's

engravers, Marco Dente da Ravenna (d. 1527), and

which, according to Vasari, spread Baccio's fame

throughout Europe, is generally placed c. 1520, dur

ing his second Roman sojourn. Whether the Ashmolean's sketches are by Raphael, an attribution

Figqure 6

RAPHAEL

Hercules Killing the

Hydra (recto)

Witidsor Castle, Royal Library (@) Her Majesty Q,een ?

Elizabetit II)

F(gutre 7

RAPHAEL

'9 . t _HerculesKilingthe Nernean Lion

; ~~~~~(verso) P %

Witidsor Castle, [

Royal Library ((O? i

Her Majesty Quieent

kt; N: ) Elizabethi II)

362



that students of the artist-myself among them have tended to resist, or by one of his pupils, is moot.

But that Bandinelli knew this figure-and perhaps

this sheet of drawings-there can be no doubt.

Given that a precise chronology of Bandinelli's

drawings is still far from secure, it is an open ques

tion whether the lost original of the Ambrosiana

sheet was made by him in Florence, shortly after

Raphael had penned his own two drawings, or later.

During his first visit to Rome in 1514, Bandinelli no

doubt met Raphael-or met him again-through

Baldassare Turini da Pescia (1486-1543), who had

received a letter of introduction on Baccio's behalf from Lorenzo de' Medici, couched in terms so

pressing that Baldassare would have been unwise to

do less than his best for the young sculptor.47 One

result was that Agostino dei Musi (Agostino Veneziano; c. 1490-1536) took a breather from his

work for Raphael in 1515 to engrave Bandinelli's

highly Raphaelesque designs of Cleopatra and Apollo

and Daphne.48 Baccio might have made his copy at

this time.A third option is that the original of Figure

12 was made between 1519 and 1522, during

Bandinelli's second residence-or, probably, series of residences-in Rome. In my view, this would be a

little late for the drawing stylistically; yet a powerful circumstantial case can be made for it, since pro

tracted contact between Baccio and Raphael in

Rome at that time is certain.49 It would have been

then that Bandinelli-working on his Massacre of the

Innocents-came to know, or to focus on, the

Ashmolean sheet, and it was then that he modeled

the two large stucco statues of heroic male nudes

that stand guard in the garden of Raphael's grandest

secular architectural project, the Villa Madama,

which were so presciently invoked in the 1972 sale

catalogue. The precise date of their execution is

uncertain, but even if completed after Raphael's

death, they would have been planned within his

lifetime, and it was surely Raphael the entrepreneur

Figure 8 Figu re 9

N // ~~~~RAPHAEL MARCANTONIO

Hercules K(ilhng the RIOD * ,g<C ~-'/~->) 1 Ceritau (after RAPHAEL) ) ~~~~~~entaur

Hercules Killing London, British ' Antaeu Museum

->* - 1lacul D iLondon, British

_ K.

14~~~~1

"'A

363



Figure 1 0

RAPHAEL

Copy of

Nichelangelo's Figure II Dav4d

RAPHAEL London, British

Museum Spear Bearer

Oxford, Ashmolean

Museum

who chose-or at least approved-the sculptor.5" It

would have been only natural for Raphael to show

Bandinelli an earlier unexecuted sculptural project of his own to indicate the vigorous heroes that he

wanted as guards.5' Or Bandinelli might himself

have taken the initiative in styling his figures in a

manner that reflected Raphael's own ideas of sculp

tural strength.52 The discovery of any new drawing by Raphael is

of interest, and in the present case this is augmented by

the link it establishes between Raphael and his impor

tant younger contemporary Bandinelli.53 But the sheet

has still more to offer. On the laid-down verso but clear

ly visible against the light-as noted in the sales of 1972

and 1998-is an ink inscription in what seems to be a

seventeenth-century hand: Gironimo Ciada Ui. Ciarla is

a significant name for anyone concerned with Raphael:

it was the family name of his mother, Magia, who died

when he was eight. While relations between Raphael

and his father's second wife were cool, those with his

own mother's family remained excellent. In letters of

1508 and 1514 to his maternal uncle Simone Ciarla, he

addressed him as"carissimo quanto patre."54 The Ciarla fam

ily-which included, in the later sixteenth century, two

1

*. ' ' ;.n -

364



71 Figure 12 Figure 13

UNIDENTIFIED UNIDENTIFIED DRAUGHTSMAN DRAUGHTSMAN (after BACCIO (after BACCIO

BANDINELLI BANDINELLI after RAPHAEL) after RAPHAEL)

Copy after Copy after

Michelangelo's Michelangelo's David

David and Raphael's Location Unknown Hercules

Milan, Biblioteca

della Ambrosiana

important majolica painters-seems to have survived in Urbino well into the seventeenth century, ifnot beyond.

A Girnimo Ciarla has yet to be traced, but it is a fair

presumption that he was born and lived in Urbino, after

1602.5; The inscription, therefore, would seem to indi cate that the sheet was in the possession of some mem

ber of Raphael's famrily.

Among Raphael's surviving drawings, an over

whelming majority is datable before the end of

work on the Stanza della Segnatura (completed in

151 1).Their numbers diminish drastically after this. Why later sheets are so few-the least plausible

explanation is that Raphael ceased to draw-may

never be explained satisfactorily and is, in any case,

an issue that need not be addressed here.A more rel

evant question is why so many drawings should sur

vive from the earlier and, to contemporaries, less sig

nificant part of Raphael's career? One obvious

answer is provided by his friend and occasional col

laborator, Timoteo Viti (1469-1523), who owned many drawings by Raphael (presumably received as

gifts) and who copied others.56 So far as one can

judge, Timoteo's final collaboration with Raphael was on the fresco decoration of the Chigi Chapel in

S. Maria della Pace, carried out c. 1511-12.Vasari

attributed the prophets on the upper level to him

and said that Timoteo's collection included Raphael's cartoons for the sibyls. It is unlikely to be

chance that most of the Raphaels that Timoteo

owned antedate that commission. Contact between the two artists would have become more tenuous in

following years. By 1513 Raphael was recruiting his

own Roman studio and had ceased to employ the

Marchigian and Umbrian artists on whom he had

previously relied as the need arose. The collection left by TimoteoViti at his death

began to be dispersed during the sixteenth century.

Vasari claimed that he acquired drawings fromViti's

365



son. It is likely that several sheets by Raphael and

others departed then.The residue passed eventually to the Antaldi family, and at some point in the sev

enteenth century the famous initials were applied to

sheets thought to be by Raphael, Timoteo, and

Girolamo Genga (1476-1551). The collection was

inventoried toward the end of the century, and it Fi,selre 14then included some fifty drawings by Raphael.5 ItAPHAEL or However, since uninventoried drawings bearing the assistant

various initials appear quite frequently, it seems that Standing Figures further, probably piecemeal, dispersals occurred

0.^;ftrdl, Asliioleat i between the appto cation of the initials and the com

MuSeelulli pilation of the inventory. Moreover, the inventory is

not invariably accurate: a drawing of a Head of Christ

with the initials R JV [Rafaello Urbino], which

appeared on the NewTYork art market in 2OO4,58 is

included in the inventory as Raphael (no. 48),

though it is in fact a study by Sebastiano del Piombo

(c. 1485-1547) for his painting of Christ Carrying the Cross in the Prado, Madrid.

After 1700 the Viti-Antaldi collection was dis persed in two blocs. The first was purchased by

Pierre Crozat (1665-1740) during his Italian trip of 1714, the second by Samuel Woodburn in 1823, and

it has been suggested that an isolated sheet may have

left c. 1800.5" Yet however great the losses before

1714, it seems doubtful whetherViti's holdings were ever sufficient to account for the large number of

drawings by the young Raphael-comprising near

ly all of those held by the Musee des Beaux-Arts at

Lille and many of those in the Ashmolean-that

came onto the market in Italy at the end of the

eighteenth century. As is well known, the common source of the

drawings by Raphael at Lille and the greater part of

those in Oxford was the painter and collectorJean

Baptiste Wicar (1762-1834), but a remarkable fea

ture of what was for a short time his vast collection

of Raphael drawings is that most have no traceable

prior provenance."" Some bear numbers, but none a

collector's mark."' And so far as can be judged with

out a systematic survey, there survive relatively few

early copies of these drawings, which suggests that

they were preserved in a collection-or collec

tions-less accessible than that of the Viti-Antaldi.

They did not, for example, attract the attention of

the "Calligraphic forger."

Where Wicar obtained his Raphael drawings

remains mysterious. R.W Scheller, in his remarkable

article on the theft of Wicar's Raphaels, which

appeared in this journal in 1973, concluded that the

groupings of drawings in Wicar's possession were so

similar to those in the Viti-Antaldi collection that

there must have existed a Doppelganger collection.'( He hypothesized that it too might have come from

the Viti-Antaldi. But this seems unlikely. If Wicar's

drawings came from this source, why should he have

acquired only drawings not bearing the R V mark

and not recorded in the Viti-Antaldi inventory, and

why should the entire remainder of marked and

inventoried drawings have been left for Woodburn

to acquire in 1823? There is likewise no indication

366



that Woodburn purchased further unmarked, unin ventoried Raphaels from the Marquess Antaldi.

Although Jean-Baptiste Wicar no doubt obtained drawings by Raphael from more than one

source, the homogeneity of most that he owned,

and the fact that so many fall into subgroups-"the

Fig,ire 15

MARCO DENTE DA

RAVENNA (after

BACCIO BANDINELLI)

Massacre of the

Innocents

Engraving

Londotn, Britisl

Mluselumii

green sketchbook" for example-suggests that there was one main source and that the great bulk

of them had remained together since the early six

teenth century. Drawings by Raphael were certain

ly owned by Marchigian and Umbrian families

other than the Viti-Antaldi. The Perugian-based Connestabile owned the famous Madonna roundel

now in the Hermitage, St. Petersburg, and seem to

have had a few drawings by Raphael, but there is no

hint that they possessed large numbers.6 The inscription on the verso of the present

sheet suggests another, richer well, one that was closer to the spring, namely Raphael's own mater

nal family. This would dovetail with a statement

made by WilliamYoung Ottley (1771-1836) in his 1804 sale catalogue, in which he wrote of the

Raphael drawings on offer:

Almost the whole of the following lots of this divine

Artist have been (p?)reserved in hisfamily until the late Revolutions, when theyfound their way into the mar

ket, and were purchased by their present proprietor, at Rome."4

However much this account from the 1804 Ottley sale may omit-for example, Ottley's own

acquisition of some of the Raphael drawings that

were purloined from Wicar by Antonio Fedi (1771-1843)-there is no reason to assume it to

be entirely false. It may indeed record the main

source whence so many Raphaels emerged onto

the market-the collection of the descendents of

the Chiarla family-to be purchased by Wicar

and, directly or indirectly, by Ottley and then

Lawrence.

PaulJoannides is Professor ofArt History at the University

of Cambridge.

Author's note: This article is dedicated to FrancoiseViatte.

367



Notes:

1. In 1835 Woodburn displayed twenty-five "Giulios" in

his fifth exhibition of selections from the Lawrence col

lection; his choice contained a surprising number of

copies and studio drawings at the expense of major

autograph works.

2. Frederick Hartt, Giulio Romano, 2 vols., New Haven,

1958.

3. Sale, London, Sotheby's, 5 December 1972. The schol

arly sale catalogue, compiled by Julien Stock, contains

concordances to Hartt, the Woodburn exhibition, and

the Bridgewater House catalogue.

4. A second run of ex-Lawrence sheets, by the Carracci, was also acquired by Egerton en bloc from Woodburn.

This was dispersed at auction at Sotheby's, London, 11

July 1972.

5. The reference is to James Holderbaum,"The Birth Date

and a Destroyed Early Work of Baccio Bandinelli," in

Essays in the History of Art Presented to Rudolph Wittkower,

ed. by Douglas Fraser, Howard Hibbard, and Milton J.

Lewine, London, 1967, pp. 93-97.

6. They included a red chalk study by Raphael, unrecog

nized when Polakovits acquired it, which was sold at

Sotheby's, New York, 29 January 1997, lot 26, repr., when it was acquired by the Metropolitan Museum of

Art (inv.no. 1997.153).

7. Sale, New York, Sotheby's, 28 January 1998, lot 5 (with

virtually the same commentary as in 1972), repr. I am

most grateful to the present owner for allowing me to

study this drawing at length.

8. The inventory of Lawrence's collection taken by Woodburn in 1830 (typescripts in the print rooms of

the Ashmolean Museum and the British Museum)

records, on p. 95, "Case 12, Drawer 1: Two, Hercules

(having) destroyed the Hydra and study of a figure, free

pen." The first is no doubt Hartt 1958, no. 238, fig. 380

(lot 52 in the 1972 sale); the second is probably the

drawing discussed here. Neither was included in

Woodburn's 1835 exhibition.

9. See, for example, the copy in the Schlossmuseum,

Weimar (inv. no. KK 8047; see Paul Joannides, Raphael and His Age: Drawings from the Mus?e des Beaux-Arts,

Lille/Raphael et son temps: Dessins du Mus?e des Beaux

Arts de Lille, exh. cat., Cleveland Museum of Art and

Lille, Mus?e des Beaux-Arts, 2002-3, p. 168, fig. 46b), after Raphael's Adam in the Ashmolean (inv. no. P II,

539; see Paul Joannides, The Drawings of Raphael,

Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1983, no. 132v, repr.).

10. The dimensions of the sheet and the slight staining vis

ible at lower center suggest a link with the drawings

grouped by Oskar Fischel in the so-called "Large Florentine Sketchbook" and while, as argued by Philip

Pouncey and John Gere (Italian Drawings in the

Department of Prints and Drawings in the British Museum:

Raphael and His Circle, London, 1962, p. 13), it is

improbable that these drawings formed a sketchbook

proper, Fischel's ensemble remains coherent.

11. Inv. no. Pp. 1-75. Pen and brown ink, over traces of

black chalk underdrawing; 269 x 172 mm; see Joannides

1983, no. 187v,repr.

12. Inv. no. 12758. Pen and brown ink, over stylus underdraw

ing; 390 x 272 mm; see Joannides 1983, no. 189, repr.

13. Inv. no. 5882. Pen and brown ink, over traces of black

chalk; 250 x 155 mm; see Joannides 1983, no. 266, repr. I am most grateful to Drs. Nardinocchi and Wainwright for the photograph.

14. Inv. no. Pp. 1-68. Pen and brown ink, over traces of

black chalk underdrawing; 393 x 219 mm; see Joannides

1983, no. 97, repr.

15. Inv. no. 245. Pen and two shades of brown ink, over lead

point; 380 x 250 mm; see Joannides 1983, no. 142, repr.

16. Inv. no. 3184. Pen and brown ink, over traces of lead

point, and black chalk; 360 x 235 mm; see Joannides

1983, no. 225, repr.

17. In his review of Pouncey and Gere 1962, Konrad

Oberhuber (Master Drawings, 1, no. 3, 1963, pp. 44-53,

p. 46) observed the close relation of the Vienna Charity to the British Museum Hercules.

18. As Oskar Fischel remarked of Raphael's copy of David

(Raphaels Zeichnungen, 8 vols., Berlin, 1913?41, vol. 4

[1922], p. 201, pi. 187): "Das Wohlgef?hl, mit dem die

Strichlagen die Glieder runden, l?sst mehr an Stein als an

Fleisch denken!'

19. The head of Figure 1 is also similar to the Laokoon

inspired study at Windsor (inv. no. 12760; see Joannides

1983, no. 241, repr.) for the head of Homer in the

Parnassus, although that much-displayed drawing is

more faded.

20. Inv. no. 1991.217.4. Pen and brown ink, brown wash,

heightened with white, over black chalk, squared in sty lus and red chalk; 262 x 200 mm; see Joannides 1983, no. 297, repr.

21. The famous Siege of Perugia (Paris, Louvre, inv. no,

3856r; see Joannides 1983, no. 93, repr.), now identified

by Tom Henry ("Raphael's Siege of Perugia," Burlington

Magazine, 146, no. 1220,2004, pp. 745-48) as an episode from the history of S. Ercolano, obviously responds to a

Perugian commission.

368



22. Inv. nos. P, II 523 and 525, respectively. Both pen and

brown ink; 271 x 216 mm and 232 x 185 mm; see

Joannides 1983, nos. 88 and 135, both repr.

23. The stiffness of the garment slung over the right shoul

der suggests a lion skin.

24. The Ashmolean's Hercules and the Lion was inventoried in

the collection of Antonio Tronsarelli (b. 1520s, d. 1601) in

1601, no. A102 (it cannot have been the Windsor version

since had the drawing been double-sided, it would have

been noted); see Matteo Lafranconi,"Antonio Tronsarelli: A

Roman Collector of the Late Sixteenth Century,"

Burlington Magazine, 140, no. 1145, 1998, pp. 537-50. A

slight sketch of Hercules and Cerberus, not known in a more

developed study and perhaps set aside by Raphael as unsat

isfactory, is also in the Ashmolean (inv. no. P II, 463 as

Peruzzi; reattributed to Raphael by Nicholas Turner; see

John Gere and Nicholas Turner, Drawings by Raphael from...

English Collections, exh. cat., London, British Museum, 1983, no. 64, repr.).

25. Inv. no. 1895-9-15-631. Pen and brown ink; 400 x 244

mm; see Joannides 1983, no. 188, repr.

26. Compare the much more supple Aeneas and Anchises of

1517 in the Albertina (inv. no. 4881; see Joannides 1983, no. 367, repr.).

27. The format of the contemporary sequence of pen stud

ies of the seizure and maltreatment of prisoners?which are surprisingly brutal for those accustomed to the

"Raphael of the Dear Madonnas"?also suggests sculp ture. Hardly mere exercises, they too were presumably

made in view of some aborted or lost commission.

28. I suggested that the Hercules narratives may have been

intended for reliefs on the pedestal of a statue before

becoming aware of Figure 1 (see Paul Joannides,

Michelangelo and His Influence: Drawings from Windsor

Castle, exh. cat., Washington, DC, National Gallery of

Art, and elsewhere, 1996-98, no. 29, repr.). It is worth

noting that three marble reliefs similar in size to

Raphael's drawings, although unrelated in design, are in

the Bargello, Florence, as anonymous early sixteenth

century: Hercules Killing the Dragon Guarding the Garden

of the Hesperides (inv. no. 274S); Hercules Kitting the

Centaur (inv. no. 275S); and Hercules Killing the Nemean

Lion (inv. no. 276S).Their function is conjectural.

29. See, for example, A. Kosmopolou, The Iconography of

Sculpted Statue Bases in the Archaic and Classical Periods,

Madison, Wisconsin, 2002.

30. The base of the statue of the Infant Hercules Strangling the

Serpents by Guglielmo d?lia Porta (fl. 1534-77) in the

Museo Nazionale di Capodimonte, Naples (inv. no. AM

10526), is embossed with reliefs of his adult labors.

31. See Kathleen Weil-Garris,"On Pedestals: Michelangelo's David, Bandinelli's Hercules and Cacus, and the Sculpture

of the Piazza della Signoria," R?misches Jahrbuch f?r Kunst

geschichte, 20, 1983, pp. 377-415. She ascribes the inven

tion of the narrative pedestal to Baccio Bandinelli (p.

407):"Bandinelli's innovation was to bring the narrative

resources which he identified with the relief mode itself

to the design of the statue support. Thus he invented for

the Renaissance the historiated pedestal." She dates this

to c. 1530, when Bandinelli was planning the statue of

Andrea Doria as Neptune, but the innovation no doubt

reflects Bandinelli's knowledge of Raphael's ideas.

32. Raphael's sheet of c. 1503 in the Uffizi (inv. no. 1476 E; see Joannides 1983, no. 53, repr.) contains on its recto a

distinctly Pollaiuolesque study of Hercules Fighting the

Centaurs, no doubt for a bronze roundel; on the verso is

a sketch for an equally Pollaiuolesque bronze statuette

of David with the Head of Goliath, as well as two small

designs for metalwork. It is noteworthy that, in planning a shallow relief in bronze, Raphael's pen style is sharper and tighter than in the Hercules series discussed here.

The previously unknown sheet of c. 1504 that appeared on the art market in 2004 (sale, London, Sotheby's, 8

July 2004, lot 23, repr.) contains a design probably for a

censer on its verso. In Rome, of course, Raphael

designed the bronze roundels for Agostino Chigi's

chapel in S. Maria della Pace (for which he again pro duced hard-edged drawings) and the marbles of Jonah and Isaiah for S. Maria del Pop?lo. Several surviving

drawings by Raphael were obviously made to prepare

sculptures either unexecuted or lost: the group of c.

1509 in the Sz?pm?v?szeti M?zeum, Budapest (inv. no.

1935; see Joannides 1983, no. 215, repr.), and that of c.

1511 for a fountain in the Uffizi (inv. no. 1474 E; see

Joannides 1983, no. 294, repr.). It has often been

remarked that some of Raphael's later paintings suggest three-dimensional preparation and Leonardo Sellaio

reported in November 1516 that Raphael had made a

clay model to be carved in marble by Pietro d'Ancona

(fl. fifteenth century). For a reconsideration of this issue

and of the controversial Putto on a Dolphin, see John Shearman, Raphael in Early Modern Sources, 2 vols., New

Haven and London, 2003, vol. 1, pp. 270-71, 750-51.

33. For an example, see Paul Joannides, "Raphael: A

Sorority of Madonnas," Burlington Magazine, 146, no.

1220, 2004, pp. 749-52.

34. See Carmen C. Bambach, "A Leonardo Drawing for the

Metropolitan Museum of Art: Studies for a Statue of

Hercules," Apollo, n.s., 153, no. 469, 2001, pp. 16-23

(with earlier bibliog.), and her entries in Carmen C.

Bambach, ed., Leonardo da Vinci: Master Draftsman, exh.

cat., New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2003, nos. 101?2, both repr.

35. See Leopold D. Ettlinger, "Hercules Florentinus,"

Mitteilungen des Kunsthistorischen Institutes in Florenz, 16,

1972, pp. 119-42.

369



36. This project, planned for and by Michelangelo, persist

ently eluded him; it was temporarily substituted by Bandinelli s stucco Hercules of 1515 and permanently by the same sculptor's Hercules and Cacus, completed in

1534; see Paul Joannides, "Two Drawings Connected

with Michelangelo's Hercules and Antaeus" Master

Drawings, 41, no. 2, 2002, pp. 105-16.

37. Inv. no. P II, 522. Pen and brown ink; 268 x 190 mm;

see Joannides 1983, no. 87, repr.

38. Inv. no. F 269 inf., 109 (as Bandinelli). Pen and brown

ink; 415 x 269 mm.

39. See Roger Ward, Baccio Bandinelli as a Draughtsman

(unpublished dissertation, Courtauld Institute of Art,

University of London, 1982), nos. 239 (inv. no. F 269

inf., 102-3), 240 (inv. no. F 269 inf., 104-5), and 241

(inv. no. F 269 inf., 106-7), which are given to

Bandinelli himself. He considers inv. no. F 269 inf., no.

108 (his no. 242) to be a copy of a lost drawing by

Bandinelli; this sheet was attributed to Marcantonio

Raimondi by Konrad Oberhuber and Achim Gnann

(Roma et lo stile classico di Raffaello, exh. cat., Mantua,

Palazzo del Te, 1999, no. 132, repr.), and although, in my

view, this attribution is untenable, it does evoke the links

between Baccio and his engraver. Ward does not cite

inv. no. F 269 inf., 109 in his dissertation, nor, so far as I

am aware, has any other scholar mentioned it. I hap

pened to chance on it in a Gernsheim photograph. It

does not feature in the Ambrosiana s online database of

drawings (www. italnet. nd. edu /ambrosiana).

40. Bandinelli's juxtaposition gains further resonance from

his own interest in Michelangelo's David, for which see

Anna Forlani Tempesti, "II David di Michelangelo nella

tradizione gr?fica Bandinelliana," Antichita Viva, 28, nos.

2-3, 1989, pp. 19-25.

41. Sale, Paris, H?tel Drouot, 13 November 1986, lot 179

(as by Baccio Bandinelli and bearing an old inscription with his name); see Raphael Rosenberg, Beschreibungen und Nachzeichnungen der Skulpturen Michelangelos, Berlin,

2000, under no. NZ416.1 am most grateful to Raphael

Rosenberg for the photograph.

42. Leonardo's advice would have been seconded by

Raphael.

43. How much of Michelangelo's graphic work Raphael could have seen is hard to guess, but as Konrad Oberhuber

first pointed out ("A Drawing by Raphael Mistakenly Attributed to Bandinelli," Master Drawings, 2, no. 4, 1964,

pp. 398-400, esp. p. 399), a copy of a lost drawing by

Raphael, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

(inv. no. 1887.12.69), shows that he knew Michelangelo's Male Nude Seen from Behind, now in the Albertina (inv. no.

118; see Veronika Birke and Janine Kert?sz, Die italienischen

Zeichnungen der Albertina, 4 vols., Vienna, Cologne, and

Weimar, 1991-96, vol. 1, no. 118r, repr.).

44. Fischel 1913-41, vol. 4 (1922), p. 201: "...den jungen

Bandinelli, der Raphael in seinen Anf?ngen sehr nahegekom men sein soll_" See also Washington and elsewhere

1996-98, no. 29.

45. Raphael's double-sided sheet of studies of the male

nude in the Albertina (inv. no. 117; see Joannides 1983, no. 183, repr.) was given to Bandinelli until its true

author was recognized by Konrad Oberhuber (1964, pp.

398-400).

46. Inv. no. P II, 552. Red chalk, over stylus underdrawing

(recto); black chalk, pen and brown ink, touches of red

chalk (verso); 379 x 281 mm; see Joannides 1983, no.

233, repr.

47. Louis Waldman, Baccio Bandinelli and Art at the Medici

Court: A Corpus of Early Modern Sources, Philadelphia,

2004, p. 28.

48. See The Illustrated Bartsch, vol. 26, nos. 193 and 317-1,

respectively. The former is inspired by Raphael's Venus

and Cupid, the latter by his Massacre of the Innocents.

Bandinelli was evidently lodged in the Belvedere at this

time, and renewed his acquaintance with Leonardo: "Ma

quanto a mold termini de la scholtura e pitura, molto honfidai ne' rar?simo I[n]giegnio di Lionardo da Vinci, che I' Belvedere

abitava ch?me me" (see Waldman 2004, p. 903).

49. No new documentation related to this episode is

included by Waldman (2004).

50. See J. D. Heikamp,"In margine alla Vita di Baccio Bandinelli

diVasari," Paraje, n.s. 11,17,no. 191/11,1966, pp. 51-61,

esp. p. 52, where the figures are dated 1519-20. He sug

gests that they may originally have held spears, like the fig ure in Raphael's drawing (see Fig. 11), which would imply that they are simply guards; but in a drawing of the terrace

of the Villa Madama (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett) by Maerten van Heemskerck (1498-1574), which shows the

two figures in the background, the right-hand one seems

to bear a shouldered club (like the stucco Hercules Baccio

created for Leo X's triumphal entry into Florence in

1515), and if he is Hercules, as this suggests, his companion

might be Theseus.

51. It has often been noted that toward 1520 Raphael reconsidered some of the issues that he had addressed in

his late Florentine and early Roman work.

52. When Bandinelli portrayed Hercules again, in the Hercules

and Cacus group that he began in 1526, he turned rather

to the example of Leonardo (see Virginia Bush,

"Bandinelli's Hercules and Cacus and Florentine Traditions,"

in Studies in Italian Art and Architecture, 15th through 18th

Centuries, ed. by Henry A. Mill?n, Rome, Cambridge,

Mass., and London, 1980, pp. 163-206, pp. 185-86). Bandinelli certainly knew some of Leonardo's Hercules

designs, for a page by him in the British Museum (inv. no.

1946-7-13-232) contains, among other drawings, a study

370



of a pair of powerful male legs braced wide apart that looks

to be after a lost drawing by Leonardo, such as those at

Windsor (inv. nos. 12630-31; see Kenneth Clark and Carlo

Pedretti, Leonardo da Vinci Drawings in the Collection of Her

Majesty The Queen at Windsor Castle, 3 vols., London, 1968,

vol. 2, p. 2.).

53. A pioneering consideration of Bandinelli and Raphael is in M. G. Ciardi Dupr?, "Per la cronologia dei disegni di Baccio Bandinelli fino al 1540," Commentari, 17, no.

1, 1966, pp. 146-70; see also Ward 1982, pp. 104, 107,

111, and 170?71 for pertinent comments, and idem, Baccio Bandinelli (1493-1560): Drawings from British

Collections, exh. cat., Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum,

1988, no. 21, repr. A succinct, perceptive, comparison of

Bandinelli's and Raphael's pen styles is provided by Achim Gnann, The Era of Michelangelo: Masterpieces from the Albertina, exh. cat., Venice, Peggy Guggenheim

Collection, and elsewhere, 2004-5, no. 15, repr.

54. See Shearman 2003, vol. 1, pp. 112-18, 180-84.

55. The family tree in Shearman 2003, vol. 1, p. 51, termi

nates, like his collection as a whole, in 1602.

56. See Anna Forlani Tempesti, "La collezione attuale e

tracce per la sua storia," in Anna Forlani Tempesti and

Grazia Calegari, Da Raffaello a Rossini: La collezione

Antaldi. I disegni ritrovati, exh. cat., Pesaro, Palazzo

Antaldi, 2001, pp. xxxix-xlviii. Of course, Pietro

Perugino (c. 1450-1523), Bernardino Pinturicchio (c.

1452-1513), Domenico Alfani, Berto di Giovanni (fl.

1488-1529), and Eusebio da San Giorgio (1465/70 after 1539), among others, certainly knew?and no

doubt possessed?some drawings by Raphael.

57. Published by J. C. Robinson, A Critical Account of the

Drawings by Michel Angelo and Raffaello in the University

Galleries, Oxford, Oxford, 1870, pp. 343-52; the cartoons

for the sibyls are not present.

58. Sale, New York, Christie s, 22 January 2004, lot 12, repr.

59. See R. W Serieller, "The Case of the Stolen Raphael

Drawings," Master Drawings, 9, no. 2, 1973, pp. 119-37.

He singles out one of the sheets that Wicar said he had

lost as coming directly from theViti-Antaldi Collection,

that now in the Ashmolean (inv. no. P II, 537; see

Joannides 1983, no. 185, repr.), which he identified with

no. 22 in Wicar's list and, coincidentally, with no. 22 in

the Viti-Antaldi inventory. Viti-Antaldi no. 22, howev

er, is more likely, as Parker noted, to be the copy, now in

the British Museum (inv. no. 1931-12-12-2; see

Pouncey and Gere 1962, no. 43), of the recto of anoth

er sheet in the Ashmolean (inv. no. P II, 538; see

Joannides 1983, no. 186, repr.). No. 22 in Wicar's list

probably corresponds to no. 24 in the Viti-Antaldi

inventory, which was among the drawings sold to

Crozat and which was presumably acquired by Wicar in

France or from a French source, finally to rejoin its

companion in Oxford (inv. no. P II, 538; the famous ex

Viti?Antaldi, ex-Crozat double-sided sheet of the tak

ing of prisoners), by a different route. Neither of the

Ashmolean drawings bears a Crozat number, but inv. no.

P II, 538 was etched by the Comte de Caylus (1692

1765) while in Crozat s possession.

60. See Paul Joannides, "Jean-Baptiste Wicar as a Collector

of Drawings," in Cleveland and Lille 2002-3, pp. 34-45.

61. Wicar specified that no. 14 in his list, the Holy Family with Sts. Elizabeth, Zacharias and the Young John the

Baptist, drawn by Raphael for Domenco Alfani, came

from Blanchard (Scheller 1973, p. 127).

62. See Serieller 1973, p. 124; as he noted, this was also the

view of John Gere, "William Young Ottley as a

Collector of Drawings," British Museum Quarterly, 1953,

pp. 44-53, esp. pp. 46-47.

63. See Jacob Bean, Inventaire general des dessins des mus?es de

province. Bayonne, Mus?e Bonnat: Les Dessins italiens de la

collection Bonnat, Paris, 1960, nos. 99, 141, and 142.

64. Slightly modified in the preface to the catalogue of

Ottley s 1814 sale:"... his drawings before the public, are

too well known, to require any proof of their original

ity. They were obtained, with the exception of two or

three, during the revolutionary troubles in Italy by their

present proprietor, who then sojourned in that country, and there is strong reason to believe that, till that peri

od, they had been preserved in the same state in which

they had been left at the death of Raffaele."

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