Non-violence Handbook English July 30archive.paxchristi.net/2012/2012-0048-en-am-PS.pdf ·...

An Introductory Handbook to Nonviolence from the Perspective of Conflict Transformation “Never underestimate the power of a limited number of people to change the world; in fact they are the only ones that have been able to do it.” -‐ M. Mead Spell out Margaret

NON VIOLENCE

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Direction of publication: Martha Inés Romero M. Authors: Carlos Hernán Fernández Niño (Conceptual approach) Luisa Fernanda Trujillo Paredes (Revision of texts) Editing and layout: Bahirah Adewunmi and Siobhan Dugan ISBN: Rights reserved: Pax Christi International-ASBL: www.paxchristi.net November 2011

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Contents and key approaches Contents

Introduction 4

The Construction of Peace in the Context of Latin America 5

I. Understanding the Dynamic of Violence and Conflict 9

The persistence of violence II. The History of Non-violence and Non-violence in History 16

III. The Foundations of Non-violence 25

IV. Be the change to make the change 32

Bibliography 38 Key approaches

• Concepts Conceptual elements concerning Non-‐violent conflict transformation and the power of the people.

• Something inspiring Key elements of reflection, data and synthesis.

• Worksheet Proposed exercises for reflection

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Introduction The following material that we present to our friends from the Pax Christi international network constitutes an important effort to contribute to existing reflection concerning non-‐violence and its relationship with the transformation of conflicts and power. This document was written for the International Secretariat of Pax Christi by the Colombians Carlos H. Fernández, active member of the nonviolence movement, researcher and university teacher, and Luisa Fernanda Trujillo, political scientist and educator. The text conveys a key element of non-‐violence: the necessary relationship between non-‐violence as an ethical choice and collective action as a requirement in order to achieve a real transformation of situations of injustice and exclusion. Such transformations are being lived by the countries of the Latin America and Caribbean region, towards an inclusive future, in peace and co-‐existence. Many inspirational figures committed to non-‐violence, including Mahatma Gandhi, Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and Dorothy Day, have demonstrated by their thoughts and actions the transformative power of non-‐violence to open paths of justice and peace in the world. In our region of Latin America and the Caribbean too there exist heroes of active non-‐violence: men and women who with their courage and conviction, work to transform situations of injustice through organisation, planning, mobilisation and everyday action. They have adhered to the cause of truth, the Satyagraha that so much motivated Gandhi. The “soul force” that King promoted as a strategy of collective transformation is present in situations of civil resistance that exist in our own social context. Their faith in non-‐violence and their desire for peace move us today; we remember them with gratitude. We hope that this manual will serve as a contribution from Pax Christi International in the processes of non-‐violent transformation that are being developed in our region. This hope is our desire and our commitment.

Martha Inés Romero M. Regional Coordinator

Latin America and the Caribbean Pax Christi International

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The construction of peace in the context of Latin America The foundations of the republics of many Latin American countries were marked by two constants: violent colonization and the search for independence. The periods of conquest and colonization that led to the exploitation and elimination of pre-‐existing ethnic groups, as well as the imposition of a dominant culture over the aboriginal cultures, were followed by a series of processes of economic and political consolidation, motivated and brought about by a social mobilization with a single national objective: independence. Nevertheless, when we refer to the independence of Latin American countries (starting with Mexico in 1808), we refer to the wars of independence, given that in the 19th Century, national and international conflicts appeared to be unsolvable other than on the battlefield.

The term independence is marked, not only as relating historically to the setting up of the republics and the birth of autonomous states, self-‐determined, independent and internationally recognized, but also as a motive of national pride. From 2008 we have come to observe a sequence of national celebrations that commemorate “Independence”, making reference to the wars that were the means of its attainment.

These commemorations (the majority costumed in military parades, displays of military pomp and honouring of the flag and of other patriotic symbols, as well as reflecting the war-‐like and militaristic conception that the construction of modern states in Latin America nourishes) ignore those examples of social mobilization that, without being violent, have contributed to the social struggles that still exist today. It is good to remember that the independence of Mexico would not have been possible without the massive distribution of placards calling for independence between 1807 and 1808. Bolivia would not have achieved its mission without the Revolution of Chuquisca of 1809 or the Revolution of Cochabamba of 1810. Nor would Colombia have united sufficient revolutionary forces without the Rebellion of the Comuneros in 1781 and the Conspiracy of the pasquines of 1794. Other examples abound throughout the region.

It is evident that the foundation of states has implemented the use of violence. Latin American history includes dictators, military coups, frontier and territorial wars and diverse armed actors, both subversive and straightforwardly criminal. Nevertheless, it is possible to affirm that the foundation of Latin American states was not brought about solely or even principally through armed struggle. Rather states were brought into being and for the most part sustained by non-‐violent processes rooted in indigenous ancestry, the mixture and interaction of races and cultures, the resistance and projection of cultural diversity and natural wealth, entrepreneurship, the construction of knowledge, and artistic expression, among many other elements.

Much of contemporary Latin America has emerged from social movements working in dialogue with diversity: citizens have been the participants and builders of social and political transformation that has made Latin America what it is today:

• In Chile, the re-‐establishment of democracy after the Pinochet dictatorship would not have been possible without the referendum of 1989, which was born as a citizen initiative that had to be assumed by the government of Pinochet. The movement La alegría ya viene

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encouraged the population to join forces from 1988 onwards, compelling a reform of the constitution to allow elections. However, it was in the second plebiscite of 1989 when the united opposition achieved 91.5% of the national vote and approved constitutional reforms which set up democracy as the political system and permitted the candidacies of diverse political forces.

• The foundation of SERPAJ (Service of Justice and Peace in Latin America, Spanish acronym) was deeply inspired by the social mobilization of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In 1966 representatives from Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, Uruguay, the Dominican Republic and Bolivia assembled to discuss the social problems of the region, stemming from military dictatorships in the region. The SERPAJ process of training (Area Education for Peace and Nonviolence) continued and the debates around non-‐violent activity in Latin America continue in training schools that call for regional defence of human rights and the formulation of alternative non-‐violent powers.

• In Brazil, the military dictatorship started by Jao Goulart ended after 21 years with a call for free elections. This was thanks to growing social pressure during the decade of the 1970s that was strongly supported by a segment within the Catholic church – priests, nuns, lay people and some bishops -‐-‐ who also supported the liberation theology movement. Liberation theology interprets the Christian faith through examining unjust economic, political or social conditions, strongly based in grassroots organizations and base communities. Liberation theology promoters in Brazil supported a massive initiative of non-‐violent civil disobedience against the regime. The regime received its strongest blow when the divorce of church and state delegitimized the militaristic nature of the government and demanded its replacement with a strictly civil government.1

Despite these efforts, the character of Latin American society has also been shaped by significant socio-‐economic differences within societies, often based on the unequal distribution of land and, therefore, concentration of power. Today conflicts due to land and natural and mining resources are generating very high levels of violence.

A high percentage of the population in each Latin American country lives in extreme poverty. The CIA’s 2010 World Fact Book reports that: in Argentina 30% live in extreme poverty; in Bolivia 30.3%; in Brazil 26%; in Colombia 45.5%; in Peru 34.8%; and in Venezuela 37.9%, amongst others.

Peru, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia and most recently Mexico also have had to deal with the problem of drug trafficking, either because some gangs or illegal groups grow coca leaves, poppy flowers or marijuana, or because they transform these products into psychoactive drugs that are distributed through channels of organized crime which in many cases are operated from wealthy countries. Latin American social research also reveals high levels of corruption, with countries such as Paraguay obtaining a score of 2.2 (0 is the highest level of corruption, 10 the lowest) in the latest world ranking of Transparency International: Argentina, (2.9), Colombia (3.5) and Venezuela (2). As a reference, Denmark, with a9.3, is in the first position and Somalia,

1 More information on this in: A Tale of Two Priests: Three decades of Liberation Theology in the Brazilian Northeast, by Jan Hoffman French, 2006: http://kellogg.nd.edu/publications/workingpapers/WPS/328.pdf

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at 1.1, is in the last position)2.

What are the challenges and the possibilities for transformation towards improved living conditions? What mechanisms and methods would be adequate? The search for answers to these questions requires an overall look at the global stage. Latin America is not the only region of the world with this type of problem. In fact, upon looking at the situations of other societies, it is clear we share various factors with African, Asian, Eastern European and Middle Eastern countries. How can we learn from their experiences and share new ideas as a global community in the search for solutions to these problems?

On the global stage new social movements are growing and weapons are no longer considered to be the only method of exercising power or working for change. Weapons have become the enemies of those who created them, and their use is increasingly losing legitimacy among critically minded citizens. Moreover, the number of critically minded citizens who exercise political judgment is increasing. How are critically minded citizens formed and how do they act in this new context? How does the transformation of conflict and violence generated by social realities of injustice and inequality advance? This is precisely the objective of this handbook – to unveil non-‐violent alternatives for social transformation: To use creativity and persistence instead of hopelessness and destruction, to develop a strategy and preparation for action instead of resignation to injustice and passivity.

Aldo Capitini (a teacher from Norberto Bobbi) was perhaps the first person to use the term non-‐violence to refer to both the ethical and religious precept ahisma and the political struggles carried out by Gandhi. He incorporated into the term non-‐violence the sense of another concept created by Gandhi, satyahgraha: “search”, “force” or “persistence” towards truth. With this association, Capitini seeks to connect humanism and spirituality with conflictive human relationships. Meaning, non-‐violence conceived not only as a set of techniques, practices and procedures in which the use of violence is renounced, but rather as an entire philosophy of emacipation; an open and constructive program that is political, social and economic in nature and with the purpose of reducing human suffering. In introducing non-‐violence it is important to identify what non-‐violence is not and to clarify how it is different from some other concepts.

2 Transparency International. Corruption perception index results. 2010.

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Non-violence...

IS NOT pacifism: Believing that pacifism consists of actions and postures rejecting all forms of organised violence (armies, the arms race, war, armed conflicts, torture etc.); non-‐violence includes pacifism as an ethical option, and also includes strategic actions of social transformation, meaning transformation of conflicts in order to prevent every type of violence. IS NOT reducible to mere non-violent action although it includes it: Non-‐violence is much more than a specific practice when it comes to solving conflicts, as it possesses profound ethical principles that guide said action and aspire towards structural change in society.

IS NOT passivity, cowardice or submission: Non-‐violence demands confrontation and overcoming these attitudes; it is an approach that faces up to injustice.

IS NOT only psychological or verbal persuasion: Although persuasion uses these as a method, non-‐violence is a technique for developing and transforming conflicts and incorporates socioeconomic and political power.

IS NOT a religion: Non-‐violent persons who perform non-‐violent action do not have to have specific religious beliefs or faiths or use religious symbols. Non-‐violence deals with concrete actions with the aim of creating specific social transformations.

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I. Understanding the Dynamics of Violence and Conflicts

The persistence of violence In many places, violence is perceived as an efficient method of achieving an objective, for producing domination and submission, for “clearing” the way forward. There are many forms of violence: domestic violence, political violence, violence against the environment, against minorities, against women and children, the violence of poverty, exclusion and discrimination, violence that is produced by the great machinery of war and by multinational businesses. It is not, however, easy to identify the dynamics that perpetuate violence or the discourse that legitimises violence. In many cases, we do not understand the roots of violence and we have not developed effective strategies and actions to face up to violence. Violence is overwhelming now and it has been this way for a long time. We are led to believe that we are condemned to endure violence and that it is useless to search for explanations and alternatives, that we must simply accept violence as part of our daily lives, believing that violence is part of human nature or the dynamic of social evolution. Violence is omnipresent and in many cases we are led to believe that it is the only solution:

Another deep-‐rooted belief is that progress results from war – that we have better societies after war because of lessons learned during the war and because scientific and technological advances created for war are available when the war ends. Examples include such astonishing inventions as the cellular phone, developments in transport, medical advances, and nuclear energy.

Too often, the foundational myth of nation states about freedom and autonomy is built on Wars of Independence, implicitly providing legitimacy for the use of weapons and violence as a tool for

• A brief glance at the news shows us dozens of examples of violence that occur in one day: kidnappings, murders, rapes, acts of extortion, robbery and armed confrontation.

• The traffic in cities, people’s sense of haste and need result in a constant competition for the attainment of individual goals: pushing on the buses, verbal aggression in the streets, confrontations between drivers and physical aggression between users of public transport.

• We are taught to “defend ourselves”, “to be men”, “to give as good as we get” and “to take what we can” in order to achieve what we want.

• In the case of prolonged armed conflict, there is a growing lack of trust and the vision of the enemy is deepened by the apparatus of long-‐term war, social polarization and the rupture of the social fabric.

• Post-‐conflict culture, without processes of restorative justice (as is the case in Central America), makes us continue to fear new episodes of violence. Street-‐level violence has increased and general levels of insecurity cause the cycle of violence to repeat itself.

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change. Armies and militias are an institution in most of our Latin American and Caribbean countries, and some of our constitutions recognize war as a legitimate way to protect the national interest against potential threats and enemies.

Studies of violence help us understand the complex interplay of different forms of violence, including:

Direct violence, which is visible, and recognizable by the physical and psychological damage that an aggressor causes to a victim.

Structural violence, which results in political exclusion or economic inequality, and is sustained in social structures. Violence characterized by unjust laws, by rules that privilege the few at the expense of others, by mechanisms of justice that fail to operate or are manipulated, and by political systems that exclude people.

Cultural violence, the set of arguments, discourses, projections and representations that legitimises the use of violence, including all forms of moral superiority, expressed in systems of exclusion and inequality, such as the mystique of masculinity, the domination of nature and discrimination because of gender, race or belief. 3

These dimensions of violence interact and reinforce each other, generating unending chains of action and reaction that perpetuate hate and rage, converting them into interminable cycles of violence. As a consequence, violence and hatred is reproduced in environments such as schools and local neighbourhoods.

Non-‐violence is not only the resistance to and rejection of direct violence (in the case of abuse), it is also part of a holistic response to the other dimensions of violence. Non-‐violence is used as a method to understand how the different forms of violence operate and the connections between them, as well as mechanisms and channels for action, to initiate change. Non-violence acts against physical and psychological violence, acts strategically to change social structures and promotes an educational strategy to influence cultural standards and perceptions.

Behind every form of violence there is a conflict needing transformation. Violence can be avoided if non-‐violent tools and ways forward are employed. To understand the dynamics of violence requires recognition of conflicts that could become violent, factors that make violence likely and methods to counteract them. Moreover, it should be understood that violence is not a way of “resolving” conflicts; it merely postpones them, hides them, prolongs them and increases their destructive effect.

Violence is a resource, a socially and culturally learnt method, a tool that ignores the needs, desires and goals of the other, and weakens them to the point of dominating or destroying the other. It is not predetermined genetically4. No one is condemned or predisposed to be violent.

3 Galtung, Johan.Tras la violencia, 3R: reconstrucción, reconciliación, resolución. Afrontando los efectos visibles de la guerra y la violencia. Bakeaz. Bilbao 1998. 4. “Manifiesto de Sevilla” Disseminated as a decision of the UNESCO General Assembly XXV Session. Paris, France, November 16, 1989

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Violence can be unlearnt. We need to understand the factors that cause someone to use violence, but this is difficult because the process that leads to violence includes an interaction of needs, desires, emotions and perceptions, as well as a set of complex social, economic and political conditions that needs deciphering and dismantling.

Concerning Conflict and Difference

In general, conflicts occur in a relationship where there is no recognition of the needs and desires of others, or in different ways of approaching a common interest exist. The way people interact can generate clashes and confrontations; these confrontations can lead to exclusion and negation, or can lead to looking for peaceful alternatives.

We tend to believe that in a conflict there must always be winners and losers. However, in reality, conflict can be a motivator of social transformation and makes explicit the diverse interests that, adequately managed, can improve the levels of satisfaction of all those involved.

Conflict, therefore, is NOT a problem. It is a constitutive part of human interaction, as is the fact that differences exist. The problem is that we have learned to relate fear, mistrust or rejection with difference, We have learned to meet our own needs, to serve our own interests and to realise our own desires by trampling on others and exercising violence.

At the root of all conflicts are our differences, our identities, our needs and our aspirations. On the one hand, difference is a subjective experience of self-‐recognition – recognition of the “I”; on the other hand, it is an inter-‐subjective experience, with profound connections to others. In many ways we are alike: we are human beings with the same basic needs of food, water, shelter and affection. Yet we are also different: we are born in different places, we like different things, our customs are not the same; we construct the notion of difference around nations, races, social groups, clubs, associations and so forth.

Furthermore, the experience of the difference is an experience of the other, identity in contrast with nature and the world. Our relationships (differences or similarities) are based within a given universe that contains them: the species we belong to, and the human nature of which we are all a part. We recognise that through our differences, through our particularity, we affirm ourselves. In order to give value to a distinct identity, we are part of a whole that together with others and with the other constitutes life. Finally, we are part of a whole that is life.

The way in which we approach the problem of living together with these differences and the way in which we impede ourselves from doing so is what can result in violence, or can lead us to finding non-‐violent solutions. To meet our own desires at the expense of others and of nature can result in a permanent and violent struggle.

Although we know ourselves to be unique, we identify and relate to others and know that we are part of a social matrix and even a larger community with other living beings where differences exist. Personalities and interests can collide with each other, generating conflicts. We may not be prepared to process differences and end up causing damage and generating violence. Taking into account the interests of all, it is possible to search for peaceful ways of negotiating differences.

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The real problem of conflict is not the conflict itself but rather that we identify the other as an enemy. The notion of enemy begins when the other stops being a “someone” like ourselves, an individual with needs and desires who relates to us and belongs in the same world. Then a profound transformation in the perception of the other occurs that causes us to interact with him or her in sometimes violent ways.

Shared Context Shared Context

Non-violence as a proposal for the transformation of conflicts

Discussion of non-‐violence requires preparation. First of all it is necessary to demystify and clarify the topic:

Non-‐violence makes us aware that we are interconnected, that in the middle of our differences, we depend upon each other, and that life and co-‐existence are a shared responsibility. The search for peaceful methods implies the rejection of violence. Non-‐violence assumes an ethical commitment, a conscious recognition that violence does not lead to conflict resolution, but rather to the rupture of the very integrity that comprises natural and social life:

Non-‐violence reminds us that certain ways of thinking and seeing reality can contribute to or trigger violence. One example is “excluding bi-‐polar logic.” In this logic, reality is simplified, differences are removed and homogeneity is sought; often being right or meeting interests or needs leads to violence in the form of exclusion, marginalisation or domination in order to dominate those we confront. We enter into the logic of friends or enemies, good and bad, of those who are right and those who are not. “Excluding bi-‐polar logic” makes winning or losing the only possible outcomes of conflict5.

Non-‐violence promotes a more complex understanding of the world, in which we are seen as diverse human beings – unique and unrepeatable – and that our differences are the richness that allows society to renew itself, opening up possibilities for change. In this sense, conflicts become an opportunity to understand each other and ourselves better and to strengthen ties.

This change in perspective also means avoiding generalizations, the reduction of conflicts to single causes or single solutions. Conflict by its nature involves multiple and diverse factors – human beings who think, feel and perceive the world in different ways. Consequently, the causes of conflict are multiple and the alternative solutions should be multiple. 5 Wilber, Ken. La Conciencia sin Fronteras, Editorial Kairós Barcelona, 1989, cap. II

CONVERGENCE MYSELF , a unique being, with my own characteristics, personality and corresponding interests. ANOTHER unique being, with their own characteristics, personality and corresponding interests.

DIVERGENCE MYSELF, a unique being, with my own characteristics, who seeks to satisfy my own interests. ANOTHER unique being, with their own characteristics, who seeks to satisfy THEIR interests, attacking MY interests: ENEMY

Recognition of differences

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Non-violence is a way of transforming the conflict: it compels us to be creative, identifying tactics and strategies that allow us to obtain our objectives, without the elimination, prejudice or damage of the other.

Non-violence is active, it requires the fulfillment of certain rigorous steps: identifying which are the obstacles, constructing alternatives of simplified action in sequences, constructing solutions to unexpected situations, measuring the results of the action and ACTING.

Non-violence seeks cultural and social transformation. This begins on the most personal level: an open rejection of violence, not only its structural use, but its everyday exercise. Reflection is to be shared, generating spaces, creative dialogues, concrete actions and permenant results.

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Worksheet Read the situations and the expected results. Choose between the possible actions according to what you understand. Be creative; be sure to propose possible actions that can produce a possible result.

SITUATION

Your neighberhoood suffers from a crime wave: robberies and

extortions

ACTIONS

1. Residents organise or contract armed surveillance groups ready to capture or eliminate the criminals.

2. Residents put up posters and fake surveillance cameras. Surveillance shifts are established along with alliances with the authorities.

RESULT

The level of crime goes down, the residents feel

more confident and seek to report cases of crimes,

identifying those responsable.

SITUATION

You are a woman and the law of your country

prohibits women from driving any kind of

vehicle.

ACTIONS

Suggest one or various!

The local authorities discuss the possibility of providing

permits to women in 6 specific cases, making the law

more flexible.

SITUATION

A petrol company causes the largest oil spill in

history. The sanctions do not match the

irreperable environmental damage

caused.

ACTIONS

1. Citizens resident in the country of origin of the company organise themselves to set fire to its headquarters.

2. Citizens resident in the country of origin of the company organise themselves to spill many litres of burnt oil in the offices of the company mixed with kilos of dead animals.

RESULT

The company reconsiders the payment, talking with

organisations of environmental scientists

towards the construction of actions to repair the

environmental damage.

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Mohandas Gandhi: The practical origin of Non-violence

Mohandas Gandhi was born in 1869 in New Delhi, India. An intelligent man, he finished his law studies and went to South Africa. There he observed the abuses to which both Indians and black South Africans were subjected.

Gandhi started the struggle in South Africa, demanding equal treatment for Indian immigrants. Gandhi motivated more fellow nationals to unite themselves in protest. Many were arrested. To be arrested meant a victory, since the cause was just and the reaction of the government made its own injustice evident. In 1914, he returned to India with his family after acheiving his mission.

In India, Gandhi became a visionary, finding effective alternatives of non-violent action that would sustain the movement for independence. Gandhi united the voices of the people, vindicating multi-culturality, rejecting the imposition of English and reminding people that the produtcion of cloth and salt traditionally belonged to the Indians, meaning that the import and taxation of these products was not only injust but illegal.

Gandhi accomplished many non-violent demonstrations. HE inspirED the population to resist, using non-violence as the action of speaking the truth and of acting coherently. Hundreds of Indians died in the struggles, without weapons, trained to resist pain and abuse and prepared to do away with wrath and hatred. Their pride grew once Gandhi was arrested in 1942 and many other protestors received prison for a noble cause.

Five years after his imprisonment, the social pressure had reached massive proportions and the British officially abandoned the country, considering that in the face of the resistance, of civil disobedience and non-cooperation the costs of their occupation were increasingly untenable.

Something Inspiring...

To understand the notion of non-‐violence and to make it practical requires inspiration. The world is full of historical events that demonstrate the transformation of conflicts in a creative instead of a destructive process. The experiences of non-‐violence go further than the resolution of everyday conflicts. If used in a strategic way, non-‐violence becomes the perfect instrument to achieve common objectives that redound in moral principles of freedom and respect, taking us towards independence and self-‐determination. Let’s look at some examples:

If you had to use 3 arguments to convince someone to use non-violence for the transformation of a conflict what would they be? 1. 2. 3.

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II. The History of Non-violence and Non-violence in History

While Gandhi is the pre-‐eminent figure in history who practiced non-‐violence, this does not mean that he was the first. The philosophy of non-‐violence was relevant centuries before its birth. At first it was referred to as ahimsa. Gandhi posed the following question: If we consider life itself to be a form of power, will humanity allow this power to be used for destruction? For this reason it is necessary to avoid passivity and to react actively in the face of destructive situations that threaten the life and dignity of persons. The power shall be used to dignify humanity, not to destroy it. Against passivity it is necessary to construct discursive arguments and materials that bring us towards the reality we desire, a reality where power does not destroy but rather constructs to benefit its greatest sustenance: the people. For this reason ahimsa is only possible if it is based in Satyagraha (non-‐violent resistance and the power of truth); Satyagraha was the name that would inspire the population to fight against the occupation and abuses of the English government. Gandhi would refer to non-‐violence as the permanent exercise of “speaking the truth”, a process that genuinely manages to preserve good intentions, capable of solving conflict with arguments and not with weapons.

Protecting the pachamama without arms

In 2010, indigenous Ecuadorians organised the CONAIE, leading long periods of protest against the neo-liberal economic policies of the Ecuadorian government. Although they were representa1ves of a large por1on of South American society, they were not invited to the ALBA summit.

To demonstrate against the accusations of "terrorism", utered by Rafael Correa against the organisation the indigenous peoples made use of non-violent strategies: hunger strikes, peaceful capture of roads and declarations directed towards the national government, The road blocks were attacked by the police with tear gas and water hoses, attacks against which the indigenous peoples did not react.

Characteristics

- The CONAIE has been identified as a terrorist organisation, becuase of its supposed threat against proposals for progress in Ecuador.

- Marlon Santi, leader of the organisation

promotes non-violent education of the members of the

organisation, advocating multi-

nationality.

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References for non-violence and civil resistance…

Once it was clear that violent power was a monopoly, people who were oppressed looked for alternatives and history brought forth thinkers such as Thoreau, Tolstoy and Gandhi who translated moral principles into steps to follow, lists of instructions that could make viable alternatives ways of accessing power and even alternative forms of power. The question therefore was: where does power come from?

All paths lead to... power

Competition for political power, both economic and social, will always exist. We have already spoken about how a difference of interests and interpretations can lead us conflict. Conflict can be managed in diverse ways, according to our convictions, interests and decisions. Once we have decided to not create violence, we should seek alternatives. These alternatives depend on our goals and the vocation of our acts: if it is a constructive search for society and the improvement of life conditions, quite probably we will find non-‐violent strategies that will allow us to achieve our ambitions in a constructive way.

Power is also related with interests, with achieving what we want. We have been taught that power is not shared, that is usually belongs to only one “side” and we have been taught as well that access to power implies competition, and often violent competition.

But we have also seen that we are responsible for our own actions and that, to a large degree, we are a source of political, social and economic power. Consequently, we have more influence than we can imagine over who exercises power and how it is exercised. It is here where we should ask ourselves:

Who has the power? How did it get there? How do we want power to be exercised?

What input could we make towards the exercise of power? How is this power symbolised?

In Hinduism non-‐violence was established as a code of conduct, enshrined in the writings known as the Upanishads, which consider violence the worst threat against living beings. Henry David Thoreau put forth the term “civil disobedience” in the middle of the 19th Century, referring to the possibility of abstaining from obeying laws in circumstances where his/her integrity would be compromised. Leo Tolstoy made a strong call for conscientious objection against war. Like Gandhi, Tolstoy understood non-‐violence from a holistic perspective, as a conviction that could be applied to all areas of life. In the end of the 19th century, his theory filled a vacuum between orthodox pacifists and the quasi-‐pacifists who spoke of peace in great international events in order to challenge the state.

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The Power of THE PEOPLE Inspired by a number of Gandhi’s arguments, “people power” is one expression that refers us back to the word lokashakti, where loka is people and shakti is energy or power. Vinova Bhave, one of the most distinguished researchers of Gandhi’s philosophy, coined it in 1953:

“People power is the opposite of the power of violence, and although there is not such a strong dispute between the power of the people and the state, both are very different. There is, of course, an element of violence in the power of the state, but more importantly, the people have entrusted this power to the state, it has a different character from naked violence. They cannot be placed in the same category. Nevertheless, we seek to go further and to create conditions that dispense with the use of power, including by the state.”

The ultimate source of power is the people. History has accustomed us to relating power with repression, pressure, control, exercise of violence and every type of abuse that evoke images of physical, psychological, emotional and even spiritual aggression. As human beings we CANNOT ignore our own capacity to hurt others, and that aggression is rooted in our instinct for survival; nor can we forget that we possess reason and emotion and that through our will power we can reject destructive violence. In order to eliminate violence it is necessary that individuals identify their own power within themselves.

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Worksheet During recent years we have seen an incredible number of protests, demonstrations, acts of indignation and public rejection of the use of violent force. People all over the world organise themselves to propose alternatives for the construction of better and healthier societies. These demands are effective and possible when it is clear how the dynamic of power functions. As an example, fill out the following spaces:

Thinking power Identify the following elements, it can be in your work, your community, your city or country: Who has the power What is it that

maintains this power

How do you identify it?

How is the power exercised

Who are the actors that have power in your community…?

On what does power base itself?

What symbols represent power?

What characterises the exercise of

power? (destruction, violence, dialogue)

What do we mean when we say the people have the power?

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Un-learning what we know about power It is important to un-‐learn some of the most common misconceptions about power:

A clear example is the choice we make about who represents us in governmental positions, at all levels from local to national. They have been invested with a decision making power and can represent our interests. They have the “power” to make decisions and to influence others, but that is not the source of the power. The source of power is the electorate, the people. Consequently, our obedience to decision-‐makers’ acts is proportional to the citizen’s right to elect them. Power is closer to us than we think. We falsely believe that power is unattainable. In our day-‐to-‐day lives we are at times the owners of power, and in other moments the objects of power that others exercise.

Ideas about power

Transforming the idea...

The changes of collective power are small but progressive.

It is influence and the capacity of pressure to implement determined plans.

Power is excercised by choice or designation.

Power is a process under constant construction.

Power acheives changes of great magnitude.

Power is self-posessing, it is also an investment.

Power is overwhelming and defined.

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OBJECTS OF POWER (we submit ourselves to power)

• When we accuse the state of being responsable for all our woes, forgetting that we are ourselves part of the state.

• When we adjust ourselves to the unsavory conditions of the public transport system without complaints or questions, we only submit ourselves to economic power and the monopoly of transport.

SUBJECTS OF POWER (we excercise power)

• Empowerment: When we assume our citizenship, we are capable of cultivating our political judgement, and observing reality in a critical and purposeful way. It is not whinging, it is the construction of a better idea of society.

• When we choose who represents us in democratic spaces with that end. •  When we "show up" in person. If the city is dirty, why don't you assume

your responsibility, pick up the papers and put them in the right place?

Can it be Dangerous to Obey? If “following one’s duty” results in acts of political brutality, violations of human rights, military repression, torture, and the abandonment of responsibility for our own actions, it makes individuals fail to decline responsibility for their own actions.

When should someone disobey?

Disobedience is the product of a process of reflection that balances actions with their consequences, beginning from the fact that every action is the responsibility of the individual who carries it out. Disobedience takes place when orders (coming from identifiable authorities) undermine social integrity, put at risk people’s lives, damage their dignity, damage the common good in persons, institutions and the environment.

There are various forms of disobedience that are not necessarily associated with rebellion..”Disobedience is eminently creative and purposeful. In Colombia, Paraguay, Guatemala, Chile and other countries of the region, there exists the legal possibility of “conscientious objection” that enables individuals to follow their conscience and opt out of military service.

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Non-violence Is More Than a Decision. It Is a Strategy

Every time we are participants and observers of a conflict, we notice certain key elements: the particularities, the motives of dispute and the actions of each of the actors. These elements are interconnected and lead to violent and non-‐violent actions (according to the decisions of the actors). In this case there are two levels of violence:

Visible. Direct actions characterised by tactics, plans, strategies and clear objectives, tending towards the destruction and neutralisation of the “enemy”.

Invisible. Cultural violence (psychological, spiritual, discursive) or structural (from the state, institutionalised and secret).

In search of making non-‐violence a viable and effective alternative to combat conflict, it is necessary to move from the invisible to the visible level. For this reason non-‐violence requires:

Distribution of pamphlets.

Occupation of factories

Strict non-violence

Coverage by BBC Europe drafting of SOLIDARITY (their own newsletter)

Linking symbolic acts

Concrete demands

Disobedience in the face of orders to stop the protest (without violence)

Knowledge of the principles of Gandhi

The violent response of the regime only gave strength to the movement

Improvement in life conditions

The freedom to create trade unions

Walesa served as president from 1990 and 1995

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Types of Campaigns

• Dissimination of information – propagation of communications that inform people about what is happening and invite reflection.

• Protest and Persuasion – Symbolic acts, graffiti, protests, pressuring calls to people’s moral conscience

• Actions of social and economic non-‐cooperation (consumer strikes, non-‐payment of taxes...)

• Political non-‐cooperation (disobeying unjust laws and rules, boycotts, etc.) • Non-‐violent intervention (fasting, occupations, direct disobedience)

STRATEGY There exist diverse levels: • Objective: The definition

of an ultimate transformation, the ideal form of reality that we want in our community, society and nation. Related to the definition of actions.

• Campaign: A set of actions and reactions (adjusted to the context) that lead to the attainment of objecties. What to do in order to change the situation towards the one we want?

• Tactics: Concrete actions that lead to the attainment of objectives in small quantities. What can we do to develop a campaign?

• Logistics: Identification of rescources (material and immaterial) necessary for the realisation of actions.

ABILITIES • Rejection of violence as a

shared and individual principle. A non-violent discipline.

• Consistency between the goal and actions, where it is known that all the means are non-violent.

• Abilities are identified depending on the actor: humour, creativity, capacity for dialogue, strength of conviction and persuasion, artistic abilities, management of the media and areas of influence.

• Ability to react: if an obstacle is discovered, find the alternatives in order to deal with the unexpected.

• Unity: when the conflict involves groups unity allows results to be obtained.

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Worksheet One of the most important elements of non-‐violence is, it is necessary to maintain a high level of organisation and be capable of putting it into practice. We present you with some settings where you should identify what would be the non-‐violent strategy that most closely aligns with objectives.

Description of the situation Strategy/Tactic Objectives: Transformation A city lacks infrastructure for the growing number of vehicles and the transport of people. The conditions of transport are terrible and alternatives are needed that are respectful of the people and the environment. The outbreak of violence between pedestrians and drivers is increasing. People spend between two and five hours a day travelling.

Strategy Campaign Tactics Logistics

• Improve conditions by reducing the time spent travelling.

• Dignify the current system of transport.

• Create consciousness of

common responsibility in the functioning of traffic.

Situation 2

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High levels of corruption and the incredibly low quality of medical attention gravely affects the health system in your municipality. The medical and nursing staffs are inadequate and the installations in the only hospital do not meet the basic needs of the population. Hospital workers trade medicines, selling them at inflated prices and using them as bribes. The population does not want to go to the hospital as in many cases the cure is worse than the disease.

Strategy Campaign Tactics Logistics

• Make visible at the widest level the difficult situation, its causes and effects (the infringement of the basic rights of access healthcare).

• Improve relationships with hospital workers, persuading them to do their work in a dignified manner.

• Strengthen the

denunciation of abuse.

• Improve health services.

III. The Foundations of Non-violence

The Relationship with Civil Resistance Non-‐violence has been considered as a synonym for civil resistance. It was proposed by Gene Sharp, an American scholar whose work centers on the methodology and organisation of the policies, approaches and convictions of Gandhi. Sharp proposes civil resistance from a political perspective that refers us back to Aristotle or Hannah Arendt, considering all citizens as responsible for their actions. Moreover, Sharp endows non-‐violent analysis with academic and methodological elements, ensuring that it is validated in rational spaces in a political way, without eliminating the spiritual and emotional elements of non-‐violent practice. Sharp’s approach alludes to morality and ethics from a secular and political perspective, given that the approach guarantees that non-‐violent strategies can be applied and be made effective in diverse contexts. Returning to Aristotle and Hannah Arendt, the moral that Sharp proposes as motivation to ignite non-‐violent struggles or organized civil resistance is that of identifying forms of behavior and necessary changes in order to improve the lives of citizens. The ethic is valid, in as much as it deals with a process of training and conviction on the part of the individuals who participate in the civil resistance/non-‐violence. This is the case when the objectives sought appeal to respect for life, human rights, justice, non-‐corruption and a series of political factors that have a strong ethical base around political aims. Political aims such as the preservation of public goods, wellfare, improvement of the conditions of people’s lives, etc.. Others consider civil resistance as an expression of non-‐violence. According Sharp’s theory, which proceeds directly from the ideas of Gandhi (systematizing them and giving them academic value), civil resistance and non-‐violence are synonyms. In as much as non-‐violence is a

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way of acting without using violence, with the aim of transforming the political reality of a local, regional, national or international context, so is civil resistance. If resistance is civil this means it is civilized (in the sense given by Hannah Arendt) and therefore rejects violence. On the other hand, the similitude between non-‐violence and civil resistance is owed to the interpretation that English colonialists and other students of the movements of Gandhi (investigators of the period such as Joan Bonduarant, Claren Case, Richard Gregg as well as contemporary journalists) made concerning the forms of protest and the responses of Gandhi’s followers – as much in South Africa as in India. In this way the forms of boycotting, passive resistance, non-‐cooperation, civil disobedience and so on ended up being identified with the term non-violence in order to specify a set of methods of unarmed anti-‐colonial struggle6. The political actions of individuals are those that influence or affect (positively or negatively) their social environment. The responsibility for a political act is related to the capacity to ask oneself what type of social reality they want and what actions they should embark on to make that reality real. Non-‐violent resistance appears when, once an idea is made clear of a desired reality, it is acted on consistently with clearly and collectively defined positions (rejecting violence). In his text “There are Realistic Alternatives”7, Sharp affirms there is an alternative form of struggle from violent struggle and that “this other technique of struggle has not based itself in turning the other cheek but rather in the ability to persevere and to resist powerful opponents.” In order to understand nonviolent resistance, it is necessary to eliminate certain misconceptions that have been formed over time:

• We believe that violence has always worked rapidly and that non-‐violence takes too much time. Both beliefs are false.

• Non-‐violent struggle is considered weak, but can be powerful. It can paralyse and even destroy a repressive regime.

• Non-‐violent struggle DOES NOT require charismatic leaders. • Non-‐violence is a phenomenon that crosses cultures. • Non-‐violence does not require any specific religion, although at times it relates itself

with their philosophies (which can give it greater legitimacy). • Non-‐violent struggle is not the same thing as non-‐violent religion or ethics, it is a

distinct phenomenon. • Although it is believed that this technique only has effect against humanitarian and

democratic opponents, history has proved its success against brutal opponents and dictatorships.

• It is believed that non-‐violent people and groups are successful when they are able to soften the hearts of their opponents. Yet argumentative capacity has been shown to be effective in the most extreme dictatorships8.

Non-‐violence and civil resistance, according to Gene Sharp, are synonyms since civil resistance seeks to maximise the political potential of organised human beings. This level of organization 6 More information in Política sin violencia, Mario López Martínez. Ed. Uniminuto, Bogotá, 2006 ps 19 -‐ 20 7 Sharp, Gene. There are Realistic Alternatives. Boston: Albert Einstein Institution, 2003. Page 3. (Translation) 8 Ibid. Page 8.

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uses non-‐violence as a technique for accessing political power. If this were not the case, there would be no elections – candidates would fight for the seat, mayorship or presidency in a life or death duel. Instead of seeking participation, we would try to destroy government installations or we would seek the death of judges that do not rule in our favour. Being “political animals” implies overcoming the use of violence to guarantee survival. The complexity of the non-‐violent process and civil resistance depends on the complexity of the desired results. This should be taken into account:

Component Civil Resistance Authoritarianism/Abuse of power

Grand Strategy

Unity of criteria Unity of the rejection of violence Unity of objectives

Co-‐option Provocation and division of groups. Seeking to undermine people’s confidence in their leaders and convictions.

Tactic

Disrupting spaces, making use of non-‐violent action. Carrying out actions. Not doing/co-‐operating

They make use of violence. They make use of the monopoly on force and seek to legitimise this action.

Logistics

Based on the capabilities of the participants and how this makes action and the execution of the strategy and tactics possible.

Destructive capacity Blockades Following people Arrests

Sub strategy (Campaign)

Planning of actions, visualising different possible results.

They react before the specific action. The goal is to repress and to avoid transformation.

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On top of this, it is necessary in civil resistance to take into account three elements: 1) collective action, 2) avoiding all resort to violence and 3) non-‐cooperation in the face of political power9. Surprise! You are doing non-violence Yes, non-‐violence is “done”. It is an action based on argument, reason and personal convictions that are grouped together in collective spaces. It has to be taken into account that non-‐violence can also have an argumentative underpinning that reaches the point of relating to ethical principles and spirituality. Non-‐violence is a synonym for civil resistance. Every time we assume our role as citizens, we are capable of improving our capacity for political judgement, in such a way that we ask ourselves a basic question regarding our relations with our family, work, study and the community that surrounds us: is this the only reality possible? Once this question is formulated we embark on a path towards a better-‐shared existence, based upon the principles of non-‐violence. Yet it is interesting to observe that on many occasions, even without knowing the concepts of this proactive and nonviolent manner of addressing conflicts, we act on conviction, using strategies of non-‐violence even if we don’t name them as such. Non-‐violence is a way of obtaining social transformation. Society makes it possible for our transformation to transcend “change”. As well as its direct relationship with situations of conflict at a local level, civil resistance has been strongly linked with the demand of sectors of society that have been historically discriminated against. In this way, most initiatives of civil resistance come from peasants,

9 Hernández, Esperanza. Resistencia civil artesana de paz. Experiencias indígenas, afrodescendientes y campesinas. Bogotá: Universidad Javeriana. 2004. Pages. 33-38

Change

• Is the beginning of the tranformation. It is based on the identification of the desired reality, maintaining links with the past and present realities.

• The changes are particular and tend to be subjective.

• Changes are not designed to stand alone. They are the alteration of reality or a phenomenon, that can return to its orginal state.

Transforma.on

• Is global and inclusive. It encompasses previous changes and preserves them as a point of reference that nourishes the progression of the transformation.

• It is the process that implies that total variation of the elements compose a phenomenon or reality.

• It takes longer than change, due to the need for sustainability and continuity.

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workers and indigenous peoples. Their achievements remain in their corresponding sphere and unfortunately the support of these initiatives depends to a large extent on personal interest. Some of the common characteristics in experiences of civil resistance are:

They originate from indigenous communities, Afro descendants and peasants, or jointly developed the community and churches.

Their origin is common in regards to the past, culture, traditions and ways of life. Experiences of civil resistance have plural mechanisms of protection that respond to

their own needs. The underpinning of non-violence: a personal question

Ashin Thomas is a Buddhist monk, ordained in Auschwitz after years of practicing Zen Buddhism. Before choosing Zen Buddhism as his way of life, Ashin participated in the Vietnam War, and was a drug dealer, an alcoholic and a drug addict. His childhood was marked by an enormous dose of psychological violence and his adolescence was no better. With time violence became for him a way of life, reaching the point of self-‐destruction, in the desire to escape the consciousness of pain he felt and that he caused others. Now, Ashin travels around the world talking about non-‐violence as a way of life. However, Ashin makes it very clear that it is not necessary to be a Buddhist to understand violence and to reject it. He states that ethical consistency means that there is no other option but vegetarianism, knowing that the way in which animals eaten by humans are treated. Once these patterns of violence are identified, he no longer wants to participate in it. He therefore prefers to abstain from eating meat. The story of Ashin is his story: each person decides to what point to take his or her convictions. Nevertheless, non-‐violence becomes a way of life each time we identify violence and decide voluntarily and consciously to eliminate it from our lives. Non-‐violence invites us to move away from a restricted understanding of life towards a respectful understanding of harmony. Non-‐violence calls on us to move away from the position that:

• “Suffering is justified by the good of all”, towards “there exists no reason, argument or justification for inflicting suffering”

• The outward-‐looking perspective – in which others are the only ones responsible for the bad things that happen to us, towards a consciousness of responsibility for our own actions

• The belief in heroes and martyrs as a necessary sacrifice – recognizing vital guidance and witness from them to people’s lives – towards responsibility for the care and protection of life “until its ultimate consequences”

• The logic of purposefulness: “once and for all and forever”, towards persistence: “the idea of process, work, sustainability and co-operation”

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• The consciousness of powerlessness: “power is outside of us”, to a consciousness that power resides in the collective affirmation of life.10

These are coherent challenges that re-‐interpret life, power, relationships and what we have to do. In the context of violence, these changes can generate transformation if we move forward with a sense of community,of common purpose. The spirituality of non-violence Violence inhibits possibilities for transcendence. Non-‐violence seeks to rebuild this transcendent experience in political projects and concrete actions. It is impossible to think of non-‐violence without a spirituality of unconditional love and respect for every human being. This spirituality affirms the dimensions of human beings that propel life, offering a new vision of political action, beginning with the spontaneities of individuals and the community. Moreover, it overcomes the duality of friend and enemy, and insists on the power of forgiveness and reconciliation as a route to transformation. Humanity has developed a common ethical criterion, which is expressed in the great religions as in great ethical philosophies. It is expressed in the following way, known as the “Golden Rule”:

Some Practices of Non-violenceAaimed at Transformation Protection: control of pain and fear – strengthening of networks, protocols of communication and expressions of solidarity. Qualification and encounter: research and analysis of historical achievement of non-‐violence and sharing of learning. Persistence: analysis of experiences (territories, communities, efforts). Redefinition of ethical and political arguments, using common sense. Cultural Resistance: exploration of art, creativity and the forms of culture that represent an alternative possibility. Setting-‐up and recovery of symbols. Re-‐interpretation of relationships and language.

10 Fernández, Carlos. Editor – El poder de la fragilidad – Various Authors (Aquí Estoy País – Movimiento por la Noviolencia en Colombia. Kimpres. Bogota 2003

• “What you yourself do not want, do not do to other man” (Confucianism) • “Do not do unto others what you do not want them to do to you” (Judaism) • “Do unto others what you would have them do to you” (Christianity) • “None of you would be a believer while you did not desire for your brother what you

desired for yourself” (Islam) • “A situation that is not pleasant or convenient for me, would not be for him either; and

a situation that is not pleasant or convenient for me, how am I to impose it upon another? (Buddhism)

• “One should not behave with others in a way that is unpleasant for oneself: this is the essence of morality” (Hinduism)

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Forms of moral condemnation and disapproval: an expression of rejection of actions beyond the simple response and that appeal to conscience. Promotion and impact in environments: valuing each person based on their individuality and their possibilities to transform reality. Spreading and multiplying learning with transparency: to reach out and touch the “other” and to make public the sense of what we are doing. Rebuilding trust with consistency: facilitate the coming together of individuals and recuperating the credibility of the “other” through action. Bewilder: act against violence with non-‐violent protection and persuasion, with creativity and innovation.

Worksheet Find out more about Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. and reflect on the following questions: 1. Do you think that education and training is important in order to undertake non-‐violent action? 2. How would you educate or train yourself to eliminate violence? 3. Do you think men and women can bring different elements to non-‐violent initiatives?

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IV. Be the change to make the change While convictions are a fundamental source of non-‐violent actions, to the extent that moral and religious principles can be linked to the rejection of violence, planning, structuring and carrying out actions proves the real disposition towards non-‐violence. But how to act? Non-‐violence presents us with various alternatives. So many that Gene Sharp has listed 198 non-‐violent methods through which citizens can act to achieve the transformation of their reality. In general we can group the types of action in three categories:

The process implies feedback within the movement, identifying successes, failures and challenges; trying to find solutions through which it can advance. Moreover, the movement or actions should have its own method of making itself visible. Nowadays, social networks play an important role in this, given that they present themselves as an accessible tool within the reach of many individuals. Additionally, non-‐violent actions normally have a first mover. For example, the first man to step in front of the tank in Tiananmen Square, who exposed his life and inspired others to unite. A first mover inspires others, without implying that he or she will be the leader of the movement. Thus, in conflict situations, one opponent must be ready to make the first non-‐violent move. This creates an enormous dilemma for their opponent. This was seen in the case of the “Arab Spring”, particularly in Egypt, where women responded with kisses to the police automatically “disarming them”. One woman decided to start this action and the others followed. Non-‐violence represents a search for and execution of strategies of social transformation that challenge the prevailing regime or system. Non-‐violent actions should not look for imposition of one’s desired goals, but rather create a space of negotiation, and level the playing field for both parties.

PUBLICITY

•  Campaigns to spread information, knowledge and awarness raising.

• Eminently argumentative, it looks to persuade people, attempting to join them to the movement

NON-COLLABORATION

•  Non-cooperation in which mobilisation is consolidated through a unity of principles and the construction of common goals.

•  It requires high levels of discipline, seeking to resolve possible differences within the movement.

DIRECT ACTION

•  It seeks to neutralise the power of the opponent limiting the source of power: its legitimacy.

• It is a form of collective action that never appeals even for one moment to the use of violence.

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Preparing yourself for non-violent action Action requires preparation. Non-‐violent agents require training (exercises with specific roles and responsibilities) that allows them to measure their own skills and to acquire new ones. The Nashville Student Movement was characterised by long periods of training in which the students met in classrooms with “white” friends (it has to be pointed out that the movement sought to claim for the civil rights of African-‐American citizens and to motivate respect, integration, dignity and equal treatment in all social spheres). In these meetings the African American students displayed the direct action they would carry out on future occasions while the “whites” hit them, offended them, threatened them and tried to alter their state of mind by all possible means. The idea of the Nashville students was to occupy cafes where they were not allowed to enter to consume food and drink, being “exclusively white spaces”. The direct action consisted in entering the cafes with their books and remaining there while they did homework, without ordering, speaking or bothering anyone. They suffered threats, were verbally insulted and even physically injured. The training consisted of ignoring and not responding to these aggressions, avoiding all kinds of violence (verbal or physical).

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There are certain KEY FACTORS in the preparation of a non-‐violent action:

Factor Training exercise

The overcoming of fear: We know the opponent will react in a violent way. Being afraid is a way of cooperating with the violent action, overcoming the fear and the possible pain dramatically reduces the effect of the violent action and gives greater validity to the non-‐violent action.

In the face of violence respond without violence: Violent repression and the violent response of the opponent can make us react in the same way. All of us have the capacity to be violent. For this reason, it is necessary to predict the possible violence we will confront and decide on the specific steps to follow in each case.

Training of leaders: In non-‐violent action, it is very possible to find outgrowths of violence that have to be controlled before they become contagious. At the same time it should be remembered what will be the practice and discipline employed. It is therefore necessary to create guides for action that keep the dynamic within that of non-‐violence.

Changes in perception: If we talk of protests, repression and possible arrests, we think of these things as unjust and as a way of threatening those who advance non-‐violent action. Nevertheless, in South Africa, India and Poland equally, prison has converted itself into a way of endowing protestors with more power, showing the great fear the government has of them. The change in perception can give power to actions that appear “risky”.

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Non-violent communication Non-‐violent communication is one of the fundamental tools for initiating the process of consolidation and practice of non-‐violence. It emphasises personal responsibility for the acts and decisions we take, and states how we should respond to the acts and decisions that others take. Also, it shows how to contribute to dialogues based on co-‐operation and collaboration. There are certain skills that define it:

To differentiate between judgement and observation. To be capable of carefully observing reality without judging it, and to later specify what are the conditions and behaviours that affect us.

To differentiate between thoughts and feelings, being capable of identifying and expressing internal feeling and states of mind in such a way that it does not imply judgement, criticism, blame and punishment.

To connect with universal needs and values (such as solidarity, trust, understanding and sympathy) in such a way that we are capable of observing when they exist or not within our relationships and how this makes us feel.

Non-‐violence includes two essential social components:

Communication is one of the spaces where more often we see violence expressed. Marshell Rosenberg in his book, Non-violent Communication11, presents us with a method on how to use the power of language to avoid conflicts and arrive at peaceful results. This model is based on the analysis of diverse aspects in communication, in ideological postures and conflicts, in the manipulation of information, in verbal imposition and emotional blackmail. These elements prevent a genuine line of communication, based on the expression of feelings,

11 Rosemberg, Marshall B. Comuniación No violenta, el lenguaje de la compasión. Ed Urano. Barcelona, 2000. P.207

Listening with empathy

Observations, feelings, needs and requests are listened to as

they are expressed, without prejudices or judgements.

Honest expression

Observations, feelings, needs and requests are expressed in an

honestly and clearly without distractions or judgement.

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needs and aspirations. Rosemberg proposes a model that is not only practicable in conflict situations but is also useful in daily life.

In my communication with others

When the other speaks about me

I will sincerely express how I am without blaming or criticising anyone

I will accept with empathy, who you are, without accepting your blame or criticism.

1. I describe concrete facts that contribute to my well-‐being. When I (see.. hear…)

2. Identify and express what emotion these

facts produce in me. How do I feel?

I feel… 3. I express vital energy in the form of needs,

values, desires, hope or ideas that come from my feelings.

Because I (need)… 4. I make a petition, without demanding

what I want to happen.

I would like that you …

1. I will listen to the facts you observe (see, hear, record or imagine) that contribute or not to my well-‐being. When you (see, hear…)

2. I will see how you feel in relation with the facts. How do you feel? You feel…

3. I will see your vital energy expressed in the form of needs, values, desires, hope or ideas that come from your feelings

Because you (need…)

4. I will listen to your petition, without

making demands, of something you would like to happen.

And you would like that I…

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Work Sheet Exercise 1 How would you express your needs regarding your relationship to your partner/best friend using non-‐violent communication? What type of judgements would you try to avoid when it came to undertaking non-‐violent communication? Do you think it is possible to tell the difference between thought and feeling? How do you do it in day-‐to-‐day life? Exercise 2 Think of a situation where you and another person are in conflict. Think of how you communicate. Your desire is to open up a path to understand what is happening and together to look for a solution. Apply the model put forward by Rosenberg, following the steps he proposes. Using this model, answer the following questions. Once you have done this, think about whether you are ready to begin non-‐violent communication with the other person. Describe the concrete situation that you believe started the conflict. Express how you felt then and how you feel now.

1. Express why you felt that way and what needs (yours) are behind this feeling. 2. Make a petition, a change you hope for, and at the same time put forward a commitment

so this would be possible. Don’t forget to listen to the other person, inviting them to express themselves.

JK

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Ackerman, Peter y Duvall, Jack. A force more powerful. New York: Palgrave. 2000 Boulding, Kenneth. “Nonviolence and Power in the Twentieth Century” en Nonviolent social movements a geographical perspective. Malden, USA: Brackwell Publishing. 1999 Cante, Freddy (ed). Poder social. Algunas posibilidades para Colombia. Bogotá: Universidad del Rosario. 2007. Castañar, Jesús. Breve historia de la noviolencia. Madrid: Pentapé. 2010. Dodouet, Véronique. Nonviolent Resistance and Conflict Transformation in Power Asymmetries. Berghof Research Center for Constructive Conflict Management – First launch September 2008. Duvall, Jack. “Civil resistance and alternatives to violent struggle”. Final paper at the first conference of the International Centre for the Study of Radicalization and Political Violence (ICSR). London: 2008. Fernández, Carlos. Editor – El poder de la fragilidad – Varios Autores (Aquí Estoy País – Movimiento por la Noviolencia en Colombia. Kimpres. Bogotá 2003 Galtung, Johan. Tras la violencia, 3R: reconstrucción, reconciliación, resolución. Afrontando los efectos visibles de la guerra y la violencia. Bakeaz. Bilbao 1998 Hernández, Esperanza. Resistencia civil artesana de paz. Experiencias indígenas, afrodescendientes y campesinas. Bogotá: Universidad Javeriana. 2004. López Martínez, Mario. “La Noviolencia como alterntiva política”, en Fco. A. Muñoz (2001) La paz imperfecta. Granada: Editorial de la Universidad de Granada, 2001. pp. 181-‐251. Radio Santafé. “En Barbacoas, Nariño, las mujeres no tendrán sexo hasta que pavimenten la carretera”. Junio 24 de 2011. Disponible en: http://www.radiosantafe.com/2011/06/24/en-‐barbacoas-‐narino-‐las-‐mujeres-‐no-‐tendran-‐sexo-‐hasta-‐que-‐pavimenten-‐carretera/ Rosemberg, Marshall B. Comunicación No violenta, el lenguaje de la compasión. Ed Urano. Barcelona, 2000. Sharp, Gene. There Are Realistic Alternatives. Boston: The Albert Einstein Institution, 2003. ______________. From Dictatorship to Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Liberation. Boston: The Albert Einstein Institution. 2010. Transparency International. Corruption Perception Index Results. 2010. Disponible en: http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2010/results

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Varela, Francisco. Ética y Acción, Santiago: Dolmen Ediciones. 1996 Wilber, Ken. La Conciencia sin Fronteras, Editorial Kairós Barcelona, 1989 Zunes, Stephen. Nonviolent social movements: a geographical perspective. Malden, USA: Brackwell Publishing. 1999

Pax Christi International... is made up of a number of autonomous Member Organisations, affiliated, local groups and partners spread over 50 countries and 6 continents. Most of the regular work at the international level is done through regional and continental consultations and special sessions on specific issues. Actions of Pax Christi member organisations take place on a local, regional and global level. Pax Christi International dates back to the end of the Second World War when a group of French and Germans came together to pray, seek reconciliation, and work to build a new path toward peace after many years of intense conflict. Today, this same spirit continues to inspire Pax Christi’s global movement, bringing people together from diverse backgrounds and cultures, and shaping and affecting a shared vision for peace, reconciliation and justice for all. In a world shaken by violence and terrorism, ever deepening inequalities and insecurity on a global scale, this vision for peace is needed today more than ever.

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Transcript of Non-violence Handbook English July 30archive.paxchristi.net/2012/2012-0048-en-am-PS.pdf ·...