'Nidhis' and Other Images of Richness and Fertility in Ajaṇṭā

8/21/2019 'Nidhis' and Other Images of Richness and Fertility in Aja

1/61

"Nidhis" and Other Images of Richness and Fertility in AjaAuthor(s): Claudine Bautze-Picron

Source:East and West,

Vol. 52, No. 1/4 (December 2002), pp. 225-284Published by: Istituto Italiano per l'Africa e l'Oriente (IsIAO)Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/29757545.

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2/61

Nidhis and Other

Images

of Richness

and FertilityinAjant?

by

Claudine Bautze-Picron

Beside their

overwhelming iconographic

sculpture

and

painting,

the

caves

of

Ajant? contain an ornamentation which might appear at a first glance to be

'decorative',

and

acts

probably

also

at

this

niveau,

but

which

partakes fundamentally

of

a

real

iconographic

meaning.

This

group

of

sculptures,

of

which

I

shall

try

to

propose

here

a

typology,

is

distributed

at

various

positions

within and

outside

the

caves;

thus

it

can

be

seen

on

pillars

and

on

lintels

or

eventually

as

main

images

in

a

cella.

All

of these

images belong

to

a

category

which

one

could

broadly

name

of

'images

of

fertility

and richness'.

In

one

way

or

the

other,

they

are

related

to

the

distribution of

goods,

be the later

purely

material,

be

they

bound

to

the

nature

(tree,

water)

or

to

the

human

fertility.

Among

the

most

published

images

of the

site,

the

pairs

of

portly images

carved

on

either side of

the

caitya

window

on

the

facades

of

caves

19 and

26,

have

been

variously

identified as

yaksas,

dvarap?las

or as nidhis. These two

pairs

are not

isolated

in

Ajant?,

in

fact

a

similar

one

is

illustrated

in

a

chapel

of

cave

2

and

other

ones

regularly

ppear

on

lintels

of the side

chapels

in

the

verandah of

different

caves.

Though

the

initial

aim

of

this research

was to

consider

only

this

type

of

image,

it

has

rapidly

ppeared

that

t

is

related

to

a

number of other

images

like

?riti

and

P?ncika,

like

the

n?gar?ja

or

like the

couple,

all

images

related

in

one

way

or

the

other

to

the

concept

of

fertility

r

of

acquisition

of richness

(but

not

exclusively

to

these

concepts).

Beside

this

concept,

it is

the

nature

of

the

monument

itself,

excavated,

part

of the

mountain,

part

of the

earth,

which

seems to

have

imposed

the

selection

of

specific

iconographic

themes,

like the

over-whelming

presence

of the

yaksas under various aspects. It would go much beyond the scope of the present

article

to

consider

all of

them,

first of all because

they

are

extremely

abundant

and

occur

at

various

places

of the

monuments,

like the

jambs

and the lintels

of the

entrances

to

monasteries

or

sanctuaries,

like

on

medallions

adorning pillars,

like

capitals.

Further

they

re

all of

them

also

painted

on

the

walls,

ceilings

or

pillars

of

the

site.

We

can

broadly

distinguish

three

categories

of

images,

each of them related

to

their

position

within the

monuments,

i.e.

large independent

images

carved

on

facades

(sanctuaries

19 and

26)

or

in

sanctuaries

(cave

2),

lintels and

doorways

[1]

225

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3/61

Fig.

1

-

Cave

1.

Sarikhaniddhi

on

the left

pillar

of theverandah.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

Fig.

2

-

Cave

1.

Padmaniddhi

on

the

right illar

of

the

verandah.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

distributed

in

different

monuments

and

friezes;

attention

shall

more

particularly

be

paid

to

the first

two

types.

Lintels

are

carved above the

entrance to

the side

sanctuaries

or

cellas

excavated

in

the back wall

of

monasteries

2

and

21

respectively;

other

ones are

seen

above the side

niches of the

verandah of

caves

2,

21,

23

and

26.

In

this

case,

the

two

lintels face

each

other

and

include,

each

of

them,

three

or

five

panels

where the central

one

is

broader.

Bands

separate

these

panels,

decorated

with scrolls

or

with

a

'rosette and

ribbon'

moulding;

the

same

motifs

reappear

in

the

moulding

running

n

the

ower

part

of the

lintel.

he

iconography

f each lintel as

to

be

considered

globally,

he

figures

ncluded

in

the

side

panels

sitting

n

such

a

way

that

they

an

be

slightly

urned towards the

central images. Very evidendy also, two lintels facing each other belong together.

A.

The

Nidhis

A

circular

medallion adorns each

of the

two

pilasters

carved

at

the

extremity

of

the

pillars

sustaining

the verandah

of

cave

1.

On

the left

ne

(for

the

viewer),

one

recognizes

the

iahkhaniddhi nd

on

the

right

ne

the

padmaniddhi

(Figs.

1-2),

each

[2]



4/61

of

them surrounded

by

scrolls. his

is

apparently

the

only

pair

of the nidhh carved

at

Ajanta.

One

can

of

course

recognize

the

lotus and the conch

in

the

ornamentation

of the

ceilings

of different

aves

(1,

2)

and

it

would be worth

studying

heir

xact

position

inorder to seewhether

theyreally

refer o the twonidhh as a

pair

and do

not

rather

symbolize

the

richness

falling

from the

heavenly

waters.

B.

Independant

Images

In

the

two

side

chapels

excavated

on

either side of the

sanctuary

in

cave

2,

two

large

compositions

have

been

carved,

showing

in

the left

chapel

two

portly

male

characters nd

in

the

right

ne,

the

couple

H?riti and

P?iicika. Also the

facades

of

sanctuaries

19

and

26

at

Ajant?

are

both adorned with

large

images

of

yaksa-like

male figures. It is evidently the same pair which is represented, standing on either

side of the

large

lucarn

on

the

facade

of

cave

19,

or

seated

at

the

same

place

on

the

facade

of

cave

26.

Similarly,

traces

of

painted

large

yaksas

were

found

in

caves

16

and 17.

In

all

these

cases,

the

characters do

sit

or

stand

on

their

own,

in

contrary

to

the

lintels

analysed

below where

they

evidently

accompany

other

divine

images.

Cave

19:

Fagade

On either

side

of

the

large

window

of

the first loor

through

hich the

light

alls

on

the cult

image,

huge

and

portly

images

stand,

accompanied by

male dwarfs who

hold eithera bag above the shoulder (left elief or theviewer),out ofwhich jewels

are

pouring

(Fig.

5)

or a

garland-like

object

(right

relief)

(Fig.

6).

Besides,

two

conches

showering jewels

are

carved

in

the

angles

between

the

uprights

and the

main

body

of

the

lucarn

(*).

This

pair

has

been

identified

by

Gary

Tarr

as

representing

he nidhh of

the lotus

(left)

and of the conch

(right)

2),

the author

recognizing

in

the

two

tiny

attendants

the

personification

(ayudhapurusas)

of

these

nidhh.

On

the

contrary,

Hans

Bakker

recently suggested

recognizing

the

yaksas

Padmap?ni

and

Vajrap?ni

(3).

C)

A

later

rendering

f

this

motif

occurs on

the

Gupta

temple

at

Deogarh

where

each

of the

large

threepanels carved on thewalls, is surroundedby a friezeof foliated scrollswhich arises out of two

conches

depicted

in

the

lower

part

of

the

band,

see

Vats

1952:

pis.

X-Xl.b.

(2)

Tarr

1969:

211-IS.

A

number

of similar

figures

are

noticed

among

the

paintings

adorning

a

number

of

caves;

only

some

of them

will be

mentioned

here,

but

they

are

analysed

by

Zin

in

her

forthcoming publication.

(3)

Bakker

1997:

151-54,

on

the

basis

of the

description

and remarks

made

by

Weiner

1977

(53,

also

quoted

in

Bakker)

but

the

figure

n

the leftdoes

not

present

a

padma

and the

one

on

the

right

does

not

hold the

vajra.

Both

of them

appears

to

carry

large

or a

tiny bject,

which

might

be

either

a

fruit

left

anel)

and

a

pearl (right anel).

[3]

227



5/61

Whereas the small nidhi of the

left

anel

carries

his

bag,

the

one

of

the

right

panel

does

not

carry

as

usually

surmised

a

garland: garlands

are

made of

flowers

or

of

pearls

(4),

which

is

not

the

case

here.

The attribute

s

elongated,

it is

sustained

in

the left

and,

becomes

slightly

roader and has an

opening,

at the level of the

right

hand,

out

of

which

coins

(or

tiny

flowers?)

and

curled leaves

come

out,

hence

I

would

suggest

that this attribute

is

the

cornucopia

(5).

Tarr

also noticed

that

both

figures

wear

a

different

headdress,

i.e.

the left

figure

has

curls

falling

regularly

on

both

shoulders whereas the

right

image

has

a

smooth

ornamentation

without

hair

and formed ike

a

snail,

which

reminds

vidently

f

the conch

(6).

An

important

element

that

has

apparently

remained

unnoticed

up

to

now,

corroborates

the identification

proposed by

the American scholar. The

heavy

garland,

which

adorns

the breast

of

both

characters,

is

made of

flowers,

probably

lotuses

on

the left

panel,

and of

pearls

on

the

right

one.

Also the armbands

are more

flowery on the left image whereas they are shaped as a snake on the right one; the

observation

applies

also

to

the belts:

with

beads

and

a

clasp

made of flowers

on

the

left

image,

and

simply

constituted

by

a

chain

on

the

right

one.

Very

apparently,

the

two

images

are

differentiated

through

a

number

of features.

The left

figure

olds

a

purse

in

the left and

and

a

fruit

pparently

n

the

right

one.

These

attributes

as

well

as

the

composition

of

the

image

are

inherited from the

early

mages

of

yaksas;

and

both attributes

ill be

part

of the

iconography

fKubera

and

Jambhala

(with

more

precise

identification

f the fruit

s

being

the

bijap?ra

andwith the

bag

transformed

n

a

mangose,

nakuld)

(7).

The

right igure

olds with

the

fingers

f the

right

and

a

tiny

bject

whereas his left and

lies

above

theknot of

the thick

oin of cloth.This

tiny

bject

is

evidently

o

flower

or

fruit,

ut

perhaps

a

pearl

or a

jewel.

(4)

For

instance,

he

two

dwarfs

flying

n

either side

of

the

Buddha's head

in

cave

1,

see

below

n.

36.

(5)

Compare

to

the

'thin'

cornucopiae

held

by

the

goddess

of abundance

in

a

relief

from akht-i

Bahi:

Chandra

1964-1966:

27 and

fig.

28.

Also

the

way

of

presenting

the

attribute

is

not

the

one

introdued

when

this

ttribute

s

the

garland

but

the

cornucopia.

(6)

Apparently,

such

a

headdress

without

hair,

characterizes

fantastic

beings

who

are

related

to

the

water

cosmology;

see

e.g.

at

Amar?vati: Stern

&

Benisti 1961:

pis.

N.b,

VI;

Knox 1992:

cat.

31,

showing

friezes f such dwarfswith

pointed

earls

holding

a

heavy

bejewelled

garland

which

is

pulled

out

of the

mouth

of

a

makara.

On

the

panel

in

the

British

Museum,

one

dwarf

wears a

naga

on

the

head,

the other

one

a

'band of lotuses'

(Knox

1992:

89),

on

the

head

of the

dwarf

from

the

coping

stone

in

the

Madras

Museum,

pointed

leaves arise out of the

plain

surface of the skull.

(7)

Mallmann 1986:

195-96.

But

as

soon

as

the Kus?na

period,

Kubera

gets

the

purse

in

replacement

of the

goblet

(with

right

and

in

abhayamudra)

(Mitterwallner

989:

pi.

35.

VII.B

or

Misra

1981:

fig.

3)

and

presents

the fruit

n

the

right

and

(with

goblet

in

the left

and) (Mitterwallner

989:

pi.

35.X.A);

the fruit

s

also

present,

together

ith the

goblet

in

thehands

of

a

yaksa

of

the

early

Gupta

period

(ibid.:

pi.

35.VIII-IX

or

Misra 1981:

fig.

7).

See

also ibid.: 371

for further

xamples,

the

authoress

rightly

nderlines

the

difficulty

o

decide for

a

definitive

dentification

ith

a

yaksa

or

with

Kubera.

Indeed,

there

is

no

clear distinction: Kubera

is

a

yaksa,

hence he

carries

attributes

also held

by

anonymous

yaksas,

but

he

emerges

out

of

this

anonymity.

228

[4]



6/61

Fig.

3

-

Cave

19.

Head

of the left aksa.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

Fig. 4 -Cave 19.Head of theright aksa. (PhotoJoachimK. Bautze).

Both

images

wear an

elaborated

and

elegant

headdress

(Figs.

3-4).

Their hair

are

drawn

together

n

a

heavy

at?mukuta

which falls

on one

of their shoulder

in

a

tumble of screw-like

ocks.

A

diadem

runs

along

the line of the

hair,

wearing

two

bejewelled

fleurons,

a

small

one on

the front and

a

very

large

one

above

the visible

ear

behind which the

'pleated'

sirascakra

is

visible

(Harle

1987:

345).

The

large

antefix above the

ear

of the left

figure

contains

the emblematic

representation

of the

Buddha whereas the

ornament

on

the

crown

of the

right

mage,

might

remind f the

shape

of

a

caitya

Weiner

1977:

53,

also

quoted by

Bakker

1997:

153).

Beside it

being

a feature of Dhanada/Kubera in textual sources (8), the

asymmetry

of the

headdress

is

noticed

on

the

early

images

of

yaksas

where the

(8)

As G.

von

Mitterwallner

(1989: 371)

reminds

us,

6th

century

iterary

ources

describes

the

god

as

being

v?makiritin,

'one

who

wears a

diadem

on

the left side

(of

his

head)'

(Var?hamihira,

Brhatsamhita),

which she

uses as

argument

for

naming

Kubera

only

certain

images.

Kubera

is

a

yaksa,

we

should

not

forget

t;

as

such,

he

is

stillmentioned

in

the

Manjusrim?lakalpa

(MacDonald

1962:

116).

[5]

229



7/61

Fig.

5

-

Cave 19.

Niddhi

on

the left ide.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

Fig. 6 -Cave 19.Niddhi on theright ide. (PhotoJoachimK. Bautze).

protuberance

of the turban

s

on one

side of thehead

(9),

and

on

thoseof

P?ncika

in

Gandh?ra

(Tissot

1985:

190,

pi.

XIX.12-14,

figs.

159-161;

Zwalf

1996:

cat.

90);

it

is

also encountered

at

Ramtek,

crowning images

of

ganas

and nidhis who

are

carved

in

four

square

panels superimposed

on

either

side of

a

door-frame

(Kevala-Narasimha

Temple:

Meister

et

al.

1988:

pis.

Ill

and

116;

Bakker

1997:

147-48 and

pi.

XXXVI;

1989:

figs.

-7;

Williams 1983: 226

and

pi.

14;

further eferences

n

Bakker

1997):

The

two

bottom

figures

both shower

coins,

the

two

higher figures

carryweapons,

the northern

one a

mace,

the southern

one a

sword.

(Bakker

1997:

148).

Bakker

mentions

the

physical similarity

etween the third

ana

from ottom

on

the

right

oor

jamb

and the

rightguardian

of

cave

19

{ibid:.

151

and

44,

quoting

Williams 1983:

226).

Indeed,

beside

the

common

screw-curls f their

at?,

they

how

(9)

See for

instance

Agrawala

1969:

figs.

2-5.

Refering

to

the

gana

and

nidhi

figures

f

Ramtek,

Bakker

(1997:

149,

n.

147)

suggests

that the

asymmetry

may

also

express

their

ambiguous

nature:

auspicious, protective

etc.,

and

fearsome,

violent

etc.'.

230

[6]



8/61

the

same

bending

of the

body.

The third

figure

from

bottom

on

the left

amb

is

similarly

dentical

positioned

as

the left

uardian

of the

cave.

Besides,

the

nidhh

on

the

right

amb

and thenidhi of the eft

panel

at

Ajant?

carry

n

their houlders

huge

bag full of coins that theyhold with both hands. There are thus a number of

similarities

related

as

well

to

the

outward

appearance

of the

figures

as to

their

position;

those who

act

as

real

guardians

at

Ramtek

are

at

a

higher

level whereas

the

nidhh

occupy

the

lower

level,

as

they

will do

in

later

times,

from

Aurangabad

and

onward,

and

even

this

position

can

be

recognized

at

Ajant?,

when the

nidhh,

i.e.

the

figures

carrying

a

heavy

bag

or

a

garland,

stand

at

the feet

of the

large

image

on

the

fagade

of

cave

19,

or on

the

lower

part

of

the

door-jambs

of

cave

21

(Figs.

13-14),

at

themiddle level of the side

pillars

of the

left

hapel

of

cave

23,

or

in

the

external

panels

of the lintel f

cave

27

(Fig.

9-11).

A

similar

ierarchy

ccurs

at

the

door of

cave

15

where

atlantes

carry

a

jar

of

abundance

(thus

assuming

the function of the

nidhh

as

distributor

or

holder of

richness)

above

which

two

male

figures stand,

holding

a

flower

n

the

right

and and the lefthand

on

the

hip

(and

through

heir

attitude,

remind of

door-keepers)

(Plaeschke

1983:

pi.

44).

The nidhh of Ramtek

evidently

live

in

the

mountain

as

shown

by

the

rocks carved

above

them,

filling

the

space

between

their head

and

the

upper

rim.

They

also show

a

feature

not

seen on

thoseof

Ajant?,

which

is

that eside the

bag

which

is

full

f

coins,

it

would

seem

that

the curls

of

their eaddress

remind

f the

same

motif:

the

heavy

bun of 'hair'falls

in

the

same

direction

as

the

money

from the

bag,

and the

'curls'

show the

same

shape

as

the

coins,

which

is

most

probably

willingly

achieved when

we

compare

with

the

hair

of the

ganas

in

the

upper

panels

which

is

differently

endered

(and

the round 'curls'

cover

also

the head

of

the small nidhi

on

the left

panel

at

Ajant?).

Images

from

N?g?rjunakonda introduce the nidhh generalized in the post-Gupta period, i.e. they

hold

with

one

hand the

money

which showers

out

of

theirhead

(Sastri

1961;

Ramachandra

Rao 1984:

fig.

388;

Misra

1981:

fig.

58

[who

does

not

recognize

the

nidhi,

ibid:.

122]).

And

indeed,

if

many

stylistic

imilarities

re

sharedwith

slightly

earlier

images

from Ramtek

or

Mansar

(10),

beyond

these

sites,

a

comparison

should

also be

done with

carvings

from Amar?vati and

N?g?rjunakonda.

Among

the

figures

of

the

door-jamb

at

Ramtek,

the

lower

ones,

i.e.

the

nidhh

with

huge bags,

are

the

tallest

ones.

Those

of the

upper

level,

being

armed,

can

be

rightly

considered

as

the

guardians

of the

door,

or

dvarap?las,

those of the second

level

from

bottom could

be

also related

to

the lower

part:

the

one

on

the left side

carries

a

purse

in

the

left hand

(and

see

the

large image

on

the

same

side

of the

window

at

Ajant?)

and bothwear the headdress of the small leftnidhi at

Ajant?.

Apparently

also,

an

element

protrudes

out

of

the

bump

of the head.

Beside

these

(10)

The Kevala-Narasimha

temple

is

dated,

through

inscription,

n

c.

A.D.

456/457,

see

Bakker

1997:

29. Caves

16

to

20

of

Ajant?

are

dated between 560

and

580

(chronology ccording

to

Bakker

1997:

passim).

Williams

1983:

226,

recently

uoted

by

Bakker 1997:

151-52,

concerning

the

images

of

the

door-frame

at

Ramtek.

[7]

231



9/61

'iconographic'

features,

it is

also

the

stylistic

rendering

which

brings

together

the

images

from the

two

sites,

as

it is

shown

by

a

close

comparison

between the

yaksas

of

cave

19 and the

Siva

from

ansar

(Williams

1983:

229;

Jamkhedkar

1991:

203).

Can we

get

a sure identification

of the four characters who

are

carved

on

either

side

of the

large

window

giving

light

to

the

inside

the

monument?

When

looking

at

the

program

as

it

offers itself

to our

visual

experience,

we

notice

that the

figures

do

not

stand

on

either side of

the

door-way,

which

is

rather

small and

is

hidden

below

a

porch.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

this door

is

framed

by

two

images

of

the

Buddha

standing,

either

returning

to

Kapilavastu

and

encountering

his

son

Rahula

(n)

or

in

a

previous

existence,

meeting

Diparikara;

this

pair

is

often

encountered

in

such

a

situation:

in

the

antechamber of

cave

17

(Dipankara

story

peeled

off)

and

on

either side of

a

window

in

the

same

cave

(a

pair

which

is

often

encountered

in

the

site:

Vasant

1991).

The

reason

sustaining

this

double

presence

might be that in any Buddhist worshipper lies a future Buddha (in the

Dipahkaraj?taka)

or

an

innocent

child

receiving

fromhis father

the

spiritual

food

(and

like theBuddha

is

the

physical

father f

R?hula,

he

becomes also his

spiritual

father

but also

the

spiritual

father

of thosewho

penetrate

the

holy

site).

These

images

are

not

images

of

guardians,

of

protectors,

they

illustrate the

Buddha

welcoming

us

in

his

house.

The function of

protecting

the

large

opening,

which

brings

light

within

the

sanctuary,

s

evidently

et

to

the tall

images

of the first

loor,

which

inherited

t

from

their

counterparts

in

earlier

monuments.

The

size

of those whom

we can

suppose

to

be

the

guardians

of

the

holy place

(12),

or more

precisely

their

proportion

within

the

whole

structure,

draws

likewise

its

origin

back

to

these

monuments.

At

Bharhut, the

yaksas

and

yaksis

were tall and distributedon theposts of thevedik?,

which

theycompletely

cover

(13);

at

S?nchi,

they

were

placed

in

high

rectangular

niches

facing

ach

other

at

the level

of the

ground

on

the

inner

ide of the

jambs

of

the

porticoes

(Dehejia

1972:

pi.

90;

Misra

1981:

figs.

56-57;

Ramachandra Rao

1984:

pis.

21,

36,

41, 43, 81,

87);

at

Kondane,

one

can

surmise

that

two

such

images

were

carved

on

the

facade

(14);

at

Nasik,

they

are even

proportionally larger

and

(n)

This

is

the

commonly

given

identification.

However,

Pa-hien

writes

about

a

story

drawn

from

a

previous

lifeof the

emperor

Asoka

who,

still

being

a

child,

would have

met

the future uddha

(or

a

Pratyekabuddha) towhom he gave a handfulof dust, announcing thisway thedonationswhich as an

emperor,

he

would

do

to

the

community.

See Mus

1939:

267,

n.

51.

(12)

Weiner

(1977: 53)

names

them

properly 'dv?rap?las'

since

they

rotect

the

door/window,

i.e.

the

passage

between

the

profane

and the

spiritual

worlds

and

concludes

that

they

'are

descendants of

the

guardian yaksas'

of the

earlyperiod.

(13)

And such

images

were

apparently

also

distributed

on

the

posts

of the

harmik?

at

Amar?vati:

Subrahmanyam

1985:

pi.

28.

(14)

nly

the

head

partially

remains

from

the

one

who

stood

(?)

on

the left

ide

of the

entrance to

the

sanctuary

Dehejia

1972:

124,

pi.

33;

Ramachandra

Rao

1984:

pi.

103).

232

[8]



10/61

stand

on

either side of thedoor

of the vih?ra

III

or

of the

catty

hall

(Dehejia

1972:

pis.

44-46, 48;

Ramachandra Rao 1984:

pis.

135,

137-138)

(15);

similarly,

pair

protected

the

entrance to

the

courtyard

in

front of the

caitya-hall

III

at

Kanheri

(16)

whereas four couples are carved on the fagade of themonument, each male holding

a

bunch

of

flowers

(Dehejia

1972:

pis.

75,

78-79;

Ramachandra

Rao 1984:

pis.

154

155.

They

would

belong

to

the

second

phase

of

work

at

the

monument:

Nagaraju

1985:

49).

The

images

of

Ajant?

follow

this ineof the

iconography

f the

door-keepers

in

a

Buddhist

context

(17).

However,

they

differ

isually

from

these

figures

f

the

early

phase

who

carry

a

bunch of

flowers,

are

not

corpulent,

do

not

wear

the

asymmetric

headdress and do

not

present

the

purse

which

is

drawn,

like

the

corpulence,

from

the

iconography

of the

free-standing

images

of

yaksas,

i.e.

of cult

images

(18).

Besides,

they

hold

a

privileged

position

since

they

stand

at

the first

floor,

i.e.

not

in

direct

contact

with

the

earth,

n

either side of thelargewindow from here thelight

falls

on

the

image

of the Buddha.

In

a

certain

way,

they

assume

the role held

in

Gandh?ra

by

P?ncika and

Vajrap?ni

standing

or

sitting

n

the

slopes

of the

cave

where the Buddha

meditates.

There

also,

they

occupy

an

upper

position

within the

composition

whereas Indra

and

his

retinue

are

carved

below

them,

i.e.

eventually

also below

the Buddha.

(15)

he

monument

belongs

to

the

beginning

of

the 2nd

century

Nagaraju

1985:

49-50).

(16)

Dehejia

1972:

pi.

75;

Nagaraju

1985:

pi.

87;

Ramachandra Rao

1984:

pi.

153

(both

have

lost

their

heads);

a

n?ga

stands

at

the

right

of the balustrade

in

the

same

position

and

likewise

holds

a

bunch of flowers

(Nagaraju

1985:

pi.

91).

Two similar

yaksas

stand

on

either

side

of

a

n?ga

on

the

high

pedestal

of the

right illar

in the forecourt

(ibid.:

pi.

90),

Nagaraju

(ibid.:

49-50)

concludes from this

strong

similarity

hat all

images

belong

to

the third

stage

ofwork

at

the

monument,

which

should

be

dated

at

the end

of the 2nd

century.

(17)

A

second

type

s

illustrated

through

oldiers,

carrying

eapons

such

as

the

javelin,

the

spear,

or

the

bow

and

arrow.

These

are

for the

first

ime

illustrated

n

the vih?ra of

Bhaja,

in

the verandah and

inside the

monument

(Dehejia

1972:

pis.

9-13).

At

Pitalkhora,

the

remaining mage

of

a

guardian

was

located

near

the

caitya-hsll

II

(ibid.:

pi.

20)

and shows

a

mixture

of elements:

though

carrying

spear

and

a

short

knife,

thus

protecting

with

weapons

the

monument,

he has

elements of the

yaksa

such

as

the

aquatic

pointed

ears

and

an

ornament

such

as

the broad

necklace

which

is

fully

covered with

flowers

(for

the head

alone,

see

Ramachandra Rao 1984:

pi.

121).

The

fragment

f Kondane could be

related

to

this

treatment

f the

figure

above

n.

14).

Tall

guardians

dressed

in

the

'foreign'

ashionwith

spears

which have

now

partly disappeared,

protect

the

stairs

leading

to

the vih?ra

IV

of

Pitalkhora

(Dehejia 1972: pi. 23; Ramachandra Rao 1984: pi. 124).This typewill be founduptoN?g?rjunakonda

where

they

are

carved

in

niches

distributed around

hexagonal pillars:

Rama 1995:

pis.

77-78

(or

Rosenfield

1967:

pis.

157-158

also

show

a

soldier and

a

man

holding

a

cup)

or

Rosen Stone 1994:

figs.

232

and

280

together

with

figures

related

to

fertility

ibid.:

figs.

281-282;

1985:

36

and

pi.

45:

as

the

authoress

writes,

one

could wonder 'if

the well-known

Scythian

type

guardian figure,

[...]

is

a

borrowing

from Kushan

art,

or

from

reality,

or

from both

[...]'

since

apparently

Yavanas

were

known

in

the

region,

see

ibid.).

(18)

Agrawala

1969:

figs.

2-5;

Mitterwallner 1989.

Compare

in

particularly

with her

pis.

35.III-IV

(yaksa

from

awaya)

and 35.VII.B

(Kubera)

who hold

a

purse

on

their

eft

hip.

[9]

233



11/61

To

conclude,

I

would

suggest

that

these

images

act at

different

levels;

they

have

a

protective

function,

a

part

of their

personality

that has been

recognized

by

all

authors.

But

they

are

also

owners

of

wealth:

their small attendants either

pour

money from a bag or hold a cornucopia full of flowers or coins (which constitutes

perhaps

a

double reference

to

the accumulation

of material

richness,

i.e.

man-made,

on

the

one

hand and

to

the

fertility

offered

by

the

nature

on

the other

one).

One

can

try

to

provide

an

interpretation

to

the

presence

of

such

symbols

on

the

outer

wall of

a

sacred

monument,

suggesting

that

the

fact of

entering

the

sanctuary

coincides

with

this

richness

and

this

fertility

alling

upon

the

devotee,

and thus

underlying

the

'spiritual'

dimension

of this

moment.

It

would

be

neither real

material richness

nor

real

natural

fertility,

but the

discovery

in

oneself

of

the

richness and the

fertility

which

would be

meant,

and thus

the

devotee

would

enter

upon

a

way

of

spiritual

transformation.

This

might

be

so,

but

it

does

not

prevent

the

viewer

and the

humble

devotee

of

experimenting

these

images equally,

if

not

essentially,

as

mere

symbols

of

accumulation

of

material

richness

on

the

one

hand,

and

as

prophylactic

figures

on

theother

hand

(19).

Returning

to

the

features shown

by

each of

the

main

figures,

it is

clear that

they

bear

evidence for

a

possible

identification with

the

two

famous

nidhh

padma

and

sahkha,

who would

be

respectively

seen

at

our

left and

right.

The

first

figure

shows

ornaments

closely

evoking

the

flower

(20)

whereas

the second

one

is

adorned

with

pearls.

Because

the

first

one wears

the

image

of

the Buddha

in

the

lateral

antefix,

he

acknowledges

that

he

draws his filiation romtheBuddha

or at

least that the later

s

his

master.

For

that

reason,

as

well

as

for the

attributes

and

position

of the

body,

this

figure

elongs definitely

o

theworld

of

the

yaksas.

The second

image

is

a

symmetric

rendering of the previous one but without the presence of themoney-bag and of the

fruit,

without also the emblematic

image

of the

Buddha,

it is

impossible

to

ascertain

the

same

identification

(in

fact,

this

asymmetry

in

the

treatment

of

the

two

characters

sustains

the idea

that

they

do

not

illustrate

at

a

general

and

anonymous

level

yaksas

but

specific

characters).

Moreover,

the

single

attribute and the

jewellery

(19)

In

fact,

the

Buddhist

iconography,

at

least

at

Ajant?,

allows

very

often

this

double

interpretation,

a

very

pragmatic

one: one

prays

for

getting

richness

(the

yaksa iconography)

or

for

being

protected

when

travelling

(the

Astamah?bhaya

Avalokitesvara)

or

a

more

abstract

one

where these

images

are

understood

as

symbols

for

protecting

the

self

from

his

own

desires

and fears. Both

functions

are

already part of the personality of the yaksas in the early phase: Mitterwallner 1989: 370-71, when

the

protected

trade roads.

(20)

The

flower,

most

probably

a

lotus,

appears

also

in

the

headdress

of

H?riti

and

P?ncika,

the

tutelary

ouple

in

Gandh?ra:

Ingholt

&

Lyons

1957:

pis.

342

(detail

of P?ncika's

head

in

Tissot

1985:

pi.

XIX.I4),

344

(also

in

Rosenfield 1967:

pi.

61;

and

Foucher 1917b:

pi.

XLVIIIJ);

or

as

a

garland:

Ingholt

&

Lyons

1957:

pi.

338

(v?nam?la

hanging

from

the

left houlder of

P?ncika,

also

reproduced

in

Rosenfield

1967:

pi.

62;

Tissot

1985:

pi.

XVII.7).

Flowers

appear

in

the

headdress

of

H?riti

when

she

is

alone also:

Tissot

1985:

fig.

194 and

pi.

XXI.

1

(curls

are

evidently

istributed

as

forming

wo

rosettes),

or

pi.

XXI.2-3

(H?riti),

5

(nagaradevata).

234

[10]



12/61

relate

to

the

waters.

As

to

the

attendants,

the

one on

the left

panel

has

a

small flower

as

central

antefix

attached

to

the diadem

whereas

the

headdress

of

the second

one

is

shaped

like

a

snail,

and

hence reminds of the

conch,

hence the

water

again.

An interesting comparison can be done with the description of the yaksa- and

manikula,

two

in

a

list

of

eight

kulas,

contained

in

the

Manjusrim?lakalpa

(MacDonald

1962:

43-44,

49-50).

The

yaksas

are

said

to

be

magicians

with

P?ncaka

(or

P?ncika)

at

their head whereas the

manikula

is

concerned with

the

acquisition

of

wealth and

is

directed

by

Jambhala Jalendra.

Each clan

is

also

symbolized

in

the

mandala

with

a

drawing,

i.e. the

fruit

or

phala

for the

yaksakula

and

the

jar

or

kumbha

for

themanikula. Could

it

be

that

the

reliefs

n

the

fagade

of

cave

19

are

related

to

this

theory

f

the kulas

(21)?

The

figure

on

the

left

panel

would then

announce

or

illustrate the

yaksakula

and the

one

on

the

right

panel

the

manikula,

i.e.

these

are

perhaps

the

masters

of these

two

kulas,

P?ncika

(22)

and

Jambhala Jalendra

who stand

here.

Moreover,

whereas

Jambhala

is

here

named

'sovereign

of the

waters'

(23),

the

right image

bears

various

hints

at

the world of

water,

such

as

the

garland

made of

pearls

(and

the small attribute

n

the

right

and

might

be

the

mani).

Publ.:

very

often

reproduced,

e.g.

Gupte

&

Mahajan

1962:

pi.

XLII;

Spink

1967:

49,

figs.

1-2

('yaksha

guardian');

Tarr

1969:

figs.

17-18;

Takata

&

Taeda

1971:

pis.

147,

149

(right

image)

and

152

(left

image);

Weiner

1977:

53,

pis.

18-19

and

22-23

('dv?rap?la-Bodhisattva');

Plaeschke 1983:

figs.

45

and

48

(left

image); Spink

1991a:

fig.

12;

Parimoo

et

al.

1991:

figs.

66-67

(head

of

the

left

image

seen

from

the side:

the

Buddha

image

is

well

visible);

Bakker 1997:

151-53

(Tadmap?ni

and

Vajrap?ni')

and

pi.

XXXVIII.,4

('Vajrap?ni')

(24).

(21)

And

I

would

suggest

that the

cornucopia

stands for the kumbha

of the

text

(even

formally

different,

the

function

remains

the

same).

Also

Pal

(1977:

19)

suggests

that

the

term

ratnap?tra

mentioned

in

the

Visnudharmottara hen

describing

Rddhi,

the

wife

of

Dhanada,

might

indeed

refer

o

the

cornucopia,

the

usual

attribute

of

the

goddess

when

seen

with Kubera.

However,

these

are

probably

two

attributes,

i.e.

ratna

and

p?tra

which

are

meant

here and

are

said

to

be

positionned

in

the

left

ands of

the

god

(Mallmann

1986:

458) (Pal

writes

that

no

attribute

s related

to

the left

ands of

Dhanada

in

the

description).

(22)

Like

this

yaksa,

P?ncika

can wear

a

garland

of

flowers

in

Gandh?ra;

see

Rosenfield

1967:

fig.

62;

Ingholt

&

Lyons

1957:

pi.

338;

Bussagli

1996: 55.

(23)

MacDonald

(1962:

49)

mentions

that

in

Tibet,

eight

n?gar?ja

belongs

to

the

court

of

the

red

Jambhala,

which

might

be

a

last

reminder

f

this relation etween

Jambhala

and

the

water.

(24)Bakker recognizes thepadma and thevajra

as

being the tiny ttributes eld by the two figures,

which

do

not

prove

to

be

true

(these

are

small round

fruits

r

buds),

hence his identification ith the

two

yaksas

(not

with the

eponymous

Bodhisattvas).

I

doubt that

at

that

period,

when Buddhism

was

undergoing deep

changes

and when

most

apparently,

he

theory

f the

kulas,

including

the

vajra-

and

padmakulas,

found

finally

ts

formulation,

hich

implies

the

recognition

of the

major position

of the

two

Bodhisattvas,

masters

of

these

two

families,

one

would

have

depicted

yaksas

wearing

the

same

name

-

Padmap?ni

and

Vajrap?ni

-

on

the

facade,

endorsed with the

protective

function.

Moreover,

the

pair

is

encountered

at

attending

to

the

Buddha

in

a

number

of

shrines, hus,

when

compared

to

the

images

outside the

monument,

in

a

much

more

holy

position.

[11]

235



13/61

Fig.

7

-

Cave

26.

Yaksa

on

the left ide.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

Fig.

8

-

Cave 26.

Yaksa

on

the

right

ide.

(PhotoJoachim

K.

Bautze).

Cave 26:

Fagade

The

pair

on

facade

of

cave

26,

also identified

y

Tarr

(1969)

as

showing

the

two

nidhh

of the otus and the

conch,

differs

ot

only

through

ts

seated

position

but

also

through

the

presence

of

various

elements which do

not

appear

on

the first

fagade

(Figs.

7-8).

Moreover,

beside the

use

of different

iconographic

features,

these

panels

offer another

stylistic,

somehow less

elaborated,

version of the

same

figures

when

compared

with their

counterparts

of

cave

19.

The hair

falls here

in

very

regular

rows

of

screw-locks,

indicating

a

systematization

in

the

treatment not

seen on

the

fagade

of

19 and thediadem isplainwhereas on 19, it isbejewelled. Similarly, henecklacesor

the sacred chords

are

carved

with

more

sophistication

on

the

fagade

of

19.

The

two

figures

recline

on

thickcushions

and hold

a

purse

in

the left and

out

of which

pearls

can

be

seen

flowing (right anel,

Fig.

8).

The

image

of the

right

panel

sits

on

a

mountain covered

by

a

drapery;

this element

is

absent

on

the left

relief.

On

the

right

panel

again,

a

mango-tree

spreads

its

branches

on

either side of

the circular nimbus and

a

female attendant stands

in

the

background.

Below the

relief,

a

frieze

is

carved

showing

in

the

right

corner a

lotus.

The second relief

236

[12]



14/61

includes

two

female attendants

but

no

tree

or

nimbus

behind the central

image

(Fig.

7).

The

jat?

is

here

less

high

but

more

flat.

The friezecarved

below

theniche differs lso:

a

pitcher

stands

in

the left

orner

and a

wide-opened

bowl in the

right

one

(only

visible from the side as seen on

Fig.

7).

I

would

suggest

that the

elongated

round elements

of

various sizes

put

on

each

other

carved

in-between

are

an

offering

of

food

made

to

the

figure

(they

do

remind f the

plates

standing

t

the feet f the seated

image

in

the

painted panels

of

the

ceiling

of

cave

1,

and

beyond

them

in

the

sculptures

from

Gandh?ra).

The

same

identification

hould be

probably suggested

for the

motifs carved below

the

right

figure lthough

they

re

of

a

different orm nd

seem to

include

flowers hich flow

out

of

a

cornucopia-like

object (Fig.

8).

In

fact,

this

pair

is

very

close

to

the

pair

of

yaksas

which

are

carved

on

a

lintel

found

at

S?rn?th

(see

the

Appendix)

and

to

the

pair

seen

on

the

capital

within

cave

1

(Fig. 18).The figure

n

the left anel could be identified ithKubera

or

with the

P?ncika of

the left

anel

of

cave

19 whereas the

figure

n

the

right anel

can

be

identified with

Vaisravana.

As

a

matter

of

fact,

the

mango

tree

which

constitutes

evidently

an

important

element of

the

iconography

of the

right panel,

is

already

named

in

j?takas

as

the

Vessavana's

mango

or

as

the

tree

of

Vessavana

Mah?r?ja

(25).

But

on

the other

side,

this

image

stands

in

the

prolongation

of the

program

of

cave

19,

including

in

an

obvious

manner

the

pearls

pouring

out

of the

bag

and

apparently

the

horn with flowers

or

fruits

or

even

pearls

below

the

deity,

which

evidently

reminds

of

Jambhala

Jalendra.

A

subtle

hierarchy

s

introducedbetween

the

two

figures,

enhancing

the

right

one.

His

royal

function

is

underlined

through

the

carving

of the

mountain

motif

on

which he

sits,

through

the

more

refined

treatment

of the

headdress, all elements which added to the tree of the background, probably refer to

Vaisravana,

still

perceived

as

the

Lokap?la

of

the

North.

Here

we

could

suggest,

taking

also

into

consideration

the lintel of

Sarnath

which

illustrates

the

next

step

in

the

iconographic

development

that

Vaisravana

is

the

one

who leads

the

way

to

Jambhala

whereas

Kubera

will

arise

out

of P?ncika.

Both,

Kubera and

Jambhala

are

found

in

the

post-Gupta

and

later

periods

where

they

are

properly

recognizable.

But

in

this ateBuddhist

context,

t

s

Jambhala

more

than

Kubera who

is

related

with the

yaksas

as

magicians

whereas Kubera

is

more

directly

related

to

the

acquisition

of

richness.

Kubera

as a

yaksa,

as

chief of the

yaksas

is

known

since

practically

the

beginning

of the

Indian

art;

his

personality

shows

various

aspects,

including

the

one

of

being

the

guardian

of

the

North,

named

Vaisravana.

In

this

early

context

also

P?ncika

is

one

of his

generals

and

Jambhala

is

absent.

As

husband of

H?riti,

P?ncika

arises

out

of

the

anonymity

and

as

a

counterpart

to

the

function

of his

companion,

he

will be himself

ound

to

the

production

ofwealth.

P?ncika

brings

in

the shadow

his

(25)

oomaraswamy

1931:

4.

A

bunch

of

mangoes

is

also held

by

H?riti

in

the

chapel

of

cave

2

(see

below),

a

feature lso

noticed

in

Gandh?ra

(Ingholt

&

Lyons

1957:

pi.

344

or

Rosenfield 1967:

pi.

61).

See

also Bautze-Picron

(2001)

concerning

the

mango-tree

and

its fruits

at

Ajant?.

[13]

237



15/61

ancient

master

Kubera who

must,

moreover,

abandon his

position

of

master

of the

magicians

or

vidyar?ja

to

Vajrap?ni

(Przyluski

1923:

310-11).

And when the latter

becomes the

Bodhisattva,

chief f the

vajrakula,

this

function

ill

clearly

e inherited

by

Jambhala,

who also holds it

partially

rom aisravana

(26).

n theBuddhist context

of

eastern

India,

Kubera

can

also

be

named

Dhanada,

which underlines

his relation

to

the

acquisition

of

wealth,

major

aspect

of P?ncika

's

personality

as

mentioned from

the

Gupta

period

and

onwards.

In

late textual

sources,

Dhanada

appears

together

with

Vaisravana,

M?nibhadra

and P?rnabhadra

at

the

four cardinal

points

of

the

mandala

of

Jambhala

who thus

occupies

the throne

of Vaisravana

(Mallmann

1986:

458-60).

Dhanada and

Vaisravana

are

usually

distributed

in

the North and the

West,

which

constitutes

an

evident

reminder

of

the northern

quarter

where

Vaisravana

used

to

rule

and of the

western

directionwhere P?ncika

and

Jambhala

Jalendra

ruled

on

the

yaksa-

and

manikula,

as

mentioned

above

(cave

19).

Here also two conches are fit between the uprights and the large opening but no

row

of

pearls

is

attached

to

them.

Above each of the

niches,

a

smaller niche

contains

a

depiction

of

a

tiny

at

male

character

ho hold either

n

elongated

object (right)

r

two

globular

attributes

(left).

Both

are

similar

to

the

ayudhapurusas

of

cave

19,

borrowing

their headdress

from

the

later

ones

but

they

do

not

constitute

a

very

clear

depiction

of

the

personification

of the

attributes,

such

as

this

personification

appears

for

instance

on

the lintel

near

cave

27

(Figs.

9-11).

It is

obvious that the

two

panels

were

carved

by

different ands

(I

would

not

dare

to

say

that

the

difference

f

quality

betrays

a

chronological

difference):

the

right-side

panel

is

carved

with

much

more

care

than the left

one

and the remark

applies

also for

the

surrounding

elements

such

as

the frieze below

or

the

band

of

foliated

scrolls carved above the

niche.

Therefore,

it is

possible

that

the less

elaborated

treatment

of the headdress

and the absence of

the

mountain

motif

in

the

left

panel

should also

be related

to

this

difference.

Again,

one

should

also

mention

that these

two

panels

remind

of

the

capital

in

cave

1

(Fig.

18)

and

of

two

representations

of 'Kubera' distributed

at

both

extremities

of

a

lintel from

Sarnath,

where the

god

sits

surrounded

y

two

femaleattendants

n

the left

art

(like

here the

left

panel)

whereas the

right image

is

alone

(with

an amorous

couple

of

his

proper

right

ide: here also

a

woman

stands

on

his

proper

right

ide) (see

Appendix).

There

are

major

differences

in

the

composition

of

the facades

of the

two

sanctuaries of

the

site.

Very clearly

in

the later

fagade

of

cave

26,

the

image

of the

Buddha is the major element, the rows with tiny depictions are multiplied, large

images

frame the window

and the

two

yaksas

are

squeezed

in

a

reduced

space.

Publ.:

Tarr

1969:

figs.

19-21;

Takata

&

Taeda 1971:

pis.

166 and

176;

Weiner

1977:

pis.

84-85;

Plaeschke 1983:

fig.

60;

Spink

1991a:

fig.

14.

(26)

Coomaraswamy

(1931: 4)

mentions that

n

the

description

of the

rope

trick

iven

by

the

ataka

489,

'the

tree

magically

produced

is

called

Vessavana's

mango'

and

in

the

jataka

281,

the

tree

grows

on a

mountain

located

in

thenorthern

kingdom

of the

Dikp?la.

238

[14]



16/61

Figs.

9-11

-

Small cella

between

caves

26

27.

Lintel.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

This

first

ype

f

portly

male

images

ccurs

also

regularly

n

the

lintels

escribed

below

(C)

on

either

side of the

central

scene.

Like

on

the

facade

of

cave

26,

they

always

sit. n

the lintel

ith

seven

panels

between

caves

26

and

27,

they

re

carved

on

either

side of the central

panel

whereas

their

respective

ayudhapurusas

are

depicted

at

both

extremities

f the lintel

Figs.

9-11).

On

this intel

nd thoseof the

[15]

239



17/61

Fig.

12

-

Cave 19.

Dancing

figures

elow

the cult

image.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

verandah

of

cave

26,

they

ll

wear

a

very

large pleated

sirascakrawhich had

first

been introduced

n

the

fagade

of

cave

19where

it

forms

background

behind

one

ear

only

(27).

A

number of other

small

panels

can

be

compared

to

the

category

of the

ayudhapurusas

noticed

on

the

fagade

of

cave

19:

1.

The

two

dancing

ganas

below

the

cult

image

of

this

cave are

carved

on

a

background

of

trees

(Fig.

12).

The left

one

faces the

spectator

like

the

left

personification

of the

fagade,

the

right

one

is

profiled

like the

right

one

of the

fagade.

Both

wear

headdresses which

are

similar

to

those of the outside:

a

small

bump

on

theback of thehead of the left

figuremight

indicate the lotus

whereas

the

hair falls

in

short locks like

on

the

fagade.

The headdress of the

right

haracter

is

smooth

(no

hair

locks)

like

on

the outside

image

and above

it,

one

notices

a

thick

plain bump

out ofwhich a

bag-like

motifarisesand falls n one

side,

which

might

of

course

be the conch.

Publ.:

Spink

1967:

46,

fig.

1;

Nou

et

al.

1993: 25.

(27)

From 19

to

26,

one

notices

a

number

of

changes:

two

dancing

ganas

separated by

a

panel

of

foliated

scrolls

are seen

below the cult

image

of

cave

19

whereas

a

row

of themwith the scrolls

in

between

supports

the

platform

of

the

cave or

is

carved

on

the

facade.

240

[16]



18/61

2.

Two

small

figures

carved

on

the

jambs

of

the

main

entrance to

cave

21

where

they

are seen

above

the

partly

destroyed

n?gas

and

below the

couples.

Both

(Figs.

13-14)

hold

a

jar

out

of

which

jewels

are

pouring.

They

wear

the

same

headdress

with tiny ocksas thepersonification f thepadmanidhion thefagadeof cave 19 and

flying

ribbons

are

attached

probably

to

the small

bump

on

the

top

of

the head

(visible

n

the left

figure);

these

ribbons

remember f

those

seen

inside

the

cave

19,

right

figure.

Similar

figures

appear

on

the

door-jambs

of

a

temple

at

Ramtek,

sharing

featureswith

the tall

images

of the

fagade

(pot-bellied,

position

of the

body)

and

with

their

ttendants

(bag

on

the

shoulder)

(Meister

et

al.

1988:

pis.

Ill

and

116;

Jambhedkar

[1991:

201]

names

them

nidhh\

Bakker 1989:

figs.

6-7;

and

below

footnote 4. The

temple

is

dated

in

the second

quarter

or

about the

middle of

the

5th

century).

he

use

of the

jar

reveals

a

relation

with

Gandh?ra

where

two

similar

male

figures

hold

similar

huge

vessels

out

of

which

money

pours

on

the

lower

part

of

the

imagesshowing

?riti

and

P?ncika

(2S).

Publ.:

Meister

et

al.

1988:

pi.

146;

Poduval

1991:

fig.

121;

Bakker 1997:

153-54

and

pi.

XXXVIII.B.

3.

Tiny

depictions

are

distributed bove

the

high

basis of the

pillars,

in

cave

19

(Fig.

15) (Takata

&

Taeda

1971:

pi.

148;

Nou

et

al.

1993:

ill.

p.

25).

The

pot-bellied

and

short-legged

figures

seem

to

kneel

or

even

to

fly, presenting

a

garland.

Their

headdress

is

either smooth

and

a

broad

ribbon

forming

loop

which

evokes

a

bag

hangs

to

the

upper

part

of

it

or

their

curly

hair

is

open

and

covers

the

neck,

held

together

with

a

diadem. Similar

images

are

distributed

at

the

angles

of

the

pillars,

kneeling

above the

high

plain

basis

in

caves

2

or

4

for

instance;

they

o

not

fly,

ut

kneel

or

squat

facing

the

spectator

and the

broad

ribbons

which

evoke

the

bag,

can

spread

symmetrically

(29).

In

cave

2

also,

they

appear

as

musicians

between

the

two

ornamented

lotus

medallions

on

the

pillar (Gupte

&

Mahajan

1962:

pi.

XXIII;

Plaeschkel983:pl.57).

(28)

For

examples,

see

below

n.

46;

Bautze-Picron

1992:

n.

63;

Quagliotti,

in

press-a. Indeed,

the

'genuine'

Indian

rendering

of

the

motif

shows

nidhis,

i.e.

male

figures

wearing

on

their head

the

attributewhich

they symbolize

in

a

human

form,

.e.

the

conch

or

the

lotus,

out

ofwhich

jewels

are

pouring,

like

at

N?g?rjunakonda

or

Ramtek

for nstance

(to

quote

examples

which

are

anterior

to

those

of

Ajant?).

It

would

seem

that the

direct

physical

connection is

not

made

among

the

carved

illustrations

of

Ajant?,

but

well

on

the

painted ceiling

of

cave

1,

where

a

panel

shows

a

largedelicate scroll

to

which

lotus

flowers

re

attached,

which

arise

out

of

the head

of

a

seated dwarf

(and

petals

form

apparently

a

crown

spread

on

the

head)

(Takata

&

Taeda

1971:

pi.

67;

Goloubew 1927:

pi.

LXVII).

(29)

Cave

2:

Nou

et

al.

1993:

ills.

p.

40-41;

Takata

&

Taeda

1971:

pis.

98-99.

Other

ones

in

the

same

cave

and

in

the

same

position,

sit

on

the

angle,

holding

an

attribute;

their

headdress

is

different lso

since

curls fall

regularly

n

the

shoulder,

held

together

ith

a

diadem

(Takata

&

Taeda 1971:

pi.

124).

Both

types

appear

simultaneously

n

cave

4,

where

the

type

with

curly

hair

plays

a

music

instrument

(Spink

1967:

46,

figs.

3-4;

Takata

&

Taeda

1971:

pi.

132;

Stern

1972:

fig.

27).

See also

Bautze-Picron

(2001: 301)

who

suggests

that these

figures

might

be

related

to

theworld

ofYama.

[17]

241



19/61

Fig.

13

-

Cave

21.

Left

jamb

to

the

entrance.

Figure

pouring jewels.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

Fig.

14

-

Cave

21.

Right jamb

to

the

entrance.

Figure pouring jewels.

(Photo

Joachim

K.

Bautze).

They

are

also

introduced

as

adantes,

i.e.

as

guhyakas

(30),

squatting

or

with

(four)

arms

sustaining

the

abacus between the

'Nidhis' and Other Images of Richness and Fertility in Ajaṇṭā

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Transcript of 'Nidhis' and Other Images of Richness and Fertility in Ajaṇṭā