NOTES

Introduction

1. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1959).

2. Eric J. Hobsbawm, Bandits, rev. ed. (1961; New York: Pantheon, 1981), p. 23.

3. Ibid., p. 17. 4. Ibid., pp. 22–28. 5. Anton Blok, “The Peasant and the Brigand: Social Banditry Reconsidered,”

Comparative Studies in Society and History 1:4 (1972), 494–503. See also Richard W. Slatta, ed., Bandidos: The Varieties of Latin American Banditry (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1987).

6. See the summary by Richard W. Slatta, “Eric J. Hobsbawm’s Social Bandit: A Critique and Revision,” A Contracorriente 1:2 (2004), 22–30.

7. Paul Kooistra, Criminals as Heroes: Structure, Power, and Identity (Bowling Green: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1989), p. 29.

8. See Steven Knight’s Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994); and Robin Hood: A Mythic Biography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003).

9. Mary Grace Duncan, Romantic Outlaws, Beloved Prisons: the Unconscious Meanings of Crime and Punishment (New York: New York University Press, 1996), p. 61.

10. Charles Mackay, Memoirs of Extraordinary Popular Delusions and the Madness of Crowds (London, 1841).

11. See, for instance, Kenneth Munden, “A Contribution to the Psychological Understanding of the Cowboy and His Myth,” American Imago Summer (1958), 103–48.

12. William Settle, for instance, makes the argument in the introduction to his Jesse James Was His Name (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1966).

13. Hobsbawm, Bandits, pp. 40–56.14. Joseph Ritson, ed., Robin Hood: A Collection of all the Ancient Poems, Songs,

and Ballads, now Extant Relative to that Celebrated English Outlaw, 2 vols (London: Egerton and Johnson, 1795; rpt. London: William Pickering, 1832), I p. 28.

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15. Rodney Hilton, “The Origins of Robin Hood,” Past and Present 14 (1958), 30–44.

16. Ibid., p. 204; J. C. Holt, Robin Hood, rev. ed. (London: Thames & Hudson, 1989), p. 120.

17. Holt, Robin Hood, pp. 109–58; “The Origins and Audience of the Ballads of Robin Hood,” Past and Present 18 (1960), 89–110.

18. Richard Tardif, “The ‘Mistery’ of Robin Hood: A New Social Context for the Texts,” in Words and Worlds: Studies in the Social Role of Verbal Culture, ed. S. Knight and S. J. Mukherjee (Sydney: Sydney Association for Studies in Society and Culture, 1983), pp. 130–45. Thomas Ohlgren, Robin Hood: The Early Poems, 1465–1560 (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 2007).

19. Discussed in Hobsbawm, Bandits, pp. 40–82.20. W. F. Prideaux, “Who Was Robin Hood?” Notes and Queries, 7th ser., 2

(1886), 421–4.21. “Outlaws,” American-Scandinavian Review 4 (1916), 350–4; Angevin England

and Scandinavia, Harvard Studies in Comparative Literature 6 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1921).

22. The Relation and Development of English and Icelandic Outlaw Legends (Harlem: Tjeenk Willink, 1935), pp. 130–1.

23. Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend, rev. ed. (New York: Dorset, 1987).

24. He lists “The Origins of Robin Hood” in the appendix of sources and bibliography.

25. Keen, Outlaws, p. xvi.26. John Bellamy, Crime and Public Order in England in the Later Middle Ages

(London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1973), pp. 69–88; and Robin Hood: An Historical Enquiry (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985). Barbara Hanawalt, “Ballads and Bandits: Fourteenth-Century Outlaws and the Robin Hood Poems,” in Chaucer’s England: Literature in Historical Context, ed. Barbara Hanawalt (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1992), pp. 154–75.

27. R. B. Dobson and John Taylor, Rymes of Robyn Hood: An Introduction to the English Outlaw (1976; Stroud: Sutton, 1997), pp. 1–64.

28. Stephen Knight and Thomas Ohlgren, eds., Robin Hood and Other Outlaw Tales (Kalamazoo: TEAMS/Medieval Institute, 2000); Thomas Ohlgren, ed., Medieval Outlaws: Twelve Tales in Modern English Translation (West Lafayette: Parlor Press, 2005), a revised and expanded edition of Medieval Outlaws: Ten Tales in Modern English (Stroud: Sutton, 2000).

29. Ohlgren, Medieval Outlaws, pp. xxvi–xxxiii.30. Douglas Gray, “The Robin Hood Poems,” Poetica 18 (1984), 1–18. J. B.

Bessinger, Jr. did something similar for the Gest of Robyn Hood in “The Gest of Robin Hood Revisited,” in The Lered and the Lewed, ed. Larry D. Benson (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1974), pp. 355–69. Neil Daniel has made a systematic stylistic examination of Gamelyn in “A Metrical and Stylistic Study of The Tale of Gamelyn,” in Studies in

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Medieval, Renaissance, (and) American Literature: A Festschrift (Honoring Troy C. Crenshaw, Lorraine Sherley, and Ruth Speer Angell), ed. Betsy F. Colquitt (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 1971), pp. 19–32. Ingrid Benecke has analyzed the characterization of “the good outlaw” in sev-eral of the texts discussed here in Der Gute Outlaw (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1973).

31. Claude Levi-Strauss’ analysis of mythic narrative was especially inf lu-ential. For a lucid summary of the impact of cultural anthropology on narrative theory, see Wallace Martin, Recent Theories of Narrative (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1986), pp. 23–6.

Chapter 1

1. The Anglo-Saxon, Latin, and Middle English versions of Wulfbold’s story are edited by Edward Edwards in Liber Monasterii de Hyda, RBMA 45 (London, 1866). The Anglo-Saxon text can also be found as no. 63 in A. J. Robertson, ed., Anglo-Saxon Charters (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1956), p. 128.

2. Liber Monasterii de Hyda. 3. On the composition, content, and dating of the Liber Monasterii de Hyda,

see G. R. C. Davis, Medieval Cartularies of Great Britain: A Short Catalogue (London: Longman’s, Green, and co., 1958).

4. Liber Monasterii de Hyda, p. 252. 5. Ibid., p. 248. 6. Hundredgemot 3, 3.1; All citations of Anglo-Saxon laws are from

Felix Liebermann, ed., Die Gesetze der Angelsachsen, 3 vols (Halle: Max Niemeyer, 1898-16). In these I have silently expanded abbreviations. Abbreviated references are those used by Patrick Wormald.

7. Henry Bracton, De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae, ed. George E. Woodbine, trans. Samuel E. Thorne as Bracton on the Laws and Customs of England, rev. ed., 4 vols (Cambridge, MA: Belknap/Harvard University Press, 1977), p. 352.

8. This process is complicated by the introduction of judicial precedent, which demands that previous interpretations and applications of the legal narrative are taken into consideration, but evidence for this does not appear in England until the thirteenth century. See Anthony Musson, Medieval Law in Context: The Growth of Legal Consciousness from Magna Carta to the Peasants’ Revolt (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001), pp. 42–4.

9. My choice of the masculine pronoun is intentional. Women and boys under twelve could not be outlawed for the reason that they were never under the law in the same sense that men were. A woman who commit-ted a crime and f led could be “waived” (Bracton, De Legibus, 2:353).

10. James Boyd White, “Law as Language: Reading Law and Reading Literature,” Texas Law Review 60 (1982), 415–45. For a summary of the debate surrounding White’s thesis and its application to the study of law

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as literature, see Ian Ward, Law and Literature: Possibilities and Perspectives (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1995), pp. 3–27.

11. Paul Gewirtz, “Narrative and Rhetoric in the Law,” in Law’s Stories: Narrative and Rhetoric in the Law, ed. Paul Gewirtz and Peter Brooks (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996), p. 5. See Richard Delgado, “Storytelling for Oppositionists and Others: A Plea for Narrative,” 87 Michigan Law Review 2411 (1989).

12. These assumptions are not synonymous with the aporia Jacques Derrida identifies, for instance, in his lecture “Force of Law: Mystical Foundations of Authority,” although some outlaw narratives respond to his question regarding the double-bind of “singularity”: “How are we to reconcile the act of justice that must always concern singularity, individuals, irreplace-able groups and lives, the other or myself as other, in a unique situation, with rule, norm, value or the imperative of justice which necessarily have a general form, even if this generality prescribes a singular application in each case?” (trans. Mary Quaintance, Cardozo Law Review 11 (1990), 949).

13. Following the structuralist pattern derived from Ferdinand de Saussure’s linguistics, I am imagining the legal narrative as langue and others as parole (Course in General Linguistics, Roy Harris, trans. [Chicago: Open Court, 1986], pp. 9–10). However, legal practice is not fixed but responds to its own history and in this respect can behave like parole. On the diversity of parole as a challenge to langue and the relationship of language to ideology, see the theory of Mikhail Bakhtin, especially as described and applied by Tzveten Todorov in Mikhail Bakhtin: The Dialogical Principle, Wlad Godzich, trans. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), pp. 41–74. While recent criticism of Bakhtin has historicized his the-ory as a reaction against Stalinism, the dialogical intertextuality that he describes has been usefully applied to a variety of cultural narratives. See Rachel Blau DuPlessis’ concept of the “cultural script” in Writing Beyond the Ending (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985); and Susan Stanford Friedman, “Spatialization: A Strategy for Reading Narrative,” Narrative 1 (1992), 12–23.

14. See J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, “The Blood-Feud of the Franks,” in The Long-Haired Kings (London, 1962), pp. 121–47; Peter Sawyer, “The Bloodfeud in Fact and Fiction,” Acta Jutlandica 63:2 (1987), pp. 27–38.

15. Heinrich Brunner, Grundzüge der Deutschen Rechtesgeschichte (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1923) and Deutsche Rechtsgeschichte, 2nd ed., 2 vols (Leipzig: von Duncker & Humblodt, 1906-28), and from Wilhelm Eduard Wilda’s Das Strafrecht der Germanen (Halle, 1842). For a recent crit-ical discussion of nineteenth-century reconstructions of early Germanic legal customs regarding feud, see Stefan Jurasinski, “The Ecstasy of Vengeance: Legal History, Old English Scholarship, and the ‘Feud’ of Hengest,” Review of English Studies n.s. 55, no. 222 (2004), 641-661.

16. The same logic calls for the executioner in cases of capital punishment to be ritually removed from guilt, as well as for executions to be carried out at the edge of communal space.

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17. Julius Goebel, Jr., Felony and Misdemeanor: A Study in the History of Criminal Law (1937; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1976), p. 7–25.

18. Until recently the only thorough history of the practice of outlawry in early medieval England was Frederic Liebermann’s “Die Friedlosigkeit bei den Angelsachsen,” in Festschrift für Heinrich Brunner zum siebzigsten Geburtstag dargebracht von Schülern und Verehen (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 1910), pp. 17–37.

19. See, for instance, Katherine Fischer Drew’s introduction to The Laws of the Salian Franks, trans. Katherine Fischer Drew (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991), pp. 20–7; Patrick Wormald, “Lex Scripta and Verbum Regis: Legislation and Germanic Kingship, from Euric to Cnut,” in Early Medieval Kingship, ed. Peter Sawyer and I. N. Woods (Leeds: The Editors, 1977), pp. 105–38; J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, Early Germanic Kingship in England and on the Continent (Oxford: Clarendon, 1971), pp. 148–9.

20. Cornelius Tacitus, Germania, 12.21. Pactus Legis Salicae LVI.1-6. Trans. Drew, Laws, p. 119. A later Capitulary

of King Chilperic dictated the same action if a convicted man refused or was unable to pay a fine and f led (CXV).

22. I Chilperic 10.23. Trans. Drew, Laws, p. 152.24. Brunner and others read the phrase as evidence of a general king’s peace,

but Goebel argues that sermonem refers to the king’s court and points out that the procedure is one that follows a judgment rather than, like out-lawry, stands in place of a judgment (Felony and Misdemeanor, pp. 51–9, esp. note 131).

25. Goebel accounts for the growth of royal law as a response to problems of public order arising from the breakdown of kinship systems follow-ing the migration of the Franks into Gaul (ibid., pp. 62–122). Winfred Lehman makes a similar argument about Æthelbert’s laws in Anglo-Saxon England (“The First English Law,” Journal of Legal History 6:1 (1985), 1–32), although the idea of compensation was clearly a feature of older Germanic folk-law.

26. Anthropological studies of feud include E. E. Evans-Pritchard, The Nuer: A Description of the Modes of Livelihood and Political Institutions of a Nilotic People (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940); Jacob Black-Michaud, Feuding Societies (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1975); Christopher Boehm, Blood Revenge: The Anthropology of Feuding in Montenegro and other Tribal Societies (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1984). For historical stud-ies of feud in medieval societies, see R. R. Davies, “The Survival of Bloodfeud in Medieval Wales,” History 54 (1969), 338–57; Stephen D. White, “Feuding and Peace-making in the Touraine Around the Year 1100,” Traditio 42 (1986), 195–263; William Ian Miller, Bloodtaking and Peacemaking: Feud, Law and Society in Saga Iceland (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990).

27. Paul R. Hyams, Rancor and Reconciliation in Medieval England (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003).

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28. Rochester Cathedral Library ms. A.3.5; for a recent and thorough discus-sion of dating and other issues regarding the composition of the these laws, see Lisi Oliver, The Beginnings of English Law (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), pp. 3–20.

29. Wallace-Hadrill, Kingship, pp. 148–9; Wormald, “Lex Scripta,” pp. 105–38.30. “Gif bana of lande gewiteþ, ða magas healfne leod forgelden,” Æthelbert

23, Liebermann, Gesetze, 1:4.31. Wihtred 25; Liebermann, Gesetze 1:14.32. Oliver, Beginnings, p. 177.33. Ine 16, 35.34. Alfred 1.7; Liebermann, Gesetze 1:48. The text is from the Textus Roffensis.35. II Æthelstan 2.1; Liebermann, Gesetze 1:151, 152.36. II Æthelstan 1; Liebermann, Gesetze.37. Janet Bately, ed., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 3:

Ms. A (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1986).38. Ms. F for 995; G. P. Cubbin, ed., The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative

Edition, vol. 6: Ms. D (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1996), p. 63 [1017]; for Earl Godwin, see discussion in chapter two.

39. (Adam) HomU 21; (David) PsHead 10.1, 14.1; ( Jews) Or 6 4.137.11; (kings and bishops) various.

40. Æthelstan 20.7: “Gif hwa hine wrecan wille oððe hine fælæce, þonne beo he fah wið ðone cyng [and] wið ealle his freond” (Liebermann, Gesetze, 1:160) and also II Eadmund 1.3: “Gif þonne of ðære oðre mægðe hwa wrace do on ænigum oðrum men butan on ðam rihthand-dædan, sy he gefah wið þone cyning [and] wið ealle his frind [and] ðolige ealles ðæs he age” (I.188); Æthelstan 25.2: “Se ðe of ðissa gerædnesse ga, gilde æt frumcirre V pund, æt oþrum cirre his wer, æt þriddan cirre ðolige ealles þæs he age [and] ure ealra freondscipes” (Liebermann, Gesetze, 1:164); and III Aethelred 15: “And se þe reafeð man leohtan dæge, [and] he his kyþe to þrim tunan, þæt he ne beo nanes fryðes weorðe” (I..232).

41. Goebels, Felony, p. 420 note 289.42. Cubbin, Chronicle, p. 11.43. See discussion by Simon Keynes, “The Fonthill Letter,” in Words, Texts

and Manuscripts: Studies in Anglo-Saxon Culture Presented to Helmut Gneuss, ed. Michael Korhammer et al. (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1992), pp. 53–97; and Patrick Wormald, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, Vol. I: Legislation and its Limits (Oxford: Blackwell, 1999), pp. 144–8.

44. F. E. Harmer, ed., Select English Historical Documents of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1914), p. 32.

45. Wormald, English Law, p. 148.46. Harmer, Documents, p. 32.47. Wormald points out that as a repeat offender Helmstan could have lost a

hand or foot according to Ine 37 (p. 148).

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48. I Aethelred 1.7-9a, Liebermann, Gesetze, I.218; the law is repeated as II Cnut 30.9. See also I Aethelred 1.13: “Gif him seo lad byrste, gylde þam cynge his were, [and] sy se man utlah” (I.218).

49. Leges Henrici Primi 49.3: “Si quis vero per legem de pluribus causis inplacitatus non respondit de omnibus, omnium qus pretermiserit reus esse iudicetur, si de omnibus antea aubmonitus fuit aut de omnibus ipsa die respondere et rectum facere promisit.” Ed. and trans. L. J. Downer (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1972), pp. 162–3.

50. Bracton, De Legibus, p. 359.51. Ibid., p. 354.52. See Theodore Ziolkowski, The Mirror of Justice (Princeton: Princeton

University Press, 1997), pp. 74–97.53. William Stubbs, Select Charters and Other Illustrations of English Constitutional

History, 8th ed. (Oxford: Clarendon, 1905), pp. 144–5.54. The frequency of the f light option is established by court records that

indicate that as many as ten men were outlawed for every one that was hanged. See Frederick Pollack and Frederic Maitland, The History of English Law Before the Time of Edward I, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1898), I.478, I I.557.

55. Northumbria Assize Rolls (Surtees Society), 343; cited in Pollack and Maitland, The History of English Law, ii.554.

56. J. G. Bellamy, Crime and Public Order in England in the Later Middle Ages (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1973), p. 30; Claire Valente, The Theory and Practice of Revolt in Medieval England (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2003).

57. IV Æthelstan 6, 6.3; Liebermann, Gesetze, I.58. Bracton, De Legibus, 2.356–9, 369–72; see also Pollack and Maitland, The

History of English Law, 2:581.59. Bracton, De Legibus, 2.362; see Pollack and Maitland, The History of

English Law, I.477, with reference to 2 lib Ass. pl.3,f.3; Y. B. 2 Ed III f.6; 23 lib. Ass. p.41, f.137.

60. Y. B. 2 Ed III. Hil. pl.17; William Holdsworth, A History of English Law, 7th ed., rev. by A. L. Goodhart, H. G. Hanbury, and S. B. Chrimes (London: Methuen, 1956), III.605.

61. Three late tenth-century documents employ the term, although all three are preserved only in twelfth-century copies. See Patrick Wormald, “A Handlist of Anglo-Saxon Lawsuits,” Anglo-Saxon England 17 (1988), 247–81, nos. 43, 50, and 51. For a full discussion of the term utlah, see Elisabeth van Houts, “The Vocabulary of Exile and Outlawry in the North Sea Area around the First Millenium,” in Exile in the Middle Ages, eds. Laura Napran and Elisebeth van Houts, International Medieval Research 13 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 13–28.

62. See van Houts, “Vocabulary,” pp. 18-19.63. Ælfrics Grammatik und Glossar, ed. Julius Zupitza (Berlin, 1880), p. 70.64. II Aethelred 1.2: “[and] ælc ðæra landa ðe ænigne friðige ðæra ðe

Ænglaland hergie, beo hit utlah wið us [and] wið ealne here” (I.222);

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II Aethelred 7.1: “[and] gyf heora menn slean ure eahta, ðonne beoð hy utlage ge wið hy ge wið us [and] ne beo nanre bote weorðe” (I.224).

65. Pactus Legis Salicae LV.4; trans. Drew, Laws, p. 118.66. For the linguistic evidence for this relationship, see Michael Jacoby, Wargus,

vargr ‘Verbrecher’ ‘Wolf’: Eine Sprach-und rechtsgeschichtliche Untersuchung, Studia Germanistica Upsaliensia 12 (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell, 1974), especially pp. 46–77; and Mary Roche Gerstein, “Germanic Warg: The Outlaw as Werewolf,” in Myth in Indo-European Antiquity, ed. Gerald Larson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), pp. 131-56.

67. Wormald, English Law, p. 371–2; Legis Henrici Primi 83.4–5.68. Wihtred 4; Liebermann, Gesetze 1:12.69. “[And] gif wiccan oððe wigeleras, scincræftcan oððe horcwenan, morðw-

yrhtan oððe mansworan ahwar on earde wurðan agytene, fyse hy man georne ut of þysan earde [and] clæ[n]sige þas þeode, oþþe on earde forfare hy mid ealle, butan hy geswican [and] deopper gebetan”; VI Æthelred 7; Liebermann, Gesetze 1:248.

70. Charter 37 in Robertson, Charters, p. 68.71. II Cn Pr. 4a, Cn 1018 8, EGu11. On Wulfstan role in the composition of

laws, see Wormald, The Making of English Law, pp. 330–66.72. See Barry Lopez, Of Wolves and Men (New York: Scribners, 1978), p.

145.73. These and other examples are collected by J. G. Millais in The Mammals of

Great Britain and Ireland, 3 vols (London: Longman’s, 1904), pp. 185–99.74. It was applied as well to delinquent clergy, heretics, and prostitutes. See

Beryl Rowland, Animals with Human Faces: A Guide to Animal Symbolism (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), p. 162. On the ancient origins of this connection, see Mircea Eliade, Zalmoxis, The Vanishing God (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), pp. 3–5.

75. De Legibus 2:354.76. For a general summary of the wolf in Indo-European religious iconogra-

phy, see Eliade, Zalmoxis, pp. 1–20.77. The Tale of Gamelyn, ed. W. W. Skeat (Oxford: Clarendon, 1884), l.700.78. Völsunga saga, ed. Guðni Jónsson, Fornaldar sögur norðurlanda 1

(Reykjavik: Islandingasagnaútgáfan, 1954), pp. 123–4. On the were-wolf in literature, see Philippe Ménard, “Les Histoires de Loup-Garou au Moyen Age,” Symposium in honorem Prof. M. de Riquer (Barcelona: Universitat de Barcelona Quaderns Crema, 1984), pp. 209–38; and Kirby Smith, “An Historical Study of the Werewolf in Literature,” PMLA 9 (1894), 1–42.

79. Lopez, Of Wolves and Men, p. 140; the belief in the insatiability of the wolf in the Middle Ages was based on Pliny’s claim that wolves would even eat dirt when hungry (Rowland, Animals with Human Faces, p. 162). The most notable medieval example of this motif is in Dante’s Inferno, VI.22–33, where Cerberus is placated with handfuls of dirt. In Virgil’s Aeneid, the hell-hound requires drugged honey (VI.417–25).

80. Lopez, Of Wolves and Men, p. 140.

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81. Ibid., 141.82. Gesta Herewardi Incliti Exulis et Militis, ed. T. D. Hardy and C. T. Morton

in Lestorie des Engles solum translacion Maistre Geffrei Gaimar, RS 91:2 (London, 1889), pp. 395–7.

83. Fouke le fitz Waryn, ed. E. J. Hathaway, P. T. Ricketts, C. A. Robson, and A. D. Wilshere, Anglo-Norman Test Society 26–28 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975), pp. 6, 59–61.

84. Ibid., p. 68, note 6.21–7.85. Nic (A) 648; emphasis in the original.86. Ed. George Philip Krapp and Elliott Van Kirk Dobbie in The Exeter Book.

ASPR 3 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1936), p. 163.87. Regarding Cain and the monstrous races, see John Friedman, The

Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), especially pp. 87–107. On Jews and negroid races, see Ruth Mellinkoff ’s short treatment in The Mark of Cain (Berkeley: University of California, 1981), pp. 92–8. On Cain and heresy, see Pearl F. Braude, “ ‘Cokkel in oure Clene Corn’: Some Implications of Cain’s Sacrifice,” Gesta 7 (1968), 15–28. On late medieval interpretations of Cain in general, see Gilbert Dahan, “L’exégèse de l’histoire de Caïn et Abel du XIIe au XIVe siècle en Occident. Notes et texte (à suivre),” Recherches de Théologie ancienne et médiévale 49 (1982), 21–89.

88. Ed. G. P. Krapp in The Junius Manuscript. ASPR 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1931), p. 33.

89. Genesis and Exodus, ed. O. Arngant, Lund Studies in English 36 (Lund: Lund University, 1968), ll. 429–38.

90. Josephus, Works, trans. Henry St. John Thackery (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1976), I.63–7.

91. St. Augustine, The City of God, trans. John Healey and R. V. G. Tasker, 2 vols (London: Dent, 1945), XV.1.

92. Mellinkoff, Mark, pp. 5–13.93. Ibid., p. 11.94. Cain’s lack of repentance and despair are further recorded by Jerome as the

sixth and seventh of Cain’s seven sins. The list was widely known, appear-ing, for instance, in the Irish Reference Bible, ed. James E. Cross in Sources of Anglo-Saxon Culture, ed. Paul Szarmach, Studies in Medieval Culture 20 (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1986), pp. 92–100: “vi. dis-peravit ut maior est iniquitas mea; .vii. non penetivit ut vagus” (93). On other examples of this list in early England, see Charles D. Wright, The Irish Tradition in Old English Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 57, n.41.

95. Ælfric, Heptateuch, ed. S. J. Crawford, rev. N. R. Ker, EETS os 160 (London: Oxford University Press, 1960), p. 93.

96. Geoffrey Chaucer, “The Parson’s Tale,” ed. Larry D. Benson, The Riverside Chaucer (Cambridge: Houghton & Miff lin, 1987), l.1015.

97. Policraticus VI.24; trans. Cary J. Nedermann (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1990), pp. 140–1.

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98. William of Newburgh, Historia Rerum Anglicarum, ed. R. Howlett, Chronicles of the Reigns of Stephen, Henry II and Richard I, RS 82 (London, 1884–5). See Book 1 for Stephen’s reign and the beginning of Book 2 for the comments on Henry.

99. Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia Regum Britannie, I. Bern, Bürgerbibliothek MS. 568, ed. Neil Wright (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1985), p. 57. English is from Lewis Thorpe’s translation, The History of the Kings of Britain (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1966), p. 143.

100. Layamon, Brut, ed. G. L. Brook and R. F. Leslie, EETS os 250, 277 (London: Oxford University Press, 1963, 1978), l. 5995. The Modern English is from Donald G. Byzdal’s translation in Layamon’s Brut: A History of the Britons, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies 65 (Binghamton: Center for Medieval and Early Renaissance Studies, 1989), p. 129.

101. Hayden White, “The Forms of Wildness: Archeology of an Idea,” in The Wild Man Within. An Image in Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism, ed. Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972), p. 4.

102. All citations of Chaucer’s works are taken from The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry D. Benson, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Miff lin, 1987).

103. See Fritz Kern, Kingship and Law in the Middle Ages, trans. S. B. Chrimes (1956; Harper & Row, 1970), pp. 100–103.

104. George Cary points out, the anecdote “has lost all its force of personal criticism, and is a witty remark made to Alexander without any per-sonal application to him being intended” in the Manciple’s Tale because Chaucer has substituted the “titlelees tiraunt” for the accusatory “you” in the pirate’s response [The Medieval Alexander (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1957), p. 97]. Chapter 146 of the Gesta Romanorum gives an even less provocative spin to the story with its moral that will-fully ignores the legitimacy of the pirate’s question: “The pirate in his galley is a sinner in the world; Alexander is a prelate” [trans. Charles Swann (London, 1876), p. 253]. This chapter is not found in the English manuscripts of the Gesta Romanorum. See Sideny J. H. Herrtage, The Early English Versions of the Gesta Romanorum, EETS es 33 (Oxford, 1879), p. 524.

105. The surviving fragment reads, “for when he was asked what wickedness drove him to harass the sea with his one small galley, he replied: ‘The same wickedness that drives you to harass the whole world.’ ” Marcus Tullius Cicero, De Re Publica, trans. Clinton Walker Keyes (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1948), 102–103. Cary, The Medieval Alexander, 95–8.

106. Saint Augustine, De Civitas Dei Contra Paganos, trans. William M. Green, 7 vols (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), 2:16–17. “Remota itaque iustitia quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocina? Quia et latrocina quid sunt nisi parva regna? Manus et ipsa hominum est, imperio princi-pis regitur, pacto societatis astringitur, placiti lege praeda dividitur. Hoc

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malum si in tantum perditorum hominum accessibus crescit ut et loca teneat, sedes constituat, civitates accupet, populos subiuget, evidentius regni nomen adsumit, quod ei iam in manifesto confert non dempta cupiditas, sed addita inpunitas. Eleganter enim et veraciter Alexandro illi Magno quidam comprehensus pirata respondit. Nam cum idem rex hominem interrogaret, quid ei videretur, ut mare haberet infestum, ille libera contumacia: Quod tibi, inquit, ut orbem terrarum; sed quia id ego exiguo navigio facio, latro vocor; quia tu magna classe, imperator.”

107. Cary suggests that John may also have taken the anecdote directly from Cicero “since the wording differs so substantially from that of St. Augustine as to preclude any possibility that John borrowed the anec-dote from the De Civitate Dei” (The Medieval Alexander, p. 96).

108. John of Salisbury, Frivolities of Courtiers and Footprints of Philosophers, trans. Joseph B. Pike (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1938), 204–205.

109. This reading is playfully signif icant for the Manciple’s Tale because it ironically contradicts the moral that the Manciple reads into his own story of Phoebus and the crow: “Beth war, and taketh kep what that ye seye” (MnT 310). If ever there was a man who spoke unwisely it was Dionides: accusing an unjust and egocentric emperor of criminal behavior is a sure way to come to a bad end no matter what the valid-ity of the claim. The irony is, in fact, doubled, for in digressing on the propriety of the word lemman and thus on the problem of controlling the meaning of language, the Manciple has employed an exemplum to support his claim that proves to have meanings separate from his immediate intent but ironically relevant to both his tale and his own behavior.

110. In The Adventures of Robin Hood, Robin Hood explicitly criticizes King Richard in a scene based on this episode of the Gest: “I blame Richard. His task was here at home defending his own people instead of desert-ing them to fight in foreign lands” (The Adventures of Robin Hood, dir. Michael Curtiz and William Keighley, Warner Bros., 1938).

111. W. W. Skeat, Specimens of English literature from the “Ploughmans crede” to the “Shepheardes calender,” A. D. 1394–A.D. 1579 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1887), pp. 96–107.

112. For an account of the origins of this bifurcation, see Max Oelschlager, The Idea of Wilderness (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991).

113. Aristotle, The Politics, trans. T. A. Sinclair, rev. Trevor Saunders (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1992) I, ii.

114. Peter Brown, The Making of Late Antiquity (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 89.

115. Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, Israel Gollanz, ed., EETS OS 210 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1940).

116. Stanza 198; R. B. Dobson and J. Taylor, eds., Rymes of Robin Hood: An Introduction to the English Outlaw (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1976), p. 93.

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117. A statute of 1389 (13 Ric II c.20) designated Dover and Plymouth as exit ports for criminals. St. Mary’s Hospital at Dover, Holy Trinity at Portsmouth, and St. John’s at Southhampton provided facilities for such emigrants. See George Ives, History of Penal Methods (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1914), p. 100.

118. Brocardus, Descriptio Terrae Sanctae, translated in the Library of the Palestine Pilgrims Text Society 12 (London, 1897), pp. 102–103; Latin text edited by J. C. M. Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatuor (Leipzig, 1864).

119. Bede, Historia Ecclesiastica Gentis Anglorum II.12; ed. and trans. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B. Mynors, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969), pp. 176, 177. The Anglo-Saxon translation of the Historia reads “he monigra geara tide f lyma wæs” and at this point and elsewhere identifies Edwine as a wrecca, “exile.” The Old English Version of Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People, ed. Thomas Miller, EETS 95-6 (1890–1; Millwood, N.Y.: Kraus Reprint, 1978), I.127.

120. Bede, Historia II.12; Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 176, 177.

121. Cubbin, Chronicle, p. 36 [901].122. Ibid.123. Bede, Historia II.12; Colgrave and Mynors, Ecclesiastical History, pp. 178,

179.124. Bruno Bettelhiem, The Uses of Enchantment: The Meaning and Importance

of Fairy Tales (New York: Knopf, 1976), p. 94. Hans Peter Duerr, Dreamtime: Concerning the Boundary between Wilderness and Civilization, trans. Felicitas Goodman (London: Blackwell, 1985), p. 64.

125. Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1977), pp. 125–30; and Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1974), pp. 231–71.

126. See Stallybras and White on four symbolic domains of culture— psychic, body, geography, social space. Note also that it is this quality of the out-law’s condition that appeals as much to the modern American audience as any cause for social or economic justice.

127. William of Malmesbury, Historia Regum Anglorum II.106; trans. Joseph Stevenson, The History of the Kings of England, and of His Own Times, by William of Malmesbury, The Church Historians of England 3.1 (London: Seeleys, 1854), p. 84.

128. Reidy, Epic in Medieval Society: Aesthetic and Moral Values, Harald Scholler, ed. (Tübingen: Niemeyer Verlag, 1977), pp. 399–402.

129. Teseida 3.78; trans. McCoy, p. 91.130. Policraticus 8.20; Summa Theologica II.2, q 42, a 2. See Cary J. Nederman,

“A Duty to Kill: John of Salisbury’s Theory of Tyrannicide,” The Review of Politics 50 (1988), 365–89.

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131. The Anonimalle Chronicle, 1333–1381, ed. V. H. Galbraith, Publications of the University of Manchester 175, Historical Series 45 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1927), p. 147.

132. Beowulf, ll. 1143–4; ed. Frederick Klaeber, Beowulf and the Fight at Finnsburg, 3rd. ed. (Lexington: D. C. Heath, 1950), p. 43. For a dis-cussion of this event, see William Ian Miller, “Choosing the Avenger: Some Aspects of the Bloodfeud in Medieval Iceland and England,” Law and History Review 1 (1984), 159–204, but see reservations in Stefan Jurasinski, “The Ecstasy of Vengeance: Legal History, Old English Scholarship, and the ‘Feud’ of Hengest,” Review of English Studies n.s. 55, n. 222 (2004), 654–7.

133. Alfred 4.1–2; repeated in Ine 30, Edward 7, 8, Æthelstan 20, and Cnut 67.134. JCL VIII.9: “Gif we þonne aslaciað þæs friðes [ond] þæs weddes, þe se

seald habbað, [ond] se cyng us beboden hafað, þonne mage we wénan oððe georne witan, þæt þas þeofas willað ríxian gyta swiðor, þonne hig ær dydon . . . And gif man eard wille rihtlice clænsian, þonne mot man smeagan [ond] geornlice spyrian hwar þa manfullan wununge habban þe nellað geswican, ne for Gode betan, ac swa hwar swa hi man finde, gewilde hi to rihte, þances oþþe unþances, oþþe hi afirsige mid ealle of earde, buton hi gebugan [ond] to rihte gewendan.”

135. Stubbs, Charters, pp. 145–6.136. Richard fitz Nigel, Dialogus de Scaccario, ed. and trans. Charles Johnson

(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983), pp. 52–3: “In primitiuo itaque regni statu post conquitionem qui relicti fuerant de Anglicis subactis, in sus-pedctam et exosam sibi Normannorum gentem latenter ponebat insid-ias, et passim ipsos in nemoribus et locis remotis, nacta opportunitate, elanculo iugulabant. In quorum ultione eum reges et eorum ministri per aliquot annos exquisitis tormentorum generibus in Anglicos deseuirent, nec tamen sie omnino desisterent, in hoc tandem deuolutum est con-silium, ut centuriata, quam hundredum dicunt, in qua sic interfectus Normannus inueniebatur, quod mortis eius minister non extabat, nec per fugam quis esset patebat, in summam grandem argenti examinati fisco condempnaretur; quedam scilicet in xxxvi libras, quedem in xliiii libras, secundum locorum diuersitatem et interfectionis frequentiam. Quod ideo factum dicunt, ut scilicet pena generaliter inf licta pretere-untium indemitatem procuraret, et festinaret quisque tantum punire delictum, uel offerre iudicio per quem tam enomis iactura totam ledebat viciniam.”

137. The sentence specif ied Newcastle-upon Tyne, Berwick, Stirling, and St. Johnston, but the chronicles mention Aberdeen, Dumfries, and Perth.

138. See R. James Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland: Historical Narrative in Medi-eval Scotland (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993), pp. 215–49.

139. Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan Sheridan (New York: Vintage, 1979), p. 48.

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140. Bracton, De Legibus, p. 2.358; Cnut, for instance, appears to have wielded the sentence as a political tool: the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles record that within four years of assuming the throne he had outlawed four potentially threatening men—Eadwig Ætheling, Eadwig “king of the peasants,” Æthelweard, and Thorkell. Although accounts are con-fusing, almost all are reported dead shortly thereafter at an earlier point

141. Edward Powell, Kingship, Law, and Society: Criminal Justice in the Reign of Henry V (Oxford: Clarendon, 1989), pp. 69-71.

142. R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950-1250 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1987), p. 110.

143. Bellamy, Crime and Public Order, p. 77, citing P.R.O. K.B. 27/366 Rex m. 30.

144. See Bellamy, Crime and Public Order, pp. 84–7.

Chapter 2

1. For examples, see Elijah Wald, Narcocorrido: A Journey into the Music of Drugs, Guns and Guerillas (New York: Rayo, 2002).

2. See Timothy Egan, “Wanted: Border Hoppers. And Some Excitement, Too,” New York Times April 1, 2005; and Michael Scherer, “Scrimmage on the Border,” Mother Jones July/August 2005.

3. John Barbour, Barbour’s Bruce, Matthew P. McDairmid and James A. C. Stevenson, eds. STS, 4th ser. 12, 13, 14 (Edinburgh: Blackwood, Pillans and Wilson, 1980–85); Blind Hary, Hary’s Wallace (Vita Nobilissimi Defensoris Scoti Wilelmi Wallace Militis), Matthew P. McDairmid, ed. STS, 4th ser. 4, 5 (Edinburgh and London: Blackwood, 1968).

4. See R. James Goldstein, The Matter of Scotland: Historical Narrative in Medieval Scotland (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1993).

5. John Fordun, Chronica Gentis Scotorum, William F. Skene, ed., Historians of Scotland, vol. 1 (Edinburgh, 1871); The Original Chronicle of Andrew of Wyntoun, F. J. Amours, ed., STS 50, 53–4, 56–7, 63 (Edinburgh: W. Blackwood, 1903–14).

6. Citations from Walter Bower, Scotichronicon, D. E. R. Watt et al., eds., 9 vols (Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1989–98).

7. McDiarmid, Hary’s Wallace, pp. xvii–xxvi. 8. For an account of Glyn Dŵr’s uprising, see R. R. Davies, The Revolt of

Owain Glyn Dwr (New York: Oxford University Press, 1995). 9. See Elissa R. Henken, National Redeemer: Owain Glyndŵr in Welsh

Tradition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), pp. 7–19, for a sum-mary of sources and attitudes.

10. Henken comments that even while interviewing people in Wales in the 1980s she encountered those who were nervous about discussing “politically sensitive matter” (pp. 18–19).

11. Ibid., pp. 23–88. 12. The association of Robin Hood with native Saxons opposed to Norman

oppression is suggested in Joseph Ritson’s Robin Hood, A Collection of all

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the Ancient Poems, Songs and Ballads Now Extant Relative to the Celebrated English Outlaw (London: Egerton and Johnson, 1795) and strongly implied in Walter Scott’s Ivanhoe. See Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), pp. 156 and 157 and Robin Hood: A Mythic Biography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp. 110–12. Most scholars agree that tensions between Saxons and Normans had died out by the middle of the twelfth century, before the reign of Richard I, which later became associated with Robin Hood, and long before the fourteenth-century setting of the Lytel Geste. See Hugh M. Thomas, The English and the Normans: Ethnic Hostility, Assimiliation, and Identity 1066–c.1220 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003).

13. William Kapelle, The Norman Conquest of the North: The Region and its Transformation, 1000–1135 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1979), pp. 10–104.

14. Ibid., pp. 105–90; Frank Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, 3rd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 599–606.

15. For a fuller description of the evidence for enmity between conqueror and conquered, see Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend. Rev. ed. (New York: Dorset, 1987), pp. 25–8.

16. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 6: Ms. D. Ed. G. P. Cubbin (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1996), p. 81.

17. So suggests Charles Kightly, Folk Heroes of Britain (London: Thames & Hudson, 1982), p. 115.

18. Cited in ibid.19. Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium. Ed. and trans. M. R. James. Rev.

C. N. L. Brooke and R. A. B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon, 1983), ii.12.20. Kightly, Folk Heroes of Britain, p. 11821. See Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 425 and 426.22. The Worcester text was written between the mid-eleventh and early

twelfth centuries. While this manuscript was probably intended for the Scottish court, it is thought to be based on a version composed at Worcester on account of its similarities to the twelfth-century chronicle of John of Worcester. Alternately, it also shows particular interest in Archbishop Ealdred of York and Stenton asserts that it may have been composed in that vicinity (ibid., p. 690). The Peterborough version was written at Peterborough in one hand in 1121 and in various hands thereafter. It closely resembles Worcester in the earlier years, but from 1023 to 1066 it is based on a chronicle written at Canterbury (ibid., pp. 690 and 691).

23. E. A. Freeman gives a composite account in The Norman Conquest (Oxford, 1877), overturning his prior conclusion that the two were incompatible and the Worcester account more authoritative (“On the Life and Death of Earl Godwin,” Archaeological Journal 12 (1855), 47–64). On the other hand, John Earle and Charles Plummer (Two of the Saxon Chronicles Parallel [Oxford, 1892, 1899], II. 234–6) and Bertie Wilkinson (“Freeman and the Crisis of 1051,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 22 (1938), 369–87)

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find the accounts impossible to reconcile. Wilkinson concludes that the Peterborough chronicle is hopelessly biased, the Worcester chronicle much better, and the later Vita Edwardi somewhere in between (pp. 380 and 381).

24. The text here reads welisce, which Plummer translates as “foreign” (II, 237), but that Stenton argues probably refers to the Norman Osbern of Burghill (Anglo-Saxon England, p. 562).

25. Edward was supported by the two northern earls, Leofric of Mercia and Siward of Northumbria, men who “regarded Godwine, if not with jealousy, at least with complete detachment” (ibid., p. 561). They may well have thought to maintain a balance of power between Godwin and Edward despite the growing Norman inf luence in the royal court.

26. The necessity for the change of venue, argues Wilkinson, is evidence that the gathering at Gloucester was not, despite the Peterborough chronicler’s claim, a true witenagemot (“Freeman and the Crisis of 1051,” p. 379).

27. Frank Barlow, Edward the Confessor (Berkeley: University of California, 1970), argues that Edward was in control of this whole situation and forced Godwin into f light and outlawry by making it difficult for him to obey the summons (p. 113).

28. See Stenton, Anglo-Saxon England, pp. 565–6. David Douglas, “Edward the Confessor, Duke William of Normandy and the English Succession,” EHR 68 (1953), 526–45, argues that Edward decided that William was to be his heir early in 1051 and sent this news to him via Robert of Jumièges, who was on his way to Rome for his pallium. However, he considers a journey by William to the court of Edward in 1051–52 highly unlikely given the Duke’s own affairs on the continent. T. J. Oleson, “Edward the Confessor’s Promise of the Throne to Duke William of Normandy,” EHR 72 (1957), 221–8, agrees with the first part of this argument, but sees no reason to doubt the record of William’s visit because the rewards for making it would be so great. He goes on to suggest that Edward forced Godwin to agree to this succession as part of his restoration (pp. 224, 227).

29. Abingdon C gives an identical account to Worcester for Godwin’s return although it has only a brief notice of the outlawry in 1051.

30. William of Malmesbury, always a proponent of Godwin’s eloquence if not his actions, writes: “The old man, skilled in leading the minds of his audience by his eloquence, dexterously exculpated himself from everything laid to his charge” (Historia Regum, II.199; trans. Sharpe and Stevenson, p. 189).

31. Having embarked on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and having died on the return journey, Swein never reclaimed his earldom. Florence writes: “ille enim ductus poenitentia, eo quod, ut praelibavimus, consobrinum suum Beorn occiderat, de Flandria nudis pedibus Ierusalem jam adierat, ind-eque rediems, invalitudine ex nimio frigore contracta, mortuus est in Licia” (p. 209).

32. Marc Bloch, “Life of Edward the Confessor,” Analecta Bollandiana 41 (1923), 17–44, claims that the Vita cannot have been written before 1103

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because the writing of Sulcard at Westminster between 1076 and 1082 suggests that the cult of Edward that informs the Vita was not developed enough at that time. R. W. Southern, “The First Life of Edward the Confessor,” EHR 58 (1943), 385–400, disputes this conclusion, arguing that the cult could very well have declined between 1066 and 1076 under the inf luence of the Norman Conquest. He gives evidence that the Vita was composed by Goscelin at Wilton within a year of Edward’s death, an opinion followed by Barlow in his edition. Further support is added by Eleanor K. Henningham, “The Genuineness of the Vita Æduuardi Regis,” Speculum 21 (1946), 419–56.

33. Barlow, Edward the Confessor, suggests that the Vita was composed as a politically useful document for Eadgyth and the Godwinsons, either to demonstrate their family’s claim to kingship or their right to select a king (p. 300).

34. David G. J. Raraty, “Earl Godwin of Wessex: The Origins of his Power and his Political Loyalties,” History 74 (1989), 16.

35. Barlow, Life;

Ipsius inde patrem, fidei pietate cluentem, scribes Godwinum iura beasse decum.Ac uelut Elissi fons unicus irrigat orbem, progenitis ex se f luminibus quattour,fetibus ut uariis fecundent uiscera terre, ac foveant proprio condita plura sinu,sustinet Anglorum peitas sic celica regnum, hoc duce progenitis pignoribus quattuor,quorum tum cordis tum corporis inclita virtus diversis opibus sufficit imperium.Horum discreta serie dices probitatem, quos actu proprio prestiterint titulos. (4)

The four sons referred to here, Barlow argues, are Harold, Tostig, Gyrth, and Leofwine, since Swegn was disgraced and the others were inconse-quential (lxv, lxvi).

36. Barlow, Life:Sic de fonte tuo, paradise, latentibus unoderiuas orbi signis in quattuor amnessufficienter aquas, uegetent ut viscera terrae,atque statum vitae foueant hominum pecorumque. (15)

37. Freeman writes: “[Godwin was] one who rose to power by favour of strangers, only to become the champion of our land against strangers of every race—one who, never himself a King, was to be the maker, the kinsman, the father of Kings” (I.408).

38. Southern, “First Life,” notes that the Vita here claims that Godwin went to his house by the river near London, whereas the Worcester Chronicle says he came to Southwark. This, he believes, is evidence that Goscelin is working from an independent source (p. 394). Domesday

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Book supports Goscelin’s information: “In Sudwercha . . . De exitu aquae ubi naves applicabant, rex habebat duas partes, Goduines comes terciam” (32ra); “Rex tenet Meretone. Haraldus comes tenuit . . . In Sudwerca XVI mansurae de XVIII solidis et II denariis huic manerio pertinent” (30rb).

39. Southern, “First Life,” comments that this “grimly jesting” judgment is “more reminiscent of the Sagas than of the Norman advisers who are made responsible for it” (p. 394).

40. Barlow, Life:(C)oncine, musa soror, super his miserabile carmen,qualiter ille dei vir, qui supra paradisilimpidus est dictus fons, clarus corde fideli,turbidus extiterit Scyllei sorde ueneni;et cum nulla prius de tanto culpa reatuprecessit, sceleris cur pondus inheserit illi.Pena premit culpe plures quam non meruere,clarius hinc meritum probat hos terrore repulso. (24)

41. Barlow, Life:et quanto quiuis deuotior esse probatur,tanto maiores pressuras ferre notatur.Noum vite plenam meritis ad saxa Sussannamusque legis dictam, cum pura mente repulsamquesiti sceleris dederit? Num preterit illudquod puer Hebreus, celesti munere fretus,dum peccare timet, peccati munera perfert?Ipse deus noster, uera de uirgine natus,ad nos descendit sine crimine, non tamen absquesuppliciis mundi passus quam plura recessit.Plena est tam nouitas horum quam prisca uetustas,Sic fieri sepe sunt exemplaria mille. (24)

42. Gregory the Great, Moralia in Iob 27.10. Patristic observations on David’s humility are too numerous to list. Augustine gives a sample list of adjec-tives contrasting the qualities of David and Saul in his commentary on Psalm 56 (Enarrationes in Psalmos, PL 36:662, 663).

43. Gregory the Great, Cura Pastoralis III.4 (PL 77: 54–6). Trans. Henry Davis, Ancient Christian Writers 11 (Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1950).

44. De Gestis Regum II.197.45. The story served as the basis for Charles Kingsley’s novel Hereward, the

Last of the English (London, 1866), Charles Macfarlane’s The Camp of Refuge (London, 1844), and, more recently, Mary Lancaster’s An Endless Exile (Bath: Mushroom, 2005).

46. Liber Eliensis, ed. E. O. Blake, Camden Society Third Series 92 (London, 1962); Lestorie des Engles, ed. T. D. Hardy and G. T. Martin, RBMA 91:2 (London, 1888). The Gesta Herewardi survives in a single manu-script made at Peterborough by Robert Swaffham late in the thirteenth

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century, but to date no adequate edition has appeared. Most satisfactory is that appended by Hardy and Martin to their edition of Gaimar’s history, although another was published by S. H. Miller in “De Gestis Herewardi Saxonis,” Fenland Notes and Queries 3 (1895). Blake suggests the Gesta was written in the early twelfth century (Liber Eliensis 36, note 8), as does Joost de Lange, The Relation and Development of English and Icelandic Outlaw Traditions (Haarlem: H. D. Tjeenk Willink and Zoon, 1935), following Felix Liebermann, “Über ostenglische Geschichtsquellen,” Neues Archiv 18 (1893), 225–67. De Lange believes that the Gesta is the book that the Liber Eliensis refers to as written by Thomas of Ely and must there-fore antedate the Liber Eliensis. Benecke argues for a date of composition between 1227 and 1250 based on references to Robert de Horepol and Bedford Castle in the concluding episode (pp. 13–21). The Peterborough Chronicle of Hugh Candidus, ed. W. T. Mellows, trans. W. T. Mellows and Charles Mellows (Peterborough: Museum Society, 1966). Pseudo-Ingulf, Ingulf’s Chronicle of the Abbey at Croyland, trans. H. T. Riley (London, 1854).

47. Hugh M. Thomas, “The Gesta Herewardi, the English, and their Conquerors,” Anglo-Norman Studies 21 (1998), 213–32, shows that the Gesta presents Hereward’s adventures in a manner that defends English military skill, chivalric virtues, and cultural accomplishments against Norman derision.

48. On this aspect of the Gesta Herewardi, see de Lange, Relation and Development of English; Henry Godard Leach, Angevin Britain and Scandinavia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1921); and Timothy S. Jones, “Fighting Men, Fighting Monsters: Outlawry, Masculinity, and Identity in the Gesta Herewardi,” in Marvels, Monsters and Miracles: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations, Timothy S. Jones and David A. Sprunger, eds. (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2002), pp. 183–201.

49. Susan Irvine, The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle: A Collaborative Edition, vol. 7 (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1983), pp. xxxii–xxxvi, lxxxii–lxxxiv, and xc–xcviii.

50. Historia Regum; trans. Stevenson, p. 239.51. The Winchester (A) manuscript of the ASC, which was at Canterbury

by this time and ends in 1070, has nothing to say about these events. The Worcester (D) manuscript brief ly mentions that the monastery at Peterborough was raided by men who had been excommunicated by Bishop Æthelric.

52. Gesta Pontificum Anglorum 4.264.53. Leach suggests that Hereward’s “ultimate political purpose was to restore

to the throne the Danish heirs of Cnut” (Angevin Britain and Scandinavia, p. 342).

54. John of Worcester, writing in the 1120s, repeats this account, adding that the Norman causeway was two miles long (Chronicon Johannis Wigornensis, ed. P. McGurk [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998], p. 20). Henry

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of Huntingdon adds that William also built a castle as part of the expe-dition (Historia Anglorum, vi.33, ed. Diana Greenway [Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996], p. 396).

55. Quotations of the Gesta Herewardi are from Hardy and Martin’s edi-tion; English translations are from Michael Swanton’s “The Deeds of Hereward,” in Medieval Outlaws: Twelve Tales in Modern English Translation, ed. Thomas H. Ohlgren (West Lafayette: Parlor, 2005). Swanton suggests that the recipient may have been Hervey, bishop of Ely from 1108 to 1131, who had an interest in local history (p. 91, note 1).

56. R. M. Wilson, The Lost Literature of Medieval England (New York: Philosophical Library, 1952), concludes that “there is definite evidence for the former existence in English of at least one, and possibly two, lives of Hereward, along with numerous songs and ballads” (p. 126). As evi-dence for possible folk song background, he notes that Hereward’s words in Liber Eliensis, Ollae, ollae, bonae ollae et urnae; omnia vasa haec fictilia et optima, “fall naturally into verse: Greofan, greofan gode greofan and croccan; / Eal(le) þas læmenan fatu þa selestan” (p. 126).

57. Swanton “The Deeds of Hereward”: “Propterea namque, ut estimamus, ad magnanimorum operum exempla et ad liberalitatem exercendam pro-fectum erit Herewardum scire, quis fuerit, et magnanimitates illius audire et opera, maxime autem militiam exercere volentibus. Unde monemus, aures advertite, et qui diligentius gesta virorum fortium audire conten-ditis mentem apponite, ut diligenter tanti viri relation audiatur: qui nec in munitione, nec in præsidio, sed in seipso confisus, solus cum suis, reg-nis et regibus bella intulit, et contra principles et tyrannos dimicavit, quosque nonnullos devicit” (40; 340 and 341).

58. Odericus Vitalis makes a similar statement to explain the Norman losses at Hastings: “Idem quoque iudex dominica nocte Anglo uindicauit et fuerentes Normannos in cecam uoraginem praecipitauit. Ipsi enim contra praeceptum legis rem alienam immoderatae concupierunt” (III.2).

59. “Vere evidentissime declaratur te nunc munere esse deceptum, ut domi-num nostrum regem isto modo fallacis laudibus et persuasionibus inimi-cos ejus extollens ad benevolentiam decipiendo revocares; et insuper quia sceleratissimum virum Herewardum virtute et fortitudine praefers? Desistat nunc regis veneranda majestas diutius vanissimis exonerari ser-monibus” (72; 379).

60. “si illos qui magis et diutius contra nostrum insanierunt regnum impune dimittitis et ad pacis domum convertere persuadeatis, cum hoc humiliter et deprecanter non exorant, tantum eis vita concessa, omnes excellentiam vestram subsannabunt, et taliter in vestro regno operari non verebuntur” (75; 384).

61. “sanum consilium me non accepisse super omnibus quae mihi contig-erant condoleo, pro quo jam pene mones nostri succubuere, nefandae mulieris versutia decepti et detestandae artis imperitia irritati, cui aurem saltem praebere execrandum nobis esse deberet, merito vero ista nobis sic provenerunt” (80; 390).

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62. Alexander Bell, editor of the modern critical edition of the poem L’Estoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, ANTS 14–16 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1960) argues for the late 1130s (lii). More recently, Ian Short has argued specifi-cally for a date between March 1136 and April 1137 [“Gaimar’s Epilogue and Geoffrey of Monmouth’s Liber vetustissimus,” Speculum 69 (1994), 336–40], while Paul Dalton makes the case for the following decade in “The Date of Geoffrey Gaimar’s Estorie des Engleis, the Connections of his Patrons, and the Politics of Stephen’s Reign,” Chaucer Review 42 (2007), 23–47.

63. See “Gaimar’s Rebels: Outlaw Heroes and the Creation of Authority in Twelfth-Century England,” Essays in Medieval Studies 16 (1999), 27–40, where Zatta has less to say about Hereward than the other two characters and is too strong in her claim that “Gaimar inverts precisely the legiti-mizing value the stories had in their sources,” at least as this applies to Hereward (p. 28).

64. The identification of Constance with the de Venoiz was suggested by Bell in his edition (ix), but has been argued more thoroughly by Valerie A. Wall in “Culture and Patronage in Twelfth-Century Hampshire and Lincolnshire,” The Anglo-Norman Anonymous 16 (3), 4–6.

65. See Dalton, “The Date of Geoffrey,” pp. 23–47.66. The most complete account remains J. H. Round’s Geoffrey de Mandeville,

a Study of the Anarchy (London, 1892).67. “In libro autem de ipsius gestis Herewardi, dudum a venerabili viro ac

doctissimo fratre nostro beate memorie Ricardo edito, plenius descripta inveniuntur” (p. 188). Swanton thinks it “reasonable to suppose” that Richard wrote the Gesta or an earlier version of it (Ohlgren, Medieval Outlaws, p. 31).

68. Liber Eliensis, p. 229.69. Mellows, Hugh Candidus, pp. xvii–xix; D. M. Barratt, “The Library

of John Selden and its Later History,” Bodl. Library Record 3 (1950–51), 128–42, 208–13, 256–74.

Chapter 3

1. Swein Godwinsson’s affair with an abbess may somehow form the basis of this story.

2. Robin Fleming, “Domesday Estates of the King and the Godwines: A Study in Late Saxon Politics,” Speculum 58 (1983), 987–1007, discusses Domesday evidence of church property seized by the Godwinings (pp. 995, 996). Williams, op. cit., notes, “A pious man in the eleventh century was one who founded, endowed or protected those churches with which he or his family was particularly associated. Such piety could go hand in hand with indifference or even hostility to other foundations” (182). Freeman hints that Godwin’s close-fistedness toward the church may have partially “arisen from enlightenment beyond his age” (Conquest, 2.33), but this seems wishful thinking on his part. Abingdon C notes that

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after Godwin’s restoration in 1052 he “made far too few amends regard-ing the church property which he had taken from many holy places.”

3. Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure (1969; Ithaca: Cornell UP, 1977), p. 95. Arnold van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1909).

4. Turner, Ritual, pp. 96–107. 5. Marjorie Garber, Vested Interests: Cross-Dressing and Cultural Anxiety (New

York: Routledge, 1992), p. 17. 6. Paul Radin, The Trickster (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1955), p. x 7. Lewis Hyde, Trickster Makes This World: Mischief, Myth and Art (New

York: North Point Press, 1998), p. 7. 8. See William Hynes, “Mapping the Characteristic of Mythic Tricksters:

A Heuristic Guide,” in Mythical Trickster Figures: Contours, Contexts, and Criticisms, ed. William Hynes and William Doty (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 1993), pp. 34–45.

9. Loki, for instance, couples with trolls, gods, and horses, taking both male and female roles.

10. Trickster Makes This World, pp. 9–11.11. Fouke, ed. Hathaway et al., p. 27.12. Ibid., p. 31.13. “Le roy Johan fust home santz conscience, mavois, contrarious e hay de

tote bone gent e lecherous, e s’yl poeit oyr de nulle bele dame ou dam-oisele, femme ou fyle de counte ou de baron e d’autre, yl la voleyt a sa volenté aver, ou par promesse ou par don engyner, ou par force ravyr, e pur ce fust le plus hay” (Hathaway et al., pp. 35, 36).

14. Keith Busby, “The Diabolic Hero in Medieval French Narrative: Trubert and Witasse le Moine,” in The Court and Cultural Diversity: Selected Papers from the Eighth Triennial Congress of the International Courtly Literature Society, ed. Evelyn Mullally and John Thompson (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), pp. 415–26.

15. “Robin Hood and the Monk,” stanza 52 [R. B. Dobson and J. Taylor, eds., Rymes of Robin Hood: An Introduction to the English Outlaw (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1976), p. 119].

16. See, for instance, his encounters with Grim and Thorir Red-Beard (Fox and Pálsson, Grettir’s Saga, pp. 116–19.)

17. See the discussion of the African American animal fables in Henry Louis Gates, Jr., The Signifying Monkey: A Theory of African-American Literary Criticism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), pp. 51–60.

18. De Nugis Curialium, ed. M. R. James, p. 432.19. Gytha was in fact the sister of Jarl Ulfr, Cnut’s brother-in-law, as recorded

in Knýtlinga saga.20. One might argue that Godwin pulls just the opposite trick in the Vita

Aedwardi Regis when he has the upper hand against Edward and his own men urge him to take the kingdom for himself. Instead, the earl throws

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himself at the king’s feet and begs to be taken back. In both cases the inversion results in the elevation of Godwin’s status.

21. Gesta Herewardi, pp. 395–7.22. The manuscript reads “a herbiger deus gallons de chens,” literally “to

hold two gallons of dogs,” but most editors emend the reading to “dues gallons dedens,” that is, “two gallons (29.33). See Hathaway et al., Fouke le fitzWaryn (Oxford: Blackwell, 1975), note for 29.33 (p. 137).

23. Thomas Ohlgren suggests that this relationship may have been meant to ref lect the marriage of Margery Paston and Richard Call, the man he identifies as the original owner of the manuscript (Cambridge, University Library MS Ee.4.35) in which the poem survives (Robin Hood: The Early Poems, pp. 80–1).

24. Robert L. A. Clark and Claire Sponsler, “Queer Play: The Cultural Work of Crossdressing in Medieval Drama,” New Literary History 28.2 (1997), 319–44 (334).

25. The episodes appear in Hary’s Wallace 1.144–276, 4.705–96, and 4.429–96, respectively.

26. Elissa R. Henken, National Redeemer: Owain Glyndŵr in the Welsh Tradition (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996), pp. 94–8.

27. Trickster Makes This World, p. 10 (note).28. Karl Karenyi, “The Trickster in Relation to Greek Mythology,” in

Radin, The Trickster, p. 186.29. See Stephen Knight, ed., The Forresters Manuscript: British Library Additional

MS 71158 (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1998), pp. 17–22.30. Following the death of Cnut on November 12, 1035, the Peterborough

chronicle records that a witangemot held at Oxford chose Harold as regent of England in Harthcnut’s absence, but Godwin and the men of Wessex opposed the choice. The Abingdon (C) manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, however, indicates that by the following year the support of many men, including Godwin, had swung in favor of Harold, so that when Alfred landed in Kent he had few friends in the land. The subse-quent events are the subject of one of the five Chronicle poems, but there is a vital difference between the two versions that record it. The Abingdon (C) manuscript explicitly accuses Godwin of arresting and killing Alfred and his companions, while the Worcester (D) manuscript, blames “those who had much power [þa þe micel weoldon on þisan lande].”

31. Guillaume de Jumièges, Gesta Normannorum Ducum, ed. J. Marx (Rouen: A. Lestringant; Paris: A. Picard, 1914). Guillaume de Poitiers, Gesta Guillelmi ducis Normannorum et regis Anglorum, ed. Raymonde Foreville (Paris, 1952). Encomium Emmae Reginae, ed. Alistair Campbell, Camden Third Series 72 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1949). Vita Ædwardi Regis qui apud Westmonasterium Requiescit, ed. and trans. Frank Barlow, The Life of King Edward (London: Thomas Nelson, 1962).

32. VII.6; translations of both Guillaume of Jumièges and Guillaume of Poitiers are my own.

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33. The earliest identification of Godwin as the son of a farmer survives in Ralph Niger’s Chronicle, ed. Robert Anstruther (London: Caxton Society, 1851).

34. De Nugis Curialium 5.3.35. Knýtlinga saga, ed. Bjarni Guðnason in Danakonunga sogur, Islenzk fornrit

35 (Reykjavik: Hið Islenzk fornritfelag, 1982); trans. Hermann Palsson and Paul Edwards, Knytlinga Saga: The History of the Kings of Denmark (Odense: Odense University Press, 1986).

36. Knýtlinga saga, p. 192.37. Ibid., p. 193.38. De Nugis Curialium, p. 416; Non dico virum bonum, sed probum et

inprobum. Generositatis est filia bonitas, cuius habere summam dege-neres d<eneg>at sapiencia; probitas autem tam est boni quam mali. Bonitas non nisi bonum, probitas utrumque facit. Hunc autem non dico bonum, quia degenerem scio, sed probum, quia strenuus in agendis audax in periculis, in casus involans, executor invictus, dubiorum elector velox, et iuris et iniurie fortis evictor.

39. Fleming, “Domesday Estates,” discusses Domesday evidence of church property seizes by the Godwings (p. 995, 996). Ann Williams, “Land and Power in the Eleventh Century: Estates of Harold Godwineson,” Proceedings of the Battle Conference on Anglo-Norman Studies 3 (1980), 171–87, notes, “A pious man in the eleventh century was one who founded, endowed or protected those churches with which he or his family was particularly associated. Such piety could go hand in hand with indiffer-ence or even hostility to other foundations” (p. 182).

40. Turner, Ritual, p. 108.41. Mikhail Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World, trans. Helene Iswolsky

(Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1968), p. 4.42. Ibid., p. 11.43. Ibid., p. 33.44. See David Wiles, The Early Plays of Robin Hood (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer,

1981); and Alexandra F. Johnston, “The Robin Hood of the Records,” in Playing Robin Hood: The Legend and Performance in Five Centuries, ed. Lois Potter (Newark: University of Delaware Press, 1998), pp. 27–44.

45. Stallybrass, “ ‘Drunk with the Cup of Liberty’: Robin Hood, the Carnivalesque and the Rhetoric of Violence in Early Modern England,” Semiotica 54 (1984), p. 133.

46. On the “gentrified” Robin Hood, see Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), pp. 88–97, 13–152; and Robin Hood: A Mythic Biography (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003), pp. 44–93. Two incidents of Henry VIII’s use of Robin Hood imagery are described as taking place in 1510 and 1515 in Edward Hall’s The History of England during the Regin of Henry the Fourth and the Succeeding Monarchs to the end of the Reign of Henry the Eighth, ed. Sir H. Ellis (London: Johnson, Rivington et al., 1809).

47. Stallybrass, “Robin Hood,” p. 134.

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48. Clark and Sponsler, “Queer Play,” p. 337.49. See Knight, Robin Hood, pp. 108–109.50. The translation here is my own because Burgess renders it as a statement

rather than a question.51. Knight, Robin Hood, p. 264.52. Tzveten Todorov, Mikhail Bakhtin: The Dialogical Principle, trans. Wlad

Godzich (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), p. 77.

Chapter 4

1. The contrasting values of the outlaw story and biblical narrative are famously juxtaposed by William Langland in the confession of Sloth in Piers Plowman: “I kan noght parfitly my Paternoster as the preest it syn-geth, / But I kan rymes of Robyn Hood and Randolf Erl of Chestre, / Ac neither of Oure Lord ne of Oure Lady the leeste that ever was maked” (V.395–7) (The Vision of Piers Plowman: A Critical Edition of the B-Text Based on Trinity College Cambridge Ms. B.15.17, ed. A. V. C. Schmidt, 2nd ed. [London: Dent, 1995], p. 82).

2. See discussion in chapter one. 3. Raymond-Jean Frontain and Jan Wojcik, eds., The David Myth in Western

Literature (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 1980), p. ix. 4. Leonhard Rost, Die Überlieferung von der Thronnachfolge Davids, Beiträge

zur Wissenschaft vom alten und neuen Testament III.6 (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1926).

5. See the summary of scholarship by P. Kyle McCarter, Jr. in the Introduction to I Samuel: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary, Anchor Bible 8 (New York: Doubleday, 1980), pp. 12–30.

6. The Alliterative Morte Arthure: A Critical Edition, ed. Valerie Krishna (New York: Burt Franklin & Co., 1976), ll. 3416–21.

7. Most commentaries on the Psalms made these connections. See, for instance, Augustine’s Enarrationes in Psalmos. On the varieties of Psalter illustration, see John Jacob Tikkanen, Die Psalterillustration in Mittelalter (1895–1900); Victor Leroquais, Les Psautiers manuscrits latins les biblio-theques publiques de France, 3 vols (Macon: Protet frères, 1940-41); and Andrew Hughes, Medieval Manuscripts for Mass and Office: A Guide to their Organization and Terminology (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1982). On the insular Psalter tradition, see Kathleen M. Openshaw, “The Symbolic Illustration of the Psalter: An Insular Tradition,” Arte Medievale, 2nd series, 6 (1992): 41–60.

8. M. R. James, Old Testament Miniatures: A Medieval Picture Book with 283 Paintings from the Creation to the Story of David (New York: George Braziller, [1969]). On Old Testament illustrations, see also Nigel Morgan, “Old Testament Illustration in Thirteenth-Century England,” in The Bible in the Middle Ages: Its Inf luence on Literature and Art, ed. Bernard S. Levy (Binghamton: MRTS, 1992), pp. 149–98; Patrick J. Collins, “Narrative Bible Cycles in Medieval Art and Drama,” in The Drama of the

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Middle Ages: Comparative and Critical Essays, ed. Clifford Davidson, C. J. Gianakaris, and John H. Stroupe (New York: AMS, 1982), pp. 118–39.

9. For illustrations of the doors of the church of St. Ambrose, an account of their relation to other early pictorial cycles, and further bibliography, see Teresa Mroczko, “The Original Programme of the David Cycle on the Doors of San Ambrogio in Milan,” Artibus e Historiae 6 (1982), 75–87.

10. London, BL Cotton Tiberius C.vi; London, BL Royal 2.B.vii, “The Queen Mary Psalter”; New York, Public Library, Spencer 26. “Tickhill Psalter”; New York, Morgan Library 638. James notes similarities between the Morgan Miniatures and several elaborate psalters and offers, “it is just possible that they were intended to preface a Psalter, of so magnificent a kind as to have been almost certainly for royal use. But it is far more likely that they formed something resembling the ‘Bible historiée et toute figurée à ymages’ which belonged to Queen Jeanne of Evreux” (p. 58).

11. The Bibles Moralisées contain the most complete set of illustrations. The Vienna manuscript edited in facsimile by Gerald B. Court, Bible Moralisée: Codex Vindobonensis 2554 Vienna Österreichische Nationalbibliothek (London: Harvey Miller, 1995) includes forty-two illustrations stretching from the anointing of David to the death of Saul (fols 37v–43r). The Bibliae Pauperum contains five scenes: David killing Goliath, the women praising David, David f leeing his house, the slaughter of the priests of Nob, and David crowned king. See, for example, the Vatican manuscript edited in facsimile by Christoph Wetzel and Heike Drechsler, Biblia Pauperum: Die Bilderhandschrift des Codex latinus 871 im Besitz Bibliothek Apostolica Vaticana (Stuttgart and Zurich: Belser, 1995). The Speculum Humanae Salvationis, composed about 1324 by a Dominican monk at Strasbourg, included seven scenes from the “Rise of David Narrative” among its forty-five chapters, including David killing a lion and bear, fighting with Goliath, and being praised by the women, Saul throwing his spear at David, Michal mourn-ing her wedding to another man and later helping David escape his house, and Abigail appeasing David. See Edgar Breitenbach, Speculum Humanae Salvationis: Eine Typengeschichtliche Untersuchung (Strassbourg: Heitz, 1930).

12. Cursor Mundi: A Northumbrian Poem of the XIVth Century in Four Versions, ed. Richard Morris, EETS os 57, 59, 62, 66, 68, 99, 101 (London, 1874–93); William Caxton, The Golden Legend, 7 vols (London: Dent, 1900); The Mirour of Mans Salvacioune: A Middle English Translation of Speculum Humanae Salvationis, ed. Avril Henry (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987).

13. The first f ive hundred lines of the poem were edited by Herbert Kalén in A Middle English Metrical Paraphrase of the Old Testament, Göteborgs Högskolas Årsskrift 28, vol. 5 (Gothenburg: Elanders, 1923). The project was completed by Urban Ohlander in Gothenburg Studies in English, vols 5, 11, 16, 24 (Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell, 1955, 1960, 1963, 1972).

14. This was cogently argued by Guy Trudel in his paper “History and Typology: Structural Devices and Didacticism in the Cursor Mundi” at the International Medieval Congress, Kalamazoo, May 2001.

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15. See James Morey, “Peter Comestor, Biblical Paraphrase, and the Medieval Popular Bible,” Speculum 68 (1993), 6–35.

16. Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), p. 129.

17. The Morgan Miniatures depict David and his men offering piles of enemy heads to Saul (30v); the Tickhill Psalter shows both the slaugh-ter of the Philistines and the presentation of heads, some impaled on swords and spears (20r). For a facsimile of the Morgan Miniatures, see W. O. Cockerell, ed., A Book of Old Testament Illustration of the Middle of the Thirteenth Century (Cambridge: Roxburghe Club, 1927). For the Tickhill Psalter, see Donald Drew Egbert, The Tickhill Psalter and Related Maniscripts: A School of Manuscript Illumination in England during the Early Fourteenth Century (New York and Princeton: New York Public Library and the Department of Art and Archaeology of Princeton University, 1940).

18. “Vides ergo te non accepisse in signum salutis circumcisionem, sed in signum potius pudoris rt turpitudinis. Nam putas signum esse quod ves-titu tegitur, quod prae verecundia non profertur, quod uxori tantum-modo debitum ess cognoscitur . . . Populus autem meus signum salutis in fronte gestando, totum hominem, viros ac mulieres” (Patrologia Latina 42:1154–5); trans. in Rosemary Ruether, who repeats an erroneus attribution to Augustine (Faith and Fratricide: The Theological Roots of Anti-Semitism [New York: Seabury, 1974], 136). Among the more com-prehensive retellings of the David story, Caxton’s Golden Legend and the Bible Moralisée ignore the scene, and the Cursor Mundi uses “hedes” (l. 7638).

19. The Philistines are called “sarazins” in lines 7589, 7751, 7766, 7779, and 7806.

20. Man of Law’s Tale, ll. 932–8.21. The Cursor Mundi expands Goliath’s monstrosity and connection to the

devil: “grete he was and unsemele / him semed satanas on to se” (Fairfax 7445–6).

22. “quid dabitur viro qui percusserit Philistheum hunc et tulerit obprobrium de Israhel quis est enim hic Philistheus incicumcisus qui exprobravit acies Dei viventis.” Biblical scholars identify evidence for two distinct fight with a giant stories in I Samuel 17 and 18. The material that is of interest here is almost entirely from the second story, which appears in the Masoretic texts but not the Septuagint. See McCarter, I Samuel, pp. 295–8, 306–309.

23. See discussion of disguising the message in Scott, Domination, pp. 139–40.24. Josephus tells the story in a similar fashion, saying that David volun-

teered to fight the giant but was rebuked for youthful exuberance ( Jewish Antiquities 6.9.2).

25. “Frater isto senior, inquit, qui David typum domini gerentem per mali-tiam increpavit, significavit populum Iudaeorum, qui per invidiam Christo Domino, qui pro salute humani generis venerat, dextraxerunt, et

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multis frequenter iniuriis adfecerunt” (Sermo 121, S. Caesarii Arelatensis Sermones, ed. D. Germani Morin, CCSL 103 [Turnholt: Brepols, 1953], p. 505).

26. Julius Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Ancient Israel, trans. Munzies and Black (Cleveland: World, 1961), pp. 267–8. Cited by McCarter, I Samuel, p. 330.

27. Caxton, The Golden Legend, 2.18.28. See Wolfgang S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages: Two

Symbols in Art and Literature, trans. Lee Chadeayne and Paul Gottwald (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1970); Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, trans. Janet Seligman, 2 vols (London: Lund Humphries, 1972), 2.110–12; and Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages, 2 vols (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 1.48–50, 64–5, 217–20.

29. “pro Saule Dauid unctus in regem significat regnum Iudaeorum quod per legem erat Christi et ecclesiae regno mutandum,” Bede, In Primam Partem Samuhelis Libri IIII, ed. D. Hurst, CCSL 119 II.2 (Turnholt: Brepols, 1962).

30. The soldiers of Saul are depicted in the Tickhill Psalter’s illustrations (fol. 22v and 23v) with the clothing and grotesque facial features which char-acterize the medieval iconography of Jews.

31. On the other hand, my colleague Murray Haar has pointed out that Michal’s willingness to put the idol to this use indicates that she venerates it no more than a bedspread or a bolster.

32. “et inmutavit os suum coram eis et conlabebatur inter manus eorum et inpingebat in ostia portae def luebantque salivae eius in barbam.”

33. Augustine, commenting on Psalm 33, writes “He changed then His Countenance in the Priesthood, and sent away the kingdom of the Jews, and came to the Gentiles [Mutavit ergo uultam suum in sacerdotio, et dimisit gentem Iudaeorum, et uenit ad gentes]” (Enarrationes in Psalmos, CCSL 38).

34. Although romance heroes such as Lancelot, Yvain, and Tristan endure periods of madness, these come as the result of psychological dis-tress rather than as disguises assumed to make an escape. See David A. Sprunger, “Depicting the Insane: A Thirteenth-Century Case Study,” in Marvels, Monsters and Miracles, eds. Timothy S. Jones and David Sprunger (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 2001), pp. 223–41.

35. In his commentary on Psalm 52, Augustine reads David’s consumption of the sacred bread as an indication of his own “priesthood” (Enarrationes in Psalmos, CCSL 38).

36. “sciebam in die illa quod cum ibi esset Doec Idumeus procul dubio adnuntiaret Saul. ego sum reus omnium animarum patris tui.”

37. Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, PL 198:1315.38. “Nabal enim de quo dictum est quod vir durus et pessimus et malitiosus

esset, typum tenet populi Judaeorum. Quorum aliqui uva fellis, et botro amaritudinis inebriati, dura cervice, et incircumcisis cordibus semper

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Spiritui sancto resistebant, atque carnalem sensum in lege sequentes, stulti facti sunt . . . Abigail vero, de qua refert Scriptura quod mulier pru-dentissima et speciosa fuerit, typum tenet plebis illius, qui ex Judaeis ad fidem conversi Domino placere meruerunt” (Commentarius in Libros IV Regum 1.25; PL 109:64).

39. “vere frustra servavi omnia quae huius erant in deserto et non periit quic-quam de cunctis quae ad eum pertinebant et reddidit mihi malum pro bono,” I Samuel 25:21.

40. “ne . . . mittam manum meam in eum quoniam christus Domini est,” I Samuel 24:7.

41. See Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994); and Thomas Hahn, ed., Robin Hood in Popular Culture: Violence, Transgression, and Justice (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2000).

Chapter 5

1. Northrup Frye, Anatomy of Criticism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1957), pp. 33, 139–40, 151–3, 162.

2. See Lorraine Kochanske Stock’s comparison of Robin Hood’s ico-nography and ambiguity with that of the Green Man in “Lords of the Wildwood: The Wild Man, the Green Man, and Robin Hood,” in Robin Hood in Popular Culture: Violence, Transgression, and Justice, ed. Thomas Hahn (Cambridge. UK: D. S. Brewer, 2000), pp. 239–49; and also John Matthews, Robin Hood: Green Lord of the Wildwood (Glastonbury: Gothic Image, 1993), especially his reading of the death of Robin Hood.

3. Frye, Anatomy, p. 186. 4. On “ancestral romances,” see Maria Dominica Legge, Anglo-Norman

Literature and Its Background (1963; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971), pp. 139–75. See also Susan Crane’s reservations about the con-nection of these romances with specific families and incidents in Insular Romance: Politics, Faith and Culture in Anglo-Norman and Middle English Romance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1986), pp. 16–18.

5. R. W. Eyton, Antiquities of Shropshire, 12 vols (London, 1854–60). 6. Eyton 7:67–70. 7. Eyton 11:31. 8. Eyton 7:70–2. 9. For documentary evidence, see Eyton; Sidney Painter, The Reign of King

John (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1949); Janet Meisel, Barons of the Welsh Frontier: The Corbet, Pantulf, and Fitz Warin Families, 1066–1272 (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1980), especially pp. 34–53; Glyn Burgess, trans., Two Medieval Outlaws (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 1997), pp. 92–107.

10. Eyton 7:72.11. Ibid., 72–5.12. Ibid., 75–7.13. Ibid., 78, 79.

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14. John Leland, De Rebus Britannicarum Collectanea, ed. Thomas Hearne, 6 vols (1774; Westmead: Gregg International, 1970).

15. On the identity of the Ludlow poet, the Hereford scribe, their work, and milieu, see the introduction to the edition by Hathaway et al., especially ix–xxvi, xxxvii–lv, and Carter Revard, “Scribe and Provenance,” in Studies in the Harley Manuscript, ed. Susanna Fein (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute, 2000), pp. 21–109.

16. See Thomas Wright, trans., The History of Fulk Fitz Warine, an outlawed baron in the reign of King John (London, 1855); A. C. Wood, Fulk Fitz-Warin: Text and Study of the Language (London, 1911); and the notes to the Hathaway edition. The lines quoted earlier, for instance, may be reconstructed:

Des aventures remenbrer,E [des] pruesses nos auncessoursQe se penerent pur honour,E de teles choses parlerQe a plusors purra valer. (Hathaway 62)

17. The original poem was once thought to be a product of Whittington or Alberbury in the mid-thirteenth century, perhaps shortly after the death of Fouke III. More recent critics, however, have noted problems with this dating. For instance, the confusion of characters and names suggests that the poet depended on folk tradition rather than sources immedi-ate to the action (Sidney Painter, “The Sources of Fouke Fitz Warin,” Modern Language Notes 50 [1935], 15). Furthermore, courtly elements such as the elaborate tournament and description of heraldic devices are char-acteristics of late thirteenth-century literature. G. G. Stephenson, “The Historical Value of the Romance of Fulk Fitzwarin,” notes both and sug-gests that they are the addition of the prose remanieur, but Hathaway et al. observe that these same passages show evidence of underlying couplets. The romance is accepted as the first example of heraldic symbols used as political allegory by Rupert Taylor, The Political Prophecy in England (New York, 1911). The modern editors combine these questions with the writ-er’s obvious knowledge of Ludlow geography and lack of similar knowl-edge of Whittington and conclude that the original was composed at Ludlow about 1280. This manuscript passed from Geoffrey de Geneville, lord of Ludlow Castle, to the prose remanieur, who transposed it into the Royal manuscript in the 1320s and 1330s (Hathaway et al., p. xxxv).

18. See A. Compton Reeves, The Marcher Lords (Llandybie: Christopher Davies, 1983).

19. This has led modern scholars to date the poem to the late thirteenth century, a period also suggested by the presence of courtly elements such as the elaborate tournament and description of heraldic devices. A com-position date eighty years removed from the events might explain why some of the facts are wrong and how a set of fabulous incidents created by oral circulation during the intervening years might have made their way into the family history, and these features of Fouke le fitz Waryn are also

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consistent with wider developments in vernacular literature in the thir-teenth century, especially outside the royal court. Such a date, however, is at odds with the dating of the Royal 12.c manuscript, which must have followed the composition of the verse romance.

20. Crane, Insular Romance, p. 11.21. Ibid., p. 2322. Gabrielle M. Spiegel, Romancing the Past: The Rise of Vernacular Prose His-

toriography in Thirteenth-Century France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993).

23. See Timothy S. Jones, “Geoffrey of Monmouth, Fouke le fitz Waryn, and National Mythology,” Studies in Philology 91:3 (1994), 233–49.

24. It is also the opening used in three early Robin Hood ballads: “Robin Hood and the Monk,” “Robin Hood and the Potter,” and “Robin Hood and Guy of Gisbourne.”

25. Jessie L. Weston, “Notes on the Grail Romances,” Romania 43 (1914), 403–26.

26. Ingrid Benecke, Der Gute Outlaw (Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1973), pp. 68–70.

27. The textual history of the Roman de Renaud is extremely complex. It is a late work of the epic period, appearing in its longest form at the end of the twelfth century. The recent edition of the Bibliothèque Nationale MS, fr. 764 by Philippe Verelst (Ghent: Rijksuniversiteit, 1988) includes a discussion of the various manuscripts and versions.

28. H. L. D. Ward, Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts in the British Museum (London, 1883), I:501–508.

29. Introduction to The History of Fulk Fitz-Warine, Alice Kemp-Welch, trans. (London: De La More Press, 1904), pp. xiv–xvi.

30. Burgess, Two Medieval Outlaws, p. 161. “Le roy Johann fust home santz conscience, mavois, contrarious, e hay de tote bone gent, e lecherous; e, syl poeit oyr de nulle bele dame ou damoisele, femme ou fyl de counte ou ed barun e dautre, yl la voleyt a sa volente aver; ou, par promesse ou par don, engyner, ou par force ravyr. E pur ce, fust le plus hay; e, pur cele encheson, plusours grants seignurs d’Engleterre aveyent rendu al roy lur homages; dont le roy fust le meynz dote dassez” (35.34–36.3).

31. William Calin, The Old French Epic of Revolt (Genève: Droz; Paris: Minard, 1962), pp. 156, 157.

32. Ibid., pp. 145–8.33. Ibid., p. 227.34. Maurice Keen, The Outlaws of Medieval Legend, rev. ed. (New York:

Dorset, 1987), p. 39.35. Skeat dated the poem to about 1340, but subsequent scholars have pre-

ferred a later date, with C. W. Dunn suggesting 1350–70 in Manual of Writings in Middle English, 1050–1500, fasc. 1, Romances, J. Burke Severs, ed. (1967), p. 32.

36. For a thorough discussion of this link in the manuscripts, see Robert Costumaris, “The Inf luence of Printed Editions and Manuscripts on the

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Canon of William Thynne’s Canterbury Tales,” in Rewriting Chaucer: Culture, Authority, and the Idea of the Authentic Text, 1400–1602, ed. Thomas Prendergast and Barbara Kline (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1999), pp. 245–6.

37. Cited by William L. Anderson, “John Urry (1666–1715),” in Editing Chaucer: The Great Tradition, ed. Paul Ruggiers (Norman: Pilgrim Books, 1984), p. 106.

38. See Richard Kaeuper’s comparison of Gamelyn’s sense of justice with contemporary judicial practice in “An Historian’s Reading of The Tale of Gamelyn,” Medium Aevum 52 (1983), 51–62.

39. Knight, “The Tale of Gamelyn,” in Medieval Outlaws: Twelve Tales in Modern English Translation, ed. Thomas H. Ohlgren (West Lafayette: Parlor Press, 2005), p. 268.

40. Manly and Rickert, 1.222. Franklin R. Rodgers, “The Tale of Gamelyn and the Editing of the Canterbury Tales,” JEGP 58 (1959), 49–59, shows that Harley 7334 and the closely related Corpus Christi were produced in the same shop using two different exemplars of Gamelyn, one of which was used independently to produce the Landsdowne manuscript and the other to produce Petworth. Both the Harley-Corpus and the Petworth texts then served as exemplars for other Chaucer manuscripts that include Gamelyn.

41. Richard Firth Green observes, “To judge from some of the original own-ers of manuscripts containing it, the story of Gamelyn may well have appealed to even more elevated members of society [than the knights associated with Robin Hood and the Folvilles]” (“Medieval Literature and Law,” in The Cambridge History of Middle English Literature, ed. David Wallace [Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999], p. 426). For the evidence for a changing audience, see Peter J. Lucas, “The Growth and Development of English Literary Patronage in the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance,” The Library, 6th ser., 4 (1982), 219–48.

42. See Thomas Ohlgren, “The ‘Marchaunt’ of Sherwood: Mercantile Adventure in A Lytell Geste of Robyn Hode,” in Robin Hood in Popular Culture, ed. Thomas Hahn (Cambridge, UK: D. S. Brewer, 2000), 175–90; and “Merchant Adventure in Robin Hood and the Potter,” in Robin Hood: Medieval and Post-Medieval, ed. Helen Phillips (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2005), 69–78; and Michael Nerlich, Ideology of Adventure: Studies in Modern Consciousness, 1100–1750, trans. Ruth Crowley, 2 vols (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987), I.51–129.

43. This material has often been repeated and summarized, notably by Helaine Newstead, “The Origin and Growth of the Tristan Legend,” in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, ed. R. S. Loomis (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959), 122–33; Robert J. Blanch, “The History and Progress of the Tristan Legend: Drust to Malory,” Revue des Langues Vivantes 35 (1969), 129–35; and Sigmund Eisner, The Tristan Legend: A Study in Sources (Evanston: Northwestern University Press, 1969).

44. Newstead, “The Origin and Growth of the Tristan Legend,” p. 126.

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45. Gertrude Schoepperle, Tristan and Isolt: A Study of the Sources of the Romance, 2nd ed., 2 vols (New York: Burt Franklin, 1963), II.395–446. The texts Schoepperle uses to reconstruct the saga of Diarmaid and Grainne include Finn’s Wooing of Grainne, Amra Coluimb Chille, Tochmarc Ailbe, ingine Cormaic hui Chuind la Find húa mBáiscne, and Uáth Beinne Etair (II.395–446).

46. Ifor Williams, ed., “Trystan ac Estllt,” Bulletin for the Board of Celtic Studies 5 (1930), 115–29. T. P. Cross, ed. and trans., “A Welsh Tristan Episode,” Studies in Philology 17 (1920), 93–110.

47. Eisner, The Tristan Legend, pp. 5–8.48. Joseph Bédier proposed the existence of this text in Le Roman de Tristan

par Thomas, Société des anciens textes français 53, 2 vols (Paris, 1902–905), and attempted to reconstruct it from the poems of Béroul, Thomas, and Eilhart (ii.194–306). He concluded that Eilhart had best preserved what has come to be called the Estoire, but that both Eilhart and Béroul depended on an intertext (y) that limited the effect of the potion. For a summary of criticism, see Frederick Whitehead, “The Early Tristan Poems,” in Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, pp. 134–44.

49. Eilhard von Oberg, Tristrant, Danielle Buschinger, ed. (Göppingen: Kümmerle, 1976); Eilhart von Oberge, Tristrant, J. W. Thomas, trans. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1978). Beroul, Tristan and Yseut, Guy R. Mermier, ed. and trans. (New York: Peter Lang, 1987). Thomas, Les Fragments des Roman de Tristan, poème de XIIe siècle, Bartina Wind, ed. (Geneva: Droz, 1960).

50. Mermier, ed., Tristan and Yseut, p. xvii.51. Thomas, Les Fragments des Roman de Tristan, poème de XIIe siècle, p. 2.52. See Folie de Berne, Ernest Hoepffner, ed., 2nd ed., Publications de la

Faculté des Lettres de l’Université de Strasbourg Textes d’Étude 3 (Paris, 1949); and by the same editor, Folie Tristan d’Oxford, 2nd ed., Publications de la Faculté des Lettres de l’Université de Strasbourg Textes dÉtude 8 (Paris, 1943).

53. Unfortunately, none of the poems is perfectly preserved. Less than 1,000 lines of Eilhart’s Tristrant survive in three twelfth-century manu-scripts. Two manuscripts of the f ifteenth century, however, preserve a full but modernized text, while a third contains a fragment (Wind, ed., Les Fragments des Roman de Tristan, poème de XIIe siècle, xxix–xxxiii). The single surviving fragment of Béroul’s poem (Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale MS. fr 2.171) contains 4,485 lines beginning with the tryst under the tree and ending with Tristan’s revenge on the felon Gondoine. A mere 3,150 lines of Thomas’s poem have survived in f ive fragments, but much of what is missing can be deduced from three later texts based on the poem, Gottfried von Strassburg’s poem (c.1210), Brother Robert’s Tristrams saga (1226), and the Middle English Sir Tristrem (thirteenth cen-tury) (Wind, Les Fragments des Roman de Tristan, poème de XIIe siècle, 9). Gottfried’s poem itself is unfinished, breaking off after 19,500 lines, as is Sir Tristrem.

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54. See Jean Frappier, “Structure et sens du Tristan: version commune, version courtoise,” Cahiers du Civilisation Médiévale 6 (1963), 255–80, 441–54.

55. An interesting alternative is posed by John H. Fisher, “Tristan and Courtly Adultery,” Comparative Literature 9 (1957), 150–64, who believes the adultery is evidence of matrilineal succession in the Pictish society, which gave birth to the legend.

56. See Donald L. Hoffman, “Cult and Culture: ‘Courtly Love’ in the Cave and the Forest,” Tristania 4 (1978), 15–34.

57. See Bracton, De Legibus, who observes that outlawry may be declared in the case of any crime “contra pacem” (359); also Pollack and Maitland, The History of English Law, I.476.

58. Bracton, De Legibus, p. 382.59. Schoepperle, Tristan and Isolt, 1:21–21.60. See R. S. Loomis and L. H. Loomis, Arthurian Literature in Medieval Art

(New York: Modern Language Association of America, 1948).61. Saga af Tristram ok Ísodd, trans. Joyce Hill in The Tristan Legend, Leeds

Medieval Studies 2 (Leeds, 1977), 18. Gísli Brynjúlfsson, ed., Saga af Tristram ok Ísodd, Annaler for Nordisk Oldkyndighed (Copenhagen, 1851). The saga places these events, the fight with the dragon, and most of the arrangements for Isolt’s marriage to Mark in the first trip to Ireland. The second trip is uneventful except for the consumption of the love potion on the return journey.

62. Paul Schach, “The Saga af Tristan ok Ísodd: Summary or Satire?” Modern Language Quarterly 21 (1960), 336–52. Prior criticism read the Icelandic saga as a rather poor and condensed copy of Tristrams saga ok Isöndar, but Schach uncovers many other sources and inf luences. For comparison, consider Mel Brooks’ movie Robin Hood: Men in Tights (1993), which in parodying earlier films about Robin Hood, especially Kevin Reynolds’ Robin Hood: Prince of Thieves (1991), was perfectly consistent with a tradition of Robin Hood burlesque. See Stephen Knight, Robin Hood: A Complete Study of the English Outlaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1994), pp. 248–9.

63. R. B. Dobson and J. Taylor, eds., Rymes of Robin Hood: An Introduction to the English Outlaw (Pittsburg: University of Pittsburg Press, 1976), pp. 141–5. The ballad is difficult to date with precision, but the editors see evidence to call it late medieval (140).

64. Schoepperle, Tristan and Isolt, I:234–40.65. See Frederick Whitehead, “Tristan and Isolt in the Forest of Morrois,”

in Studies in French Language and Medieval Literature Presented to Professor Mildred K. Pope (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1939), among others. Whitehead notes the similar thematic use of the forest in the Old French epic Girart de Roussillon.

66. Hoffman, “Cult and Culture,” pp. 17–20.67. Thomas, Roman de Tristan, p. 155.68. I am making a f iner distinction in characterization here than J. E.

Kerr does in “The Character of Mark in Myth and Legend,” Modern Language Notes 9 (1894), 30–40. He groups all the French poems

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together, whereas I think Béroul’s detailed treatment of the deception scenes enhances Mark’s gullibility. See Barbara Nelson Sargent-Baur, “Truth, Half-truth, Untruth: Béroul’s Telling of the Tristan Story,” in The Craft of Fiction, ed. Leigh A. Arrathoon (Rochester, MI: Solaris, 1984), pp. 393–421.

69. Renée L. Curtis, ed., Le Roman de Tristan, 2 vols (1963; Cambridge: Brewer, 1985). The exact text used by Malory is unknown. More than seventy-f ive manuscripts are extant with numerous fragments. See ibid., I:12–16; Eugene Vinaver, Etudes sur le Tristan en prose (Paris, 1925), pp. 37–58; B. Woledge, Bibliographie des Romans et Nouvelles en prose française antérieurs à 1500 (Paris, 1950), pp. 122–5; Emmanuèle Baumgartner, Le Tristan en prose (Geneva, 1975), pp. 18–21 Vinaver attempts a detailed comparison of Malory’s book with the French Prose Tristan in his notes using those manuscripts that are closest to Malory’s narrative: MSS. B.N. fr.103, 334, 99; Musée Condé Chantilly 646; Pierpoint Morgan Library MS. fr.41; and Leningrad Public Library MS. fr. F.v.XV-2 (3:1443–533).

70. Thomas Malory, The Works of Sir Thomas Malory, ed. Eugène Vinaver, 3 vols (Oxford: Clarendon, 1947).

71. D. S. Brewer, “Form in the Morte Darthur,” Medium Aevum 21 (1952), 14–24.72. Ibid., 15.73. Ibid., 21–3.74. Ibid., 16.75. R. H. Wilson, “Addenda on Malory’s Minor Characters,” JEGP 55

(1956), 574, 575. Cited in Vinaver’s second edition of Works (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967).

76. Works (1967), pp. xli–li.77. Thomas C. Rumble, “ ‘The Tale of Sir Tristram’: Development by

Analogy,” in Malory’s Originality: A Critical Study of Le Morte Darthur, ed., R. M. Lumiansky (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1964), pp. 118–83. This idea has been repeated by, among others, Joan Ferrante, The Conf lict of Love and Honor: The Medieval Tristan Legend in France, Germany and Italy (The Hague: Mouten, 1973), who argues “that for Malory the lust and lack of control Tristan exhibits in his love is at the core of the decay in the Arthurian world” (7).

78. See, for instance, the commentary in the third edition of Works, ed. P. J. C. Field (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990), III.1446.

79. Donald G. Schueler, “The Tristram Section of Malory’s Morte Darthur,” Studies in Philology 65 (1968), 51–66.

80. Ibid., 55.81. Ibid., 60.82. Page references are to the third edition of the Works.83. Remarkably little has been said about the Oedipal possibilities in the

Tristan legend. One critic who has thought about the issue is Gerald A. Bertin in “The Oedipal Complex in Tristan et Iseult,” Kentucky Foreign Language Quarterly 5 (1958), 60–5.

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84. This statement is especially remarkable as it comes after he has drunk the love potion.

85. Ferrante, The Conf lict of Love and Honor, pp. 59, 60.86. Northrup Frye, The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of Romance

(Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1976), p. 102.

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“Adam Bell, Clym o’ the Clough, and William Cloudisley,” 10, 106, 107–10

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(C), 40; Peterborough (E), 63–6, 74–7, 95–6; Winchester (A), 21; Worcester (D), 41, 63–6, 75–6

Anglo-Saxon Laws, Æthelberth, 20; Æthelred, 22, 26, 46; Æthelstan, 21, 25; Alfred, 20–1, 25, 46; Cnut, 27, 46; Edward, 46; “Edward and Guthrum’s Peace,” 27; Edgar, 46, 49; “Hundred Ordinance,” 15; Ine, 20; Laws of the City of London, 46; Wihtred, 20–1, 26

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31, 35, 36–7

Bakhtin, Mikhail, 104–5, 109–10Barbour, John, 57; The Bruce, 39,

53–5Bede, Ecclesiastical History, 40–1; In

Samuhelis, 121Bellamy, John, 7–8, 24, 49Benecke, Ingrid, 135Beowulf, 28, 40, 45Béroul, 144, 146, 148–50Bible, Abraham in Egypt, 34–5; Curse

of Cain, 29–32; David and Goliath,

119–20; David and Michal, 121–2; David and Nabal, 123–5; David at the cave of Obdallum, 72, 125–6; Lot and the men of Sodom, 35; Saul at Ramah, 120–1

Bible Moralisée, 114, 115Blind Hary, Wallace, 53, 56–8, 135Blok, Anton, 3blood feud, 17–18; continuing use of,

19–20Boccaccio, Teseida, compared to The

Knight’s Tale, 43Book of Hyde, 13–15, 22borh, see laws, regarding bondsmenBower, Walter, Scotichronicon, 56Brocardus, 40Brother Robert, 145, 147Brown, Peter, 39, 42Bruce, Robert, 52–5; contrasted with

Douglas, 55Brunner, Heinrich, 18

Caesarius of Arles, 119–20Cain, 28–32, 112Calin, William, 136–7carnivalesque, 90, 104–5Caxton, William, Golden Legend,

114, 120chanson de geste, 135–7Chaucer, Geoffrey, Knight’s Tale,

42–4, 142; Man of Law’s Tale, 119; Manciple’s Prologue, 35–7; Parson’s Tale, 32

Cicero, Marcus Tullius, De Republica, 36

INDEX

I N D E X218

Cnut, King of England, 95, 103–4Cotrell gang, 141Cursor Mundi, 114, 115, 118; anointing

of David, 118; David and Michal, 121

David, King of Israel, 10, 21, 111–27; allegorical interpretation of, 114–15; genesis of biblical story, 112–13; in medieval art and literature, 113–14; as model of correction, 72–3

disguise, 80–1, 85, 90, 97–101, 147–8Dobson, R. B., 8Douglas, James (“The Black

Douglas”), 9, 10; conf lict with Edward I, 53–4; successes against the English, 54–5; contrasted with Bruce, 55

Duncan, Mary Grace, 4

Eadric (“the Wild”), 61–2Eadwin, 56–9“Edict of Chilperich,” 19Edward I, King of England, 52–4Edward II, King of England, 43, 52–3Edward III, King of England, 57Edward the Confessor, King of

England, 63–74Eilhart von Oberg, 144, 147, 148,

152–3, 160Eustace the Monk, 6, 147; death of,

48; employs disguise, 100–1; as trickster, 92–3, 94–5

exile, 39–40

fitz Nigel, Richard, Dialogus de Scaccario, 47

fitz Waryn, Fouke, 6, 10, 24, 44; basis for Robin Hood legend, 6; conf lict with King John, 131–2; see also Fouke le fitz Waryn

f light, as evidence of guilt, 22–4folk-peace, 18Folville gang, 141“Fonthill Letter,” 22Fordun, John, 56

forest, 38–45, 54, 148–52Foucault, Michel, 48Fouke le fitz Waryn, 10, 37–8, 101,

130–9, 161; as ancestral romance, 134; characterization of King John, 153; characterizes Fouke as trickster, 92–4; contrasted with Gesta Herewardi, 81; employs disguises, 98–9; manuscript, 133; resolution of, 106–7, 109, 160; romance versus outlaw narrative, 134–7; wolf symbolism in, 28

Frye, Northrup, 129–30, 160

Gaimar, Geoffrey, 48; Lestoire de Engleis, 82–4, 129, 160

Gamelyn, 6, 10, 24, 27, 130, 139–42, 161; composition of the outlaw band, 141; relation to Canterbury Tales, 142

Genesis, 30Genesis and Exodus, 30–1Geoffrey of Monmouth, Historia

Regum Britanniae, 32–3, 133, 135Gest of Robin Hood, 5, 37–8, 39, 94,

96–7, 106, 130Gesta Herewardi, 37–8, 77–82, 87, 91,

156; characterization of Normans, 78–80; characterization of William I, 78–81, 152–3; contrasted with Gamelyn, 141; relation to Scandinavian texts, 74; resolution of outlawry, 106, 160; wolves in, 28

Glyn Dŵr, Owyn, 6, 9, 10, 58–9, 100Godwin, Earl of Wessex, 9, 21, 24,

44, 89; and the crisis of 1051–52, 62–74; and to murder of Alfred the aetheling, 69, 102; as trickster, 89, 95, 96, 101–4, 105; see also Knýtlinga saga, Map, Walter, Vita Ædwardi Regis

Goebel, Julius, 18, 21Goldstein, R. James, 48Gospel of Nicodemus, 28Gottfried von Strassburg, 144–5, 160Gray, Douglas, 8

I N D E X 219

Gregory the Great, Pope, 72–3, 107Grettir Asmundarsson, 93, 106Grettis saga Asmundarsonar, 154

Hanawalt, Barbara, 7–8Havelok the Dane, 34–5Helmstan, 22Henry IV, King of England, 43, 58Henry de Bracton, 15, 23, 25, 27, 48,

49, 91, 152Hereward (“the Wake”) Leofricsson,

6, 9, 10, 74–87; compared with Earl Godwin, 62; compared with Geoffrey de Mandeville, 84; death of, 48; employs disguises, 97–8; narrative sources, 74–5, 86–7; raid on Peterborough, 75–6, 95–6; see also Gaimar, Geoffrey, Gesta Herewardi

Hilton, Rodney, 5Historia Croylandensis, 85–7Hobsbawm, Eric, 2–9Holt, James, 5“Horn” Riddle, 46“hue and cry,” 17–18, 46Hyams, Paul, 20

James, Jesse, 3Jerome, 32John, King of England, 131–2John of Kerneslaw, 24John of Salisbury, Policraticus, 32, 37, 44John of Worcester, 61, 62, 75, 84Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 31

Karényi, Karl, 126Keen, Maurice, 7, 153, 160Knight, Stephen, 8Knýtlinga saga, 102–4Kooistra, Paul, 4

Lagamon, Brut, 4, 33–4de Lange, Joost, 7law(s), codification of, 17–22; as

narrative, 15–16; regarding bondsmen, 46; regarding

harboring, 45–7, 85; regarding pardon, 49; regarding pursuit, 45–7; see also exile, summons

Leach, Henry Goddard, 6Leges Henrici Primi, 23, 26Lex Salica, 19Liber Eliensis, 84–5, 87Liebermann, Felix, 21liminality, 89–90Little John, 94, 146Lopez, Barry, 28

magic, 27, 80–1Malory, Thomas, characterization

of King Mark, 156–7; death of Tristram, 160; Morte Darthur, 145, 153–60; relationship of Tristram and Launcelot, 155, 158–9; Tristram’s birth, 155–6; unity of, 154–5

Map, Walter, De Nugiis Curialium: on Eadric the Wild, 62; on Earl Godwin, 74, 89, 96, 102–4

“Maxims I,” 28McKay, Charles, 4Mellinkoff, Ruth, 32Middle English Metrical Paraphrase

of the Old Testament, 114–26; anointing of David, 118–19; David and Ahimelech, 123; David and Goliath, 119–20; David and Michal, 121–2; David and Nabal, 124–5; David at the cave of Obdallum, 125–6; David at the court of Achish, 122–3; medievalizing of biblical narrative, 117–18; relation to Historia Scholastica, 115–16; on value of Hebrew Scriptures, 116

Mirour of Man’s Salvation, 114, 115, 119Moore, R. I., 49Morcar, Earl of Northumberland,

60, 76Morgan Miniatures, 114, 120Mortimer, Roger, 43Murrieta, Joaquin, 3

I N D E X220

narco corridos, 51nithing, 26Norman Conquest, 59–61“The Nut-brown Maid,” 38–9, 54

Ohlgren, Thomas, 5, 8Oliver, Lisi, 20Orosius, Historia Adversos Paganos, 21outlaw narrative, exploits ambiguity,

93–5; as literature of borders, 5–6, 49–50, 51–87; patterns of resolution, 106, 160; resists binary definition, 91; structure of, 16–17

outlawry, as condition of otherness, 26–35; development of in law, 19–25; as empowering condition, 24, 41–5; hardships of, 38–41, 54; incentives to pursuit, 45–7; resolution of, 47–9; words for, 20–2, 26, 31, 146

Peter Comestor, Historia Scholastica, 112, 115, 118, 123

Quadripartitus, 20

Rebellion of 1381, 44Richard II, King of England, 43, 57Ritson, Joseph, 5Robin Hood, changing significance

of, 4; death of, 48, 160; employs disguises, 99–100; and the Norman Conquest, 59–60; relationship with the king, 153; social standing of, 5; as trickster, 127

“Robin Hood and Guy of Gisbourne,” 100, 147–8

“Robin Hood and the Monk,” 93“Robin Hood and the Potter,”

99–100Robin Hood ballads, 105–6; audience

for, 6; formalist reading of, 8; relation to Gamelyn, 140

Robin Hood play-games, 10, 105“Robin Hood’s Fishing,” 101

“Robin Hood’s Progress to Nottingham,” 24

Roman de Renart, 23Roman de Renaud, 135–7Romance, 129–31, 134–5Li Romans de Witasse, 101;

characterizes Eustace as trickster, 92–3

Saga af Tristram ok Ísodd, 147–8Saxon-Norman conf lict, 47, 86Scandinavian outlaws, relation of

English outlaw stories to, 7Scotland, wars with England, 52–8Sir Gawain and the Green Knight, 39Sir Tristrem, 145–7, 148, 150–1social bandit(ry), 3–4summons, changes in practice,

14–15, 25Swein Godwinson, 65, 96

Tacitus, 19Tardif, Richard, 5Taylor, John, 8Textus Roffensis, 20Thomas d’Angleterre, 144, 160Tickhill Psalter, 114, 120Trickster, 8, 9, 90–104; evolution

of, 101; features shared with outlaws, 91–104; interpretations of, 90–1

Tristan, 10–11, 131, 142–61; character of the king (Mark), 152–3, 156–7; and disguise, 147–8; in the forest, 148–52; origins of the story, 144; relationship to the Round Table, 157–9; texts, 144–5; as trickster, 145–8

Trystan ac Esyllt, 153Turner, Victor, 42, 90, 104Tyler, Wat, 44

Valente, Claire, 24van Houts, Elisebeth, 26Vaughan, Robert, 59

I N D E X 221

Vita Ædwardi Regis, 37–8, 66–73, 91, 101, 105, 109–10, 153; see also Godwin, Earl of Wessex

Volsunga saga, 27

Wales, wars with England, 52, 58–9Wallace, William, 6, 9, 52, 53, 55–8;

employs disguise, 100; execution of, 48, 106; as trickster, 127

Waltheof Siwardsson, 60–1wargus, 26wergild, 13, 14, 20White, Hayden, 35White, James Boyd, 16Wilda, Wilhelm, 18

William I, King of England, campaign against Anglo-Saxon resistance, 60–1; characterization in Gesta Herewardi, 78–80

William of Jumièges, 102William of Malmesbury, 42, 73, 75William of Newburgh, 32wolves, 27–8Wormald, Patrick, 22Wulfbold, 13–16, 22, 24Wulfstan of York, 27Wyntoun, Andrew, Original

Chronicle, 56

Ystoria Trystan, 144