NSB Research DigestNSB RD Issue 02 November 11, 2016 C-MPI by Dzongkhags Top three C-MPI poorest...

NSB RD Issue 02 November 11, 2016

NSB Research Digest

The NSB Research Digest is a periodic edition of the Socio-Economic Analysis and Research Division (SEARD). Thematic studies conducted by the SEARD are published as monographs, which are then summarised and published as periodic Research Digests for wider dissemination. The aim is to reach out the findings to the key policy and development players. We hope our readers would find the themes and issues presented in our Research Digests relevant to their interests and needs.

Director General’s Note

Our research staff has been producing research monographs by combining statistics and research, and using qualitative method to supplement the quantitative analysis. The NSB Research Digest is one of our endeavours to disseminate the research findings to a wider public and for advocating evidence-based policy decisions. Many of our policymakers and development implementers may have little time to read through our thick research monographs. Thus, the Research Digests presents the summaries of thematic research monographs.

I am pleased to present the study summary of Child Poverty in Bhutan: Insights from Multidimensional Child Poverty Index (C-MPI) and Qualitative Interviews with Poor Children. The monograph (published in 2016) is the result of a persistent effort made by our small research team (Lham Dorji, Cheda Jamtsho and Sonam Gyeltshen) that worked with the international experts, Dr. Sabina Alkire and Dr. Ana Vaz, Researcher, both associated with the Oxford Poverty and Human Development Institute (OPHI). This C-MPI work represents one of the SEARD’s collaboration with the institutions outside the country.

A report prepared by UNICEF Headquarter acknowledges that the NSB’s effort to construct the C-MPI makes Bhutan one of the first countries in the world to measure child-specific multidimensional poverty. I hope the research digest would contribute towards meaningful interpretations and policy dialogues among the policymakers, development implementers, stakeholders and public. I wish every reader an interesting and insightful reading. Kuenga Tshering

National Statistics Bureau/0�1

NSB Research Digest Child Poverty in Bhutan: Insights from

Multidimensional Index and Qualitative Study

Inside this Edition

NSB Research Digest.………………………01

Director General’s Note……………………01

Results of C-MPI, 2010…………………….02

Findings of qualitative analysis………… 07

C-MPI policy recommendations………………………….07

Policy implications and conclusion…………………………………..10

Child Multidimensional Poverty (C-MPI)

Since no single measure can exhaustively capture the various dimensions of child poverty, there is the need for a measure that goes beyond income/consumption metrics. This measure should not only include the material wellbeing of a child, but his/her emotional and spiritual wellbeing.

Bhutan has enacted the Child Care and Protection Act (2011), indicating the Royal Government’s commitment towards promoting and protecting the rights and wellbeing of children. Much improvements have been made in various areas of child development over the years. However, Bhutan Multiple Index Survey (BMIS) data shows that in 2010, about 34% of the total children (below age 18) are multidimensionally poor. More needs to be done for poor Bhutanese children from policy, budgetary and strategic standpoints.

Many things [for children] might have improved during 2010-2016. Nevertheless, the qualitative study conducted in 2015 (with 140 children) revealed that many children are still affected by various social, economic and emotional problems. These problems are emerging as the issues whimpering for the attention of policy makers, politicians, social workers, and other stakeholders working in the fields of child and human development.

His Excellency the Prime Minister of Bhutan, Tshering Tobgay said during the High-Level Side-Event at the UN Summit for the Adoption of the Poverty Index with the SDGs ( 27

September, 2015): “Together we can design a new metric by which to assess our societies and our own lives, one that not only leaves no person behind, but also leaves no part of

human life and potential behind.”


PART II: C-MPI SUMMARY RESULTS

Dimensions, indicators and deprivations for C-MPIChild MPI (C-MPI) takes into account four dimensions: Health (child mortality and food security), Education (investment in cognitive skills & school attendance), Living Standard (electricity, sanitation, water, housing, cooking fuel, asset, land and livestock ownerships), and Child Conditions. There are 12 indicators & 17 deprivations. Under childhood conditions, the deprivations are malnutrition (aged 0-4, weight-for age-2SD), child labour (aged 5-11, at least 1 hour economic work or 28 hours of domestic work in a week), and girls development (aged 15-17, pregnancy, early marriage or attitude towards domestic violence). For details see Child Poverty in Bhutan: Insights from C-MPI and Qualitative Interviews with Poor Children, Table 1.1, page 14, Monograph No. 9, 2016.

C-MPI Rate

C-MPI headcount ratio (H) for 2010 is 33.9%. It is based on the cut-off rate of 26%. That is, a child is considered multidimensionally poor if he/she is deprived of 26% or more of the weighted dimensions.

Average Intensity (A): The share of deprivation that each poor child experience on average. Average Intensity of 41.2% for the country can be interpreted as ‘each poor child in Bhutan (in 2010) faces deprivation of 41.2% of weighted indicators’.

C-MPI (H x A) is 0.14, which means that poor children in Bhutan experiences 14% of all 17 deprivations that would be experienced if all children were deprived in all indicators. The national MPI (for all age cohorts, 2012) is 0.051 (or 5%). C-MPI is higher than MPI. Therefore, C-MPI deserves more policy attention.

Table 1.1: C-MPI results

C-MPI by gender

There is a gender parity, though more girls appear to be poor. This difference comes due to the variable childhood conditions that includes female respondents in 15-17 age cohort. Males (aged 15-17) are considered non-deprived in some deprivations under child conditions like being pregnant, having a baby, experiencing domestic violence or believing domestic violence is justified. By share of population, there are equal proportion of male and female children (figure 1.1)


Special points of interest C-MPI:

• About 34% of the total children in Bhutan (BMIS data, 2010) are multidimensionally poor.

• On an average, these C-MPI poor children are deprived of 41.2% of the indicators.

• The C-MPI (headcount x average intensity) for the country is 0.140.

• Multidimensional poverty rates are highest among children aged 3-5 ( mainly due to 5 years olds not attending pre-school).

• The proportion of children identified as multidimensionally poor in urban areas (10.8%) is four times lower than in rural areas (44%).

• The largest contribution to C-MPI comes from child conditions (33%) and low investment in cognitive skills and school attendance (27%).

• There is a gender parity: girl children are no poorer than boys.

• A non-negligible number of children in wealthy families are multidimensionally poor (6.3%); 64.6% of children in poor households are poor.

• Poverty rates among children living in households where the heads have at least completed secondary education is four times lower than those in households with no education.

• About 37% of children aged 3-5 are deprived (not attending early education facilities in 2010); 9% of children in aged 6-14 are not attending school; and 25% in age bracket 15-17 have not completed class 8 and are not attending school.

• Top three Dzongkhags with the highest C-MPI are Samtse, Gasa and Trongsa. Relatively more children in these Dzongkhags are deprived of investment in cognitive skills and school attendance. In addition and specifically, Samtse has higher deprivation in food security, Gasa in child mortality and Trongsa in cooking fuel.

SDG goal for children recognises…the need to ‘eradicate poverty in all its forms and

dimensions’.

Rates derived from BMIS 2010 using poverty cutoff=26%

C-MPI 0.14%

Headcount Ratio (H) 33.9%

Average Intensity (A) 41.2%

Sample used 89.3%

Weighted sample 90.3%

UNICEF defines Child Poverty (2004) as: “The experiences of deprivation of the material, social, spiritual and emotional

resources’ and thus, we use this definition: ‘low level of income obtained by a household (with children) combined

with a child’s deprivation of basic goods and services needed to survive, grow and develop and a child’s lack of rights and

inability to participate in the society (social exclusion); lack of social support and protection; a child’s exposure to violence

and discrimination; and a child living in a poor state of

Box 1.1: Child poverty definition


Figure 1.1: C-MPI by gender

C-MPI by Residence

C-MPI is predominantly a rural phenomenon. Poverty rates (headcount ratios) among children in rural and urban areas are vastly different (44% vs. 10.8%). An average intensity is also relatively high among rural poor children (41.7%) compared to their urban counterparts (37.3%). This is consistent with the national MPI (2012), which showed that national poverty rates in rural areas were much higher than in urban areas.

Figure 1.2 (a): C-MPI by residence Figure 1.2 (b): Poverty rates by residence

C-MPI by Wealth Quintiles

One out of every ten children in the richest quintile ( 6%) is multidimensionally poor, while six out of every ten children (63.8%) in the poorest quintile are multidimensionally poor (headcount ratios). Consistently, C-MPI for poor children is the highest in the poorest quintile (0.30) compared to 0.023 in the richest quintile. Some children in the richest families are also multidimensionally poor. Present data cannot explain why this is so. Nevertheless, the finding suggests that targeting only poorest households may miss some C-MPI poor children belonging to the richer quintiles.

C-MPI by Education of Household Heads

A large majority of C-MPI poor children lives in households where their heads does not have any education than in those households where the heads have primary and secondary education or above. Only about 12% of C-MPI poor children live in the households where the household heads have completed secondary education or more.

Figure 1.3: C-MPI by education of households’ heads


0

15

30

45

60

C-MPI Share of population

49.2

36

50.8

32

Boys Girls

C-MPI

0

0.05

0.1

0.15

0.2

Rural Urban Bhutan

0.14

0.04

0.183

Rural

Urban

Bhutan

In %0 13 25 38 50

41.2

37.3

41.7

33.9

10.8

44

Headcount ratio Average Intensity

0

12.5

25

37.5

50

None Primary Secondary +

11.7

31

43Headcount ratio


C-MPI by Dzongkhags

Top three C-MPI poorest Dzongkhags are: Samtse, Gasa and Trongsa. Deprivations in education indicators, namely, investment in cognitive skills and school attendance contributes the most to C-MPIs of all the Dzongkhags. As shown in table 1.2, eleven Dzongkhags have their C-MPIs above the national average. Beside deprivation in education indicators, Samtse reported relatively higher deprivation in food security, comparatively more children in Trongsa are deprived in cooking fuel, and more children in Gasa Dzongkha experience higher child mortality rate.

Table 1.2: C-MPI by Dzongkhags

‘Uncensored’ and ‘Censored’ Headcount Ratios

‘Raw or uncensored’ headcount ratios are percentages of children who are deprived in each of the C-MPI indicators irrespective of being multidimensionally poor or not.

‘Censored’ headcount ratios are percentage of children who are deprived in each of the C-MPI indicators and are also multidimensionally poor.

Uncensored headcount ratios

Top three deprivations faced by children (multidimensionally poor or not poor) are: access to toilet , cooking fuel and land ownership (shown in figure 1.4).

Figure 1.4: C-MPI Uncensored headcount ratios


Dzongkhags Headcount ratio Average Intensity

Samtse 46.4 45.2

Gasa 45.1 43.9

Lheuntse 44.1 40.1

Trongsa 43.9 41.1

Tsirang 43.3 42.3

Pemagatshel 42.7 39.2

Zhemgang 41.3 40.2

Samdrupjongkhar 40.9 43.8

Monggar 40.6 42.8

Dagana 39.5 40.8

Trashigang 38.8 40.2

Trashyangtse 36.2 39.7

Bhutan 33.9 41.2

Sarpang 32.7 38.7

Wangduephodrang 31.8 41.9

Bumthang 31.4 37.3

Chukkha 30.8 43.3

Punakha 30.0 38.8

Haa 27.2 36.4

Paro 25.8 35.1

Thimphu 11.1 35.5

Dzongkhags C-MPI

Samtse 0.210

Gasa 0.198

Trongsa 0.181

Samdrupjongkhar 0.179

Lheuntse 0.177

Monggar 0.174

Pemagatshel 0.167

Zhemgang 0.166

Dagana 0.161

Trashigang 0.156

Trashyangtse 0.144

Bhutan 0.140

Chukkha 0.133

Tsirang 0.133

Wangduephodrang 0.133

Sarpang 0.127

Bumthang 0.117

Punakha 0.116

Haa 0.099

Paro 0.091

Thimphu 0.040

Toilet

Cook fuel

Land ownership

Electricity

Livestock ownership

Child conditions

Child mortality

Invest. in cognitive skills

Food security

Asset ownership

House conditions

Safe drinking water0 12.5 25 37.5 50

4

9.7

10.6

12.2

17.2

18.9

21.5

22.3

26.7

31.6

37.3

40.8


Censored headcount ratios

Top three deprivations faced by children who are multidimensionally poor are: cooking fuel, access to toilet and child conditions as given in figure 1.5.

Figure 1.5: C-MPI censored headcount ratio

Percentage contributions of four dimensions to C-MPI

Among four dimensions, the largest contribution to C-MPI comes from child conditions indicators and education indicators (figure 1.6).

Figure 1.6: Percentage contributions of four dimensions to CPI

As shown in figure 1.7, besides child conditions, the most common deprivation is ‘girls’ attitude towards violence’ (acceptance of violence by girls).

Figure 1.7: Child conditions and indicators

Intra-household poverty

Are all children living in the same household poor or non-poor? Do C-MPI poor children live in MPI rich households? MPI was calculated by NSB in 2012 for all age cohorts.

About 54% of C-MPI poor children live in MPI poor household, while 46% of C-MPI poor children live in MPI non-poor households. Policy targeting at only poor households would miss 46% of the C-MPI poor children.

Close to 70% of C-MPI poor children who live in MPI non-poor households are deprived in child conditions and school attendance.

PART II: RESULTS OF QUALITATIVE STUDY

Children’s perceptions of poverty

Children (sample size 140) in six Dzongkhags (Trashiyangtse, Pemagatshel, Zhemgang, Sarpang, Chukkha and Samtse) were asked how he/she perceived poverty. A majority of them were discriminative towards material deprivation as shown in figure 2.1. In general, there was a little variation in how poor children perceived poverty across the sampled Dzongkhags.

A majority of children interpreted poverty as ‘ being in a situation of insufficient food and clothing and a lack of money (which otherwise would solve their many problems)’. However, none of the children singled out poverty dimension; they generally talked about combination of many deprivations.

Figure 2.1: Children’s perception of poverty


Child conditions

Education

Health

Living Standard

0 8.5 17 25.5 34

17

23

27

33

Insufficient foods

Inadequate clothes

Lack of money

Poor housing (shelter)

No assets including land

No education

Absence of social support

Unsupportive parents

Lack of power and capability

Unemployed situation

Harsh working conditions

Broken families (divorce)

Dependency

Water derprivation

0 7.5 15 22.5 30

Materialdeprivations

Socialdeprivations

Cook fuel

Toilet

Child conditions

Electricity

Invest. in cognitive skills

Land ownership

Child mortality

Food security

Livestock ownership

Asset ownership

House conditions

Safe drinking water

0 5.5 11 16.5 22

2.5

6.7

7

8.2

8.7

10.5

14.1

15.2

15.7

18.4

19.7

21.2

Promoting poor children’s visibility and their voices


Box 2.1: Children’s perception of poverty (quotes)


“Poor people [are the ones who] live without sufficient food and clothing. Money is important, but we can survive [without money] by relying on [the produce from] our agricultural lands.” (TYRP02, Age 14, Female)

“Poor children do not have nice clothes. They wear rags and slippers. They are ashamed of going to school because they observe their rich friends wearing relatively better clothes. They do not take pack lunches. Poor children use bags given by some teachers and friends.” ( SPRP21, Age 10,

Female)

“Poor people live in mud houses without proper furniture and water supply. They don’t have enough money, and usually they work on other people’s land.” (SPRP11, Age 15, Male)

Figure 2.2: Children’s perception of poverty

Child’s lived experiences of material deprivations

Most poor children mentioned of ‘having their basic needs unmet and about their difficult family circumstances’. The most prevalent material deprivation is a periodic shortage of food. The other deprivations are shown in figure 2.2 (larger circles at higher position represent the most common deprivations).


Box 2.2: Cases of various material deprivations (quotations)

Child’s lived experiences of social deprivations

Poor children expressed feeling insecure, excluded, humiliated and being ashamed, and related them to the problems of drinking parents, family dysfunction, family stress, parenting issues, maltreatment, study stress, disability and illnesses, and also their inability to participate in social events due to inadequate clothing, not living in good houses and other forms of material deprivations.

Shame and depression

Most children reported the ‘parental divorce’ as the main reason for feeling ashamed and depressed. The other reasons are presented in figure 2.3.

Figure 2.3: Sources of poor children’s shame and depression

Box 2.3: Cases: source of shame and depression

Social exclusion

The recurrent themes in the interviews were ‘not being able to invite friends to their houses due to poor housing conditions, lack of toys and foods to offer’, ‘not being able to participate in school events due to lack of appropriate resources for participation (mainly costumes)’. Asked whether poor children are being discriminated, the response was overwhelmingly YES (63%).

Box.2.4: Children’s Quotes on social exclusion


“I hesitate to invite my friends to my house because it is not well-built like their houses. The roof leaks [when it rains] and the house is never kept clean. We do not have expensive utensils, mattress

and furniture. I feel shy of being in this condition. When some friends want to visit my house, my mother sends me to herd the

cattle. That time, my friends say they do not wish to be my friends”.(TYRP09, Age 12, Male)

“I am interested in games and sports. I got an opportunity to participate in a school volleyball match, but I gave up after I could

not get a shirt [sport dress].” (PGRP10, Age 16, Female)

“I hesitate to invite friends to my house because my house is in bad condition. I do not have toys for my friends”. (TYRP09, Age 12,

Male)

Food “Food is not enough. That’s the reason why we take only two meals a day. I usually skip breakfast. Sometimes, I feel hungry, but I have to

bear it. I feel the food served in school is far better than what I usually eat at home.” (TYRP, Age 17, Female)

Clothes “I feel sad and ashamed in front of others when I wear torn shoes [in

school] (TYRP15, Age 15, Female)

Shelter “I live in a house made of CGI sheets. We have only one room. It is too crowded. We find it difficult to study and do our homework. In summer, it is too hot to live in this house.” (ZYRP02, Age 15, Male)

Water

“Water [that we drink] is collected from a small nearby pond. I don’t think we get sick by drinking that water, but I know it is not so clean. I

wish we have a piped water.” (TYRP17, Age 12, Male)

Money

“ I face money problem in school. Our teachers and captains always collect money [for common purposes]. I am not able to give the

class contributions for which I become the object of scorn. I don’t ask from my parents and sister either knowing that they don’t have

enough [money].” (PGRP16, Age 14, Female)

Education “ I have to walk for about three hours daily to attend my classes. I get tired walking and cannot concentrate on my studies. This is my main

problem.” (CKRP 01, Age 15, Male)

Cooking fuel

“ Our village has electricity, but not in our house. We could not get the electric line, as we did not have money to buy wires and

sockets.” (ZHRP03, Age 16, Male)

Toilet

“Our toilet is non-flushable and is located outside the house. We share toilet with neighbours. Sometimes, we find it hard to get

access to toilet due to over-crowding.” (SPRP06, Age 15, Female)

Communication & Technology

“ I heard that a computer is useful for getting new knowledge. Except for a few rich children, we, poorer ones, do not know what computer is. I can only wish if I own one.” (ZHRP09, Age 15, Male)

What shames and depresses you?

Parental divorce

Wearing old clothes

Death of parent(s)

Drinking parent(s)

Missing schooling0 8 15 23 30

“My parents were divorced [probably] when I was in the mother’s womb. Last year, I stayed with my father, and now I

stay with my grandparents. I feel sad and often cry when I think of my parents. They should not have got divorced.” (PGRP10,

Age 16, Female)

“Both my parents died after having had been bitten by a snake. We [three children] were left behind, young. Our grandparents now take care of us, but they are getting older. I get Nu. 200 as

a pocket money in one year. In absence of parents, I don’t know what will happen to us when our grandparents become too old [to work and earn]. I feel depressed.” (ZHRP29, Age 13, Female)

“I used to feel [seriously] depressed when my parents quarrelled and fought time and again. Those days, I was too

young and could not cook for myself. When our parents fought, we [children] used to go empty stomaches. Later they got divorced. Since then I was confused about what to do in

life.” (ZHRP30, Age 15, Male)


Box.2.5: Children’s Quotes on social discrimination

Emotional well-being

Most children reported that they feel sad when they think of their parent(s)’ death and over the thought of their parental divorces. Figure 2.4 presents all the reasons for feeling sad.

Figure 2.4: Reasons for feeling sad

Suicidal ideation and attempts

About 33% of the sample children had experienced suicidal thoughts. Among many reasons for suicidal ideation are as given in figure 2.5, the main reasons are their ‘poor situation’, ‘maltreatment by stepparents’ and ‘absence of parents’.

Figure 2.5: Reasons for suicidal thoughts and attempts

Box 2.6: Children’s quotes ( suicidal thoughts and attempts)

Poor children and survival strategies

Despite being desperate over their poor circumstances, many poor children believe that they could change their lives (as they grow up). Poor children and their parents uses many coping mechanisms to address their material and social deprivations as shown in figure 2.7.

Figure 2.7: How children try to overcome poverty

Box 2.6: Children’s words: coping mechanisms

Children’s idea about Happiness

Children viewed strong and stable family as fundamentally an important source of Happiness. Others sources of happiness are as given in box 2.8 (larger circles and their higher position relatively represent the most common indicators of happiness).


“During winter vacations, I usually work with my sister to harvest and transport oranges. The money that we earn, we spend on buying basic household items, and spend the rest for school

uniforms, shoes, and stationaries.” (TYRP05, Age 13, Male)

“I help my mother to brew alcohol [which we sell]. We brew alcohol normally on Sundays. It doesn’t affect my

studies.” (TYRP11, Age 13, Female)

“I work very hard. I go around and collect empty bottles and tins, which I sell [to earn] to local shopkeepers. I spend the money on

vegetables, food and clothes.” (PGRP12, Age 16, Male)

What makes you sad?

Death of parent(s)Parental divorce

Not having one parentWhen I feel I am poor

When others use phonesWhen parents always quarrel

No good clothesSeeing others going to school

When parents scold meSeeing others eat good food

0 5.5 11 16.5 22

Reported factors that triggers suicidal thoughts

Poor situation

When stepparent beat me

Lack of parent(s)

Parental divorce

Not getting things I desire

Parents always quarrel

Demon's spell

No work to earn income

Performing poorly in studies

0 10 20 30 40

“I attempted to kill myself out of frustration over my parents’ drinking and quarrelling habits. Many children want to commit

suicide when they experience domestic violence. Some children are good at studies, but due to family problems they want to kill

themselves. Some students here say they want to commit suicide when their love relations fail; and when the school management

wants to report their disciplinary problems to their parents or guardians.” (ZHRP09, Age 15, Male)

“My sister and I attempted suicide many times. The reason was that our neighbours had been telling us time and again that we

are orphan girls.” (ZHRP11, Age 15, Female)

Pariticpate in wage work

Carry out household chores

Save money for urgent use

Works in field (at home)

Sell vegetables and others

0 10 20 30 40

“People look down on us [poor children] when we wear shabby clothes and some by looking at our house. We are not allowed to even participate in certain group activities by some of our richer coevals. The best thing is to simply disregard whatever people

have to say.” (TYRP08, Age 17, Female)

“I feel most people discriminate against poor children. I have a friend who has both her parents dead. Some

students call her a ‘witch’ and condemn her for the death of her parents: ‘she has eaten her parents’. What could this poor girl do? She simply cries.” (TYRP19, Age 13,

Female)


Figure 2.8: Children’s idea about Happiness

Important things in life

Money is the most important thing for most sampled poor children. This suggests that any policy and programme directed at increasing the family income could have the strongest impacts on the lives of poor children. Also, relatively more children mentioned about the importance of family and social relationship in their lives (figure 2.9).

Figure 2.9: Important things in life

Poor children’s suggestions to overcome poverty

Most sampled children suggested that providing the poor families the access to cash benefit, subsidy and micro-credit (they actually said: ‘give money to the poor families with many children’). The other suggestions they have made are as given in the figure 2.10.

Figure 2.10: Children’s suggestions to reduce poverty

C-MPI and Qualitative Study

C-MPI is constructed using BMIS 2010 data that is little outdated. Nevertheless, the findings may not be altogether irrelevant. The qualitative study supplements’ the C-MPI’s findings.

1. In C-MPI, the highest deprivation is cooking fuel; and so in the Qualitative Study too, deprivation of cooking fuel is most common. Poor children reported that their households have electricity, but they cannot afford electronic cookers or get their houses electrified;

2. Food shortage featured in both C-MPI and Qualitative Study;

3. Child conditions such as exposure to violence and mistreatment at homes came up as important issues in both C-MPI and Qualitative Study.

4. The Qualitative Study came across many girls who had reclined to accepting mis-treatment and abuse by their family members other than their biological parents.

C-MPI policy recommendations

✦ Data: build C-MPIs in the near future using more recent data. Future surveys should collect indicators that are more appropriate to measure child rights.

✦ Investment in cognitive skills & school attendance: introduce more early childhood education facilities, promote school attendance among children in age bracket 6-14, and promote school retention among 15-17 age cohort.

✦ Living standard: improve sanitation (through proper toilet & access to clean water) and use of cooking fuel (lessen indoor pollution).


Cash subsidy and loans for the poor

Set up more boarding schools

Help poor people build houses

More opportunities & income for the poor

Promote equity and justice

Awareness on proper childcare and support

More opportunities for co-curricular activities

Provide and maintain drinking water scheme

0 7.5 15 22.5 30

0"

5"

10"

15"

20"

25"

30"Money"

Social"rela2onships"

Religion"

Water"

Good"home"Land"

Educa2on"

Tha"Dham"Tshig"&"Ley"Jum"Drey"

Hospital"

What%is%important%for%you%in%your%life?%

%"percentage"


✦ Health: one in ten poor children lives in a household that has lost a child. This finding underscores the ongoing need for preventive healthcare for babies & children.

✦ Food security: food deprivations are non-negligible in some Dzongkhags like Samtse, Wangduephodrang, Lheuntse and Samdrupjongkhar (10% of children affected). There is a need to enhance food security.

✦ Childhood conditions: About 21% of children aged 0-4 are malnourished and the same share of 5-14 cohort are engaged in child labour. There should be clear policy strategies to reduce these deprivations.

✦ About 54% of girls are deprived in their ‘attitudes towards violence and pregnancy & early marriage’. Policy interventions in these areas must be bolstered.

Policy implications and conclusions

✦ The national priorities that focus on the linkages between development and child well-being with constant monitoring and evaluation of the progress and results might help improve the lives of many poor children.

✦ Social protection measures for poor families (with many children) like income-enhancement opportunities, means-tested cash supplement or in-kind benefits, and housing assistance may improve child wellbeing and development.

✦ Children usually work (say during winter holidays) to cope up with the economic-hardships and for lack of better choices. If they don’t work, the worst things may happen to them. Curbing child labour at the cost of child welfare (income) may not be desirable. This issue may have to be looked from a broader perspectives.

✦ Providing life-skill programmes to children in extremely difficult circumstances may help them to gain skills, attain higher resiliency, and develop flairs for social and emotional adjustment, school engagement, and anxiety reduction.

✦ Introducing special school boarding facilities for children in difficult circumstances (living in abusive homes) may provide them the alternative sanctuaries.

✦ More interventions like His Majesty’s kidu or grants and financial or in-kind support (for promising students) from the individuals, NGOs and corporations may enhance poor children’s educational scope and attainment.

✦ Initiating the educational programmes on proper parenting for the parents and guardian, specifically for the divorced, negligent, and alcoholic parents may prove helpful to children from broken homes.

✦ Encouraging entrepreneurship among children as early as the primary level may be worthy an effort rather than making entrepreneurship development activities available only at higher learning institutions and colleges.

✦ Targeting poor children for scouting, winter camping, and similar programmes might reduce their social isolation and exclusion.

✦ Investing in making social workers (with adequate training on child rights to survival, development, protection and participation) available at the grassroots and in rural communities may have greater positive impacts on the lives of poorest and most vulnerable children.

✦ School and community-based interventions for children living with stepfamilies and for those coming from disrupted or broken families might bring positive outcomes for poor children.

✦ Organising frequent community-level discussions to sensitise illiterate parents on child rights, children’s additional needs, and positive parenting might be worth considering.

✦ Improving coordination among various NGOs and individuals initiatives may improve the services delivered to poor children.

✦ One central agency can play the coordination role to prevent duplication of child-centric programmes or services. It can also maintain the central beneficiary database so that those who are difficult to reach could be easily tracked.


Child poverty and vulnerability merit greater policy attention for being distinct, multidimensional, and more time-sensitive than that of adults. The other reasons why child poverty deserves more policy attention are: firstly, poverty in childhood is invariably associated with poverty in adulthood (cyclical problem and

intergenerational transfer); secondly, the needs of children are more and diverse than that of adults, as childhood is a stage of physical, cognitive and social development that varies by age and gender; and thirdly, Bhutan’s enactment of child protection law in 2012 presents the context or timeliness for augmented

policy attention on poor children.


MONOGRAPH SERIES

The NSB’s Socio-Economic Analysis and Research Division (SEARD) periodically publishes monograph series of social and economic thematic studies. Beginning 2012, we have published nine monographs, namely:

1. Alcohol Use and Abuse in Bhutan (Lham Dorji, 2012 and edition, 2015).

2. The Economic Value of Voluntary Works in Bhutan (2012), electronic version.

3. Money and Price in Bhutan (Jigme Nidrup, 2012, electronic version).

4. Child Poverty and Disparity in Bhutan (Lham Dorji, 2012, electronic version).

5. Bhutan’s Case: Social Capital, Household Welfare and Happiness (Lham Dorji, Cheda Jamtsho, Sonam Gyeltshen and Cheku

Dorji, 2013).

6. A Compendium of GNH Statistics (Thomas Storke and Lham Dorji, 2014).

7. Sexual and Reproductive Health of Adolescents and Youth in Bhutan (Lham Dorji, 2015).

8. Youth, Crime & Mental Health in Bhutan (Lham Dorji et al, 2015)

9. Child Poverty in Bhutan: Insights from C-MPI and Interviews with Poor Children ( Lham Dorji et al, 2016)

Electronic version of the research monographs can be accessed from NSB website: www.nsb.gov.bt. For any queries or comment, please call 333296 or email to [email protected]


Monograph series no. 8

national statistics BureauThimphu

2015

Lham Dorji, sonam gyeltshen, Thomas Minten, pema namgay, Tashi Dorjee and

Tenzin Dorji

YouTh, CriMe anD MenTaL heaLTh in BhuTan

Youth, Crim

e and Mental h

ealth in Bhutan

MONOGRAPH SERIES NO. 9

National Statistics BureauThimphu

2016

Sabina Alkire, Lham Dorji, Sonam Gyeltshen and Thomas Minten

CHILD POVERTY IN BHUTAN: Insights from Multidimensional Child Poverty Index and

Qualitative Interviews with Poor Children

CH

ILD

PO

VE

RT

Y IN

BH

UT

AN

: Insights from M

ultidimensional C

hild Poverty Index and Q

ualitative Interviews w

ith Poor C

hildren



UNICEF, Bhutan Office has supported (both fund and technical) a thematic study titled: ‘Child Poverty in Bhutan: Insights from Multidimensional Child Poverty Index (C-MPI) and Qualitative Interviews with Poor Children’. We thank UNICEF, Bhutan for

the research support.

NSB Research Team, led by Lham Dorji, conducted the thematic study.

NSB Research Digest © National Statistics Bureau, 2016

Prepared by Lham Dorji, Sonam Gyeltshen and Cheda Jamtsho, NSB Research Staff.

Published by National Statistics Bureau, Thimphu.Post Box. 338

Phone: 02333296

For any comments, please email to [email protected]

www.nsb.gov.bt

Views expressed in this Research Digest are those of the authors and not necessarily of NSB and UNICEF. NSB and UNICEF accept no responsibility for the inaccuracy of facts, statements, opinions or any other errors.

Current Thematic Studies

We are conducting studies on ‘Mainstreaming Informal Businesses among Women Entrepreneurs into a Formal Sector in Bhutan’ and ‘Promoting Entrepreneurship among Bhutanese Registered Women Micro-and Small Cottage Entrepreneurs’. The results of the studies will be published as monographs and Research Digests.

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.nsb.gov.bt

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.nsb.gov.bt

NSB Research DigestNSB RD Issue 02 November 11, 2016 C-MPI by Dzongkhags Top three C-MPI poorest...

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