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1

Silence and the sounds

surrounding it

Astrid Kraehenmann

Freudental July 3, 2004

Aditi Lahiri Henning Reetz Marion Jaeger

2

...the fundamental aspect of music is duration. The

only characteristic which both sound and silence

share is duration. Silence is important, as it is the

opposite of sound and, therefore, a necessarypartner of sound.

Cage (1977:81)

on Erik Saties use of pauses in his music

Erik Satie (1866-1925)

3

Outline

1. Manuscripts of Notker der Deutsche (950-1022)

reflecting Old Alemannic (OHG) phonology

2. Acoustics of New High Alemannic (Swiss German)a) production data revealing phonological patterning

and supporting length representationb) perception data revealing importance of primary cue

3. Articulation of phrase-initial length contrast

a) a strong argument for length representationb) a strong argument against a functionalist view of

phonology

4. Summary of main points

4

Claims

Notkers writings reflect a very recently established

length contrast in word-initial dental stops

The acoustics of the present-day Swiss German contrasta) beg for a uniform phonological representation

in all word positionsb) are the only correlates being relied on in perception

The articulation of the phrase-initial length contrast

is upheld against considerable odds

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5

NotkersAnlautgesetz

< b d g >< p t k >

after sonorant soundselsewhere

suggests an allophonic alternation

Martianus Capella manuscriptCodex Sangallensis 872, 11th cent.

6

NotkersAnlautgesetz

n du ugen begnnet

h pegnne begin

du snna gt

er frrost kt go

7 8

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9 10

11

NotkersAnlautgesetz

Un!de dz kelubenUus mg tz sn? this

tz ter tg pegnda

S mnig tg ist day

12

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13 14

15 16

NotkersAnlautgesetz

PGmc

sourceTotal

violating

Anlautgesetz

Swiss German

correspondence

*b 451 12 (2.6%) /p/ (almost all)

*g 313 5 (1.6%) /k/ (all)

*d 142 97 (68.3%) /tt/ (all)

*th 3635 114 (4.2%) /t/ (almost all)

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17

NotkersAnlautgesetz

PGmc

source spelling

follow

Anlautgesetz

Swiss German

correspondence

*b < b ~ p > yes /p/

*g < g ~ k > yes /k/

*d < t > no /tt/

*th < d ~ t > yes /t/

18

What was Notkers phonological system?

What is the basis for the allophonic alternation and the

non-alternation?

NotkersAnlautgesetz: summary

a systematic difference in spelling for word-initial dental stop:

from *th > adherence toAnlautgesetz, alternating from *d > non-adherence toAnlautgesetz, non-alternating

1.

a systematic difference in present-day correspondence:

*th lenis /t/

*d fortis /tt/

2.

19

Notkers phonological system

1st Consonant Shift

Rhotasization

West Germanic Gemination

2nd Consonant Shift

bb dd gg > pp tt kk

Defricativization of *th

no distinctive voicing

within fricatives

no vcl short stops left

no distinctive voicing left

push chain shift *d < t > tt

only length is still contrastive

word-medially and word-finally20

Notkers phonological system

alternation is between short and long:

/ p t k / > [ pp tt kk ] syntactic gemination

Corroborating evidence for analysis:

correspondence to present-day descending systems

only the dentals show this patterning

later loan word incorporation leading to extension of contrast

to labials and velars

non-alternation for underlying length:

/ tt / > [ tt ]

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21

Swiss German obstruents(Kraehenmann 2003)

pp

p

tt

t

kk

k

ss

s

ff

fSSS

xx

x

kxtspf

22

Swiss German stopsword-medially

[jakkE][jakE]

[mattE][matE]

[sippE][sipE]

CD CD CD

CD CD CD

23

[vkk][v:k]

[altt][valt]

[alpp][xalp]

Swiss German stopsword-finally

24

Swiss German stopsword-initially: V#_

[kka:R][ka:R]

[ttaNkx][taNkx]

[ppa:R][pa:R]

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25

\ttaNkx\\taNkx\

VV_#V

107

171

148

4758 56

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160180

200

long

short

V_VV#_V

Meanclosureduration(m

s)

Intervocalic: V_V

**

*

\tta:tt\\Ra:t\

\mattE\\matE\ 26

S_#V

90

137

116

43 4452

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160180

200

long

short

S_VS#_V

Meanclosureduration(m

s)

Sonorants: S_V

***

\ttaNkx\\taNkx\

\altt\\valt\

\hoRttE\\hoRtE\

27

Swiss German stopsword-initially: C #_

[kka:R][ka:R]

[ttaNkx][taNkx]

[ppa:R][pa:R]

28

C_#V

7667

78 76

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

long

short

C_VC#_V

Meanclosureduration(ms)

Obstruents: C_V

\ttaNkx\\taNkx\ \heft\\akxtE\

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29

VV_#C

8277 74

0

20

40

60

80

100

120

140

160

180

200

long

short

V_CV#_C

Meanclosureduration(m

s)

Obstruents: V_C

(\psyxE\) \Svips\\tta:tt\\Ra:t\ 30

Summary acoustics:within phrase

maintenance ofphonological and acoustic length

neutralization of

phonological and acoustic length

in intersonorant context

if an obstruent is adjacent

31

V# __V

R O R

N C N

X X X X X

V V C V

tsv a i t a Nkx

two tanks

R O R

N N

X X X X

V V C V

tsv a i t a Nkx

two thanks32

S# __V

R O R

N C N

X X X X X

V S C V

f i l t a Nkx

R O R

N N

X X X X

V S C V

f i l t a Nkx

a lot of tanks a lot of thanks

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C# __V

R O R

N C N

X X X X X

V S C C V

e l f t a Nkx

R O R

N C N

X X X X X X

V S C C V

e l f t a Nkx

eleven t anks eleven thanks34

Summary acoustics-phonology:interaction within phrase

maintenance of

phonological and acoustic length

neutralization of

phonological and acoustic length

whenever the extra position of a

geminate can be syllabified

when only one of the geminate

positions can be syllabified

35

[kka:R]?[ka:R][ka:R]

[ttaNkx]?[taNkx][taNkx]

[ppa:R]?[pa:R][pa:R]

? ?

? ??

?

Swiss German stopsphrase-initially

36

\ppa:R\\sippE\

no CD measurement is possible

Phrase-initial stops

But can it be perceived?

because no detectable starting point of closure

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Perception results

63 64 6360

4648

0

20

40

60

80

100

pp p tt t kk k

%c

orrect

p = 0.1075

38

maintenance ofphonological and acoustic length

neutralization

word-initially?

cannot be perceived

is it produced?

Summary acoustics:phrase edges

word-finally

39

[ __V

O R

N

X X

C V

t a Nkx

O R

N

X X X

C V

t a Nkx

tank thank40

[ __V

O R

N

X X

C V

t a Nkx

O R

N

X X

C V

t a Nkx

tank thank

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Phonetically driven Phonology

The functionalist view (e.g. Hayes 1999):

easier to articulate (production)>

and/or easier to recognize acoustically

(perception)>

if a distinction cannot be heard, a speaker has

every reason not produce it

Phonological processes occur in order to makesounds

42

Electropalatography(Kraehenmann & Jaeger 2003)

43

V# /tt/

V# /t/

44

[ /tt/

[ /t/

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45

/tt/

/t/

72 59

0

40

80

120

160

200

240

Meangestureduration

(ms)

228

149

*

78

42

*

V# _ [ _ C# _

Articulation

46

maintenance of length contrast

yes

Summary articulation:phrase-initially

the phonological distinction is articulated, but

cannot be perceived in the acoustic signal

advantage of articulation in this special case:

a period of silence becomes measurable

47

[ __V

O R

N

X X X

C V

t a Nkx

tank

> phonological length is

implemented in articulation,

i.e. longer closure gesture

> analysis is fully compatiblewith representation in terms

of length, but incompatible

with a moraic representation

48

Conclusion

A functionalist view of phonology cannot

explain the phonology-phonetics interaction of

Swiss German stops:

phonological length correlates with acoustic

length>

phonological length correlates with the

articulatory gesture of closure

>

phrase-initially, articulation and acoustics

are not isomorphous, but functionalism

would predict this

>

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Conclusion

A moraic representation of length cannot

explain whylong segments in all word positions pattern the

same>

word-initial geminates are also articulated

longer phrase-initially>

Acoustic correlates of a phonological distinction

can be non-identical to articulatory correlates

Historical data is not just orthographic

50

Selected references

Braune, W. & Mitzka, W., 1967. Althochdeutsche Grammatik. Tbingen: Niemeyer.

Iverson, K.G. & J.C. Salmons, 1995. Aspiration and laryngeal representation in Germanic,

Phonology 12, 369-396.

Jellinek, M.H., 1897. Zu Notkers Anlautsgesetz,Anzeiger fr deutsches Altertum 41, 84-87.

Kohler, K.J., 1984. Phonetic explanation in phonology: the feature fortis/lenis, Phonetica, 41, 150-174.

Kienle, R. von, 1969. Historische Laut- und Formenlehre des Deutschen. Tbingen: Niemeyer.

Hayes, B., 1999. Phonetically driven phonology: the role of OT and Inductive Grounding, in M. Darnell

et al. (eds.), Functionalism and Formalism in L inguistics, 243-285. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.

Abramson, A.S., 1986. The perception of word-initial consonant length: Pattani Malay, Journal

of the International Phonetic Association 16, 8-16.

Abramson, A.S., 1987. Word-initial consonant length in Pattani Malay, International Congress

of Phonetic Sciences 11, 68-70.

Abramson, A.S., 1991. Amplitude as cue to word-initial consonant length: Pattani Malay, International Congress of Phonetic Sciences 12, 98-101.

Abramson, A.S., 1999. Fundamental frequency as cue to word-initial consonant length: Pattani

Malay,International Congress of Phonetic Sciences 14, 591-594.

Fulop, S., 1994. Acoustic correlates of the fortis/lenis contrast in Swiss German plosives, Calgary

Working Papers in Linguistics 16, 55-63.

51

Penzl, H., 1971.Lautsystem und Lautwandel in den althochdeutschen Dialekten. Munich: Max Hueber.

Steraide, D. 1997. Phonetics in phonology: the case of laryngeal neutralization. Ms., University of

California, Los Angeles.

Weinberg, I., 1911.Zu Notkers Anlautgesetz. Tbingen: M.C.B. Mohr.

Penzl, H., 1955. Zur Erklrung von Notkers Anlautsgesetz, Zeitschrift fr deutsches Altertum 86,

196-210.

Penzl, H., 1968. Die Phoneme in Notkers alemannischem Dialekt, in F.A. Raven et al (eds.) Germanic

Studies in Honor of Edward Henry Sehrt, 133-150. Coral Gables: University of Miami Press.

Page, R., 1999. On Notkers Anlautgesetz, in G. Carr et al. (eds.) Interdigitations: essays for

Irmengard Rauch, 305-309. New York: Peter Lang.

Moulton, W.G., 1979. Notkers Anlautgesetz, in I. Rauch & G.F. Carr (eds.) Linguistic Method:

Essays in Honor of Herbert Penzl , 242-251. The Hague: Mouton.

Moulton, W.G., 1987. Zum Konsonantismus des Althochdeutschen: orthographisch, phonologisch

pdagogisch, in R. Bergmann et al. (eds.) Althochdeutsch, 72-85. Heidelberg: Carl Winter.

Kraehenmann, A., 2001. Swiss German stops: Geminates all over the Word, Phonology 18.1, 109-145.

Kraehenmann, A. & Jaeger, M., 2003. Phrase-initial geminate stops: evidence for phonological

representation, Proceedings of the 15th ICPhS, 2725-2728.