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A bu ispcs cal a as Uio Sockads i Cicago (1941), wi sigs o mapackig
gias Amou ad Swi i backgoud. (Liba o Cogss, Pis ad Poogaps Diisio)
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Dspi acs omac o owig a d,pof is o log i owsip, bu i adig.
Betty FUSSeLL,
Raising steaks: the Life and times of ameRican Beef
A number o animal proteins have been traded on the commodities mar-
ket, and nearly all have come and gone. Eggs had their heyday, o course;turkey utures and broilers (chickens) had their stint; shrimp had a short-lived run in the United States, though it continues to trade on certain
Asian exchanges; and even pork belly utures have come and gone. Mean-while, bee utures have solidly stood the test o time.
Theres a reason modern-day money words such as pecuniary, capi-
tal, and bull market all have their linguistic roots in . . . cattle. Somemoney words harken back to the Latin or Middle English or cattle. The
Latin word or money, pecunia, comes rom pecus (cattle). Interestingly,Roman coins were oten stamped with the gure o a bull; the Englishword capital comes rom the Anglo-French chattel (cattle). The bullmarket, so dear to traders and analysts, comes rom the potential o breed-
ing more cattle.Ranchers have long associated cattle with money. The dairy cows might
as well exude the jingle o coins with their milk, while the reeloading beecattle (or beeves, or short) become moneymakers only ater slaughter. O
course, the Chicago Merc was born rom butter and eggs, evolving by thelate 1920s into a meaty livestock-oriented exchange, trading cattle, hogs and
C h A P t e r S e v e n
Cattle Call
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92 c a t t l e c a l l
pork bellies, resh broilers (slaughtered chickens), and eggs. Across town,
the Chicago Board o Trade (CBOT) did a hearty business in grainswheatand corn, as well as soybeans, oats, rye, and barley, in addition to cotton.
Although nothing seems as American now as juicy hamburgers and
sizzling steaks, cattle were not indigenous to the New World. According tohistorian Betty Fussell, Columbus brought the rst cattle to Hispaniola in1493, both or ood and to assist the settlers in their work. But the Dutch
West India Company delivered the rst cattle to North America throughthe Dutch colonial settlement o New Amsterdam (now New York City) in1625. The settlers brought three heiers and a bull. Within ve years, the
company inventoried sixty cows and orty-seven horses, but grain shortages
rom ailing wheat crops diminished the herds, and new boatloads o cattlehad to be sent rom Holland. The small streamcalled de walthat the
Dutch had built along the palisades across the lower part o the island tokeep the natives out was dubbed Bloody Run during the winter slaughter-ing season, when as many as our thousand cattle were slaughtered on its
banks. Eventually, such acilities became so numerous and so odorierousthat they were ordered to move to a public acility created or them onPearl Street, to the north ode wal, or Wall Street.1
The Early Cattle Trade in New York
At rst, the cattle trade was big business in New York, apparently creating
quite the bustle and stench. One 1848 article put average weekly sales atan estimated one thousand to twelve hundred head o cattle. It describesthe scene in this way: Monday is the great sale-day on which nearly all the
cattle received up to that time are disposed o. . . . The cattle are sold alive,thus paid or and driven o by the purchaser. Disputes related to how theweight o the cattle should be measured were not uncommon, and these
disagreements resulted in pricing discrepancies among the New York,Boston, and Philadelphia markets, which would later be cleared up asit became standard practice to telegraph prices to centralized exchanges.
The article concludes with a call to remove the slaughterhouses rom thecity: The present practice is revolting to the senses and dangerous to the
health o our people. We know no other city which aspires to cleanlinessor exemption rom contagion that tolerates the nuisance.2
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c a t t l e c a l l 93
By the 1850s, another tally shows that or the ull year 1853, 157,420
beeves and 10,720 cows and calves were sold. Again, these were sales o liveanimals, not dressed cattle.3
Ranchers were expanding westward, and most o their cattle came rom
east o the Mississippi: Indiana, Kentucky, and Tennessee were consideredthe greatest contributors. Thanks to the burgeoning railroads, or everyhundred that come to us on oot, a thousand reach us by the speedier
transit aorded by railroad, and whatever may be the immediate excess oexpense which the latter may involve, we think it is more than made up bya saving o time, and the resher, and thereore the more marketable condi-
tion o the cattle when they are brought to the city. Market days had ex-
panded rom just Monday to both Monday and Thursday; most o the livecattle sales took place in what is now midtown Manhattan (one market, on
Forty-ourth Street and Fith Avenue, and two more, on Sixty-sixth Street;the ourth market held at the lower o Hudson River Bulls Head).4
British Bee Eaters
Englands role in the development o Americas bee trade is considerable.As the great bee-eaters o Europe, the English (at least the middle andupper classes) consumed ar more bee than their continental neighbors.
Meat, and particularly bee, was believed to ensure greater strength and vi-rility. It wasnt just part o the meal, bee was part o the liestyle, conveying
afuence and contentment. In the late 1700s, livestock portraits became aavorite among Englishmen o the period. Many a country estate and En-glish drawing room boasted paintings o obese cattle in the oreground o
a bucolic landscape.5 And as America built up through the 1800s, and ananthrax epidemic on the European continent spread to Ireland and En-gland in the 1860s, making British bee scarce and expensive, the British
turned to the Americas to supply them with additional bee. Live cattle andsalted bee were shipped across the Atlantic, in steadily increasing amounts.
As America pushed westward, grazing cattle on the ertile and abundant
grasses o the Midwest, the big question was how to connect those eldswith consumers in the East, as well as with those amished English overseas.
The answer came in the 1870s with the westward expansion o the Americanrailroads. British companies played a major role in nancing the building o
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those transcontinental railroads in the 1870s and 1880s, and moving cattle
by rail rom west to east became a primary commercial objective o thenew British-nanced railroads, writes historian Jeremy Rikin.6 British andScottish nanciers began to catch cattle ever. In Edinburgh, the ranch
pot was boiling over, recounts John Clay, an agent or English investors,in his 1924 autobiography. Drawing rooms buzzed with the stories o thislast o bonanzas; staid old gentlemen, who scarcely knew the dierence
between a steer and a heier, discussed it over their port and nuts.7
But the biggest excitement o all or the British bee eaters was the ad-vent o rerigerated compartments. The cost o shipping live animals to
Europe (in terms o special shipping decks, damage to animals, weight
losses) encouraged innovations in transporting dressed meats. Young NewYork inventor John I. Bates experimented with hanging bee carcasses in
rooms loaded with ice and circulating the cold air with large ans. In June1875, he shipped ten carcasses to England. They arrived resh and sparkeda furry o interest among British investors. Timothy Eastman, a success-
ul packer, bought Batess patent and launched an ambitious campaignto ship rerigerated carcasses to Britain. By the end o the year, Eastmantransported more than 206,000 pounds o bee; by the ollowing year, he
began shipping a million pounds o bee per month. By the close o thatyear, the Eastman operation was providing the British Isles with 3 millionpounds o resh bee every month. Other companies ollowed Eastmans
lead. Soon, nearly every steamer that set o rom New York or Philadel-phia to England carried American bee.8 By the late nineteenth century,
America was responsible or 90 percent o the bee imported to England.9
The advent o rerigerated train cars in the 1870s also meant that cattlecould be slaughtered close to the arm and then the butchered meat could
be transported, eliminating the need to ship live cattle to market. Thishad enormous implications or the armers and meat packers. As Fussellsummarizes, This was the rst major step in separating the producers
and packinghouse/processors o meat rom the eaters o it. By 1884, thenumber o cattle slaughtered in Chicago was so signicant, the phrasemeatpacking replaced pork packing as the name o the industry.
With rerigeration solving the biggest bee transport issue, British andScottish bankers and armchair cowboys began piling on, orming the
Anglo-American Cattle Company, the Colorado Mortgage and InvestmentCompany o London, and the Prairie Cattle Company (chaired by the
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Earl o Arlee), to name just a ew, all eagerly snapping up land and cattle.
Some English lords even built their own castles on the prairie, expensiveestates adorned with the best English urnishings and stocked with thenest European wines and delicacies; they even boasted a ull comple-
ment o servants and livery. Many o these prairie ranch homes served assummer retreats or vacation houses or the British ruling class, who enter-tained riends with hunting trips and wilderness excursions.10 As a result,
anti-British sentiment soon ran high. In the summer o 1884, both theDemocratic and Republican conventions included planks in their cam-paign platorms calling or curbs on alien holdings in the United States.
But the British brought with them more than just their capital. They
brought their unique taste or atted bee. The British consumer insistedon heavy bee, richly marbled with speckles o at. And the new British
cattle barons had a strategy or achieving this atty bee: or the rst timein agricultural history, they brought together cattle production and grainproduction into a new symbiotic relationship.11 (To this day, it is com-
mon to hedge cattle and corn utures together.) In particular, the armersand businessmen hit on the idea o shipping Indiana cattle into the stateto be ed a rich diet o corn beore being taken to the slaughterhouses in
Cincinnati. The corn ollowed the cows west, and it soon became com-mon practice to ship cattle rom the prairies, where they grazed on grassmost o their lives, to be attened, or nished, on corn beore being
sent to St. Louis or Chicago or slaughter. By the 1870s, the Midwestwas awash in corn; the crop was so abundant that armers increased their
demand or eeder cattle rom the Great Plains (chapter 3).12 Ater 1900,the yearly fuctuation in cattle production and consumer demand or beebegan to seriously aect the price o corn.13 The two markets were now
rmly intertwined.Slowly, Americans adopted the British taste or atty beethere was no
other choice. Furthermore, in 1927, the USDA codied atty bee as the
standard or judging the value and price o bee sold to American consum-ers.14 Even today, degree and distribution o marbling is the primary de-terminant o quality grade: prime, the highest quality, signies abundant
marbling; choice indicates a moderate amount o marbling; and selectlets consumers know the bee is practically devoid o marbling.15
Cattle trade took o in the mid-nineteenth century, as the confuenceo commodity brokers, the railroad, and the telegraph meant that even
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isolated armers and ranchers could achieve national distribution o their
products and so could rise up rom subsistence living.
Cattle Trade Moves West
Once again, geography would prove to be destiny or the American settler.
While the ertile area that would become the Midwest proved remarkableor growing grain, corn, and other crops, the arid lands o the High Plainsproved more precarious or crop growth. This area included what would
become southeastern Wyoming, southwestern South Dakota, western Ne-
braska, eastern Colorado, western Kansas, eastern New Mexico, westernOklahoma, and northwestern Texas. It provided ne grazing land or live-
stock. Traveling west even now, it is impossible not to notice that armsgive way to vast ranches.
In a mere twenty years, rom 1867 to 1887, the shit rom a rural (small-
arm) economy to a giant urban industrial one was tectonic, Fussell says.Urban livestock markets shited rom the East to the Midwest, intensiyingin turn the shit rom the mixed arming o the East to large-scale ranching
in the West as settlers, entrepreneurs, and engineers moved ever westward,gobbling up land.16 Between 1867 and 1880, our major railroads crossedthe plains: the Union Pacic, Kansas Pacic, Northern Pacic, and the
Santa Fe.Cattle grew increasingly important in terms o ood as the indigenous
bualo (or bison) that once blackened the prairies quickly disappearedduring the railroads westward push. As William Cronon writes, With thearrival o the Union Pacic in Nebraska and Wyoming during the 1860s,
ollowed a ew years later by the Kansas Pacic arther south, the railroadsdrove a knie into the heart o bualo country.17 However, this was inmany ways a sel-perpetuating cycle: to gain land on which to build the
railroads and graze cattle, it was deemed necessary to push out the NativeAmericans who lived on the land, and exterminating their primary oodsourcethe bualowas considered a prime means to that end. With the
bualo gone, cattle assumed greater importance as a ood supply.Even beore the bison had completely disappeared, cattle began to
make bualo country their own. In the years ater its battle with Mexicoor independence, Texas was home to myriad wild cattle. The area had
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indeed proved to be an ideal breeding ground or the bovines, with its
mild climate and plentiul grass and water. But when Spanish ranchersfed south o the Rio Grande, they abandoned their herds to the wild. In1836, the new Republic o Texas declared the eral cattle to be part o the
public domain, and young cowboys began rounding up, corralling, anddriving the wild cattle to stock pens. The Civil War added to the surplus,as it cut o the ranchers o South Texas rom their ordinary markets in the
Caribbean islands and the slave states o the southern Mississippi Valley.The cattle population grew dramatically during the war years, and by thetime the South surrendered, millions o Texas longhorns wandered reely
in the region east and south o San Antonio, setting the stage or the great
cattle drives o the 1860s through 1880s.
18
But the point o these iconic cattle drives was to get the livestock to
the Midwest, where they could be more easily shipped by rail to supplydemand on the East Coast. In the early years, it was challenging to con-nect the surplus o Texas cattle with the eastern railroads, which were just
extending their rails to the outskirts o the western prairies. In 1867, JosephMcCoy, a young entrepreneur, hit on the idea o building a link. He suc-cessully lobbied the governor o Kansas to lit the quarantine on Texas
cattle entering the state (Texas ever, a serious cattle disease spread by ticks,had recently decimated the livestock industry) as well as the Illinois leg-islature to amend its law to allow shipments o cattle into that state. Thus
began the reinvigoration o the old Chisholm Trail, which ran cattle romTexas to the railroad in Abilene, Kansas (it had started its lie as a very
small, dead place, consisting o about one dozen log huts19). Cowboyswould drive the herd, covering ten to twelve miles a day on the three-monthtrek north to the rail link. The trick was to drive them slowly, pasturing the
cattle along the way, as ast-moving animals quickly lost weight. On Septem-ber 5, 1867, McCoy shipped twenty railroad cars o cattle east rom Abilene.By 1871, Abilene was processing 700,000 longhorn steers annually, all bound
east or the abattoirs o St. Louis and Chicago.20
The Bee Trust
In the years ollowing the Civil War, the American cattle complex evolvedinto a corporate structure. Fed by cattle rom the South and Midwest
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prairies, a new generation o businessmen and entrepreneurs moved
quickly to wield its power over the slaughterhouses, rail routes, and distri-bution outlets. Just as Cincinnati became Porkopolis, designed to speedhogs into pork, Chicago had its mighty Bee Trust, centered rst and
oremost in Chicago, but also in the meat-processing cities o St. Louis,Cincinnati, and Kansas City. In 1867, Armour Meat Packers opened itsrst plant at the Union Stock Yards in Chicago. Eventually, making up
the Bee Trust were the Big Five slaughter-packers known as Armour, Cu-dahy, Hammond, Morris, and Swit. Within a twenty-year period, Chicago
came to control 50 percent o the cattle market in America, and by 1900, ithad increased its control to 90 percent, with the trust xing prices at bothendsor producers and consumers. At the same time, the cattle popula-tion in America more than doubled, rom 15 million in 1870 to 35 million
in 1900.21 On the eve o World War I, the ve companies controlled morethan two-thirds o the countrys bee output and hal o its total red meatproduction. It was ound that in violation o ederal law, the Bee Trust
companies conspired to x prices and control markets. Ater the United
States Supreme Court issued an injunction against the trust in 1903, threeo the ve companiesArmour, Morris, and Switcreated a new entity
THE CLINTONS AND CATTLE FUTURES
In 1994, Hillary Rodham Clinton was rst lady o the United States. Just as
congressional hearings were getting under way or the Whitewater contro-versy, an uproar broke out over her decades-earlier dealings in cattle utures.
During the late 1970s, when she was the rst lady o Arkansas and cattle prices
were skyrocketing, Clinton opened a trading account at Reco, a New York
based nancial services company, with a $1,000 check. Over a nine-month
stint and with no prior trading experience, she parlayed her initial investment
into a prot o nearly $100,000. Almost two decades later, when this incident
came to light, experts wondered aloud how this could possibly be. Quipped
Mark Powers, then editor o the Journal of Futures Markets, This is like buy-
ing ice skates one day and entering the Olympics a day later.*
How did Clinton get tangled up in cattle utures, many wondered? Jim
Blair, an attorney and riend o the Clintons, had encouraged Hillary to
speculate in the Chicago utures markets. And he had one o the sharpest
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c a t t l e c a l l 99
called the National Packing Company, which began purchasing its com-
petitors and related businesses.22
Also, the Bee Trust was a notable target in Upton Sinclairs book The
Jungle, in which he wrote about deplorable conditions in Packingtown
and rampant corruption in the meatpacking industry: It seemed that theymust have agencies all over the country, to hunt out old and crippled anddiseased cattle to be canned. There were cattle which had been ed on
whiskey-malt, the reuse o the breweries, and had become what the mencalled steerlywhich means covered with boils.23 First published in se-
rial orm in 1905, Sinclairs graphic treatise o how meat products weremanuactured had an important infuence on the subsequent passage othe Federal Meat Inspection Act and the Pure Food and Drug Act, bothenacted in 1906.
Trading On the Hoo
There is no doubt that the 1860s were a key time or the cattle industrysmigration to Chicago. One century later, another seminal event happened
brokers anywhereRobert L. (Red) Bone, who managed Reco and was a
ormer World Series o Poker seminalist. Further, it came to light that Bone
and Reco were under investigation by the Chicago Mercantile Exchange
or systematic violations o Merc rules during the entire period Clinton wastheir client, culminating in a three-year suspension or Bone.
Despite rampant speculation in the media, ultimately, the issue was
swept under the rug. Leo Melamed at the CME, where the cattle utures
were traded, conrmed nding discrepancies in Clintons trading records.
He reported seeing no explicit evidence o any wrongdoing. Mrs. Clinton
violated no rules in the course o her transactions, he said at the time.
Clinton was never investigated or charged. The incident had little eect on
market activity and no infuence on ood pricing or supply, but it broughtthe cattle utures market to greater public awareness or a time.
*Quoted in Mark Hosenball and Eleanor Clit, Hillarys Adventures in Cattle Futures
Land, Newsweek, April 10, 1994.
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or the cattle industry, and also in Chicago. On November 30, 1964, the
Chicago Merc opened utures contract trading in live cattlethe rst timetrading on live animals on the hoo, not a slaughtered oodstu, hadbeen introduced. Glenn H. Andersen, president o one o Chicagos largest
commodity brokerage rms and the broker who brought pork bellies to theMerc (chapter 8), took a trip to Texas and learned about the business.24
The market was not without its challenges. Papers were written and
symposiums given to noisily debate the viability o trading live animals.First, unlike pork bellies, cattle were alive, which meant greater costs(such as ood and transportation) and risk (the death o the cattle beore
prots were reaped). Some critics argued that the ethics o trading liveanimals was questionable. Second, most traders believed that to makemoney, a commodity needed to be seasonal. But the cattle industry didnt
have the same seasonal booms and busts; the price changed with produc-tion, not with the weather. Third, grading is a key component o com-
moditiesit is important that the product, whether corn or cocoa, be ouniorm, gradable quality so the buyer and seller both know what is being
BEEFS BULL RUN
In 2011, U.S. live cattle prices rose 13 percent,* making cattle among the
ew widely traded commodities besides gold to log a double-digit gain. Andthat was on top o a 26 percent jump in 2010. Retail bee prices rose at su-
permarkets during the same period, though the trajectory has been gentler
than that seen in commodities marts; bee steak prices showed a 14 percent
increase rom 2009 to 2011, and bee roasts rose 15 percent in the same time
rame. Whats behind these rising prices? In addition to stable domestic bee
consumption, ast-growing emerging economies are importing ever-greater
quantities o U.S. bee as they add more animal protein to their diets. In act,
U.S. bee exports are on track to top by as much as 10 percent the all-time
high o2.5 billion pounds set in 2003, according to the U.S. Department o
Agriculture. Apparently, consumers around the world are not having much
trouble swallowing steeper bee prices, as sales continue to rise.
*Liam Pleven, Meat Prices Continue Their Bull Run, Wall Street Journal, November
3, 2011.
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exchanged. But live cattle were dicult to gradeit took a cattle-buyers
eye to understand the fuid characteristics that would translate into a tasty,tender burger or sizzling steak. And ourth, storability is another keycomponent o commodities exchange. Grain can be stored in a grain el-
evator until leaner times and then sold at a prot. You cant store a herdo live animals or a month, detractors protested. At rst, many o thetraders, particularly the old-school egg traders, thought the idea o live
cattle utures was absolutely ridiculous, and meats became the domain othe younger, hungrier men.25
The act also remained that during the 1950s and onward, Americans
were eating more bee. The meat packers and processors needed a way
to hedge their risk; the exchange saw a way to create a protable product.Thereore, on November 30, 1964, just beore the opening bell, a Chicago
Merc employee led a Black Angus steer onto the trading foor, complimentso Colonel Herman E. Lacy o Shamrock Farms in McHenry, Illinois. Thesteer was fanked by Glenn Andersen and Merc president E. B. Harris,
both decked out in Texas-style garb, complete with bolo ties and ten-gallonhats.26 The live cattleutures contract was launched. At rst, business wasslow, but it soon picked up, to the point that the rival CBOT took notice.
Many cattlemen traded corn utures because they used corn as eedadd-ing cattle utures would create a one-stop shop, CBOT ocials reasoned. Inhis 2009 memoir, ormer Merc chairman Leo Melamed recalls the hyper-
competition that resulted between the two Chicago exchanges:
In an attempt not to be let out o the meat market, the CBOT launched
a steer carcass bee contract six months later. To retaliate, the CME
quickly launched a dressed bee contract. Both contracts ailed. Then,
on April 15, 1966, Warren Lebeck, president o the CBOT, announced
plans to compete with the CME by also launching a live cattle con-
tract. It created quite a stir in Chicago, causing some real bad blood
between the two exchanges. Merc president Everette B. Harris accused
the CBOT o violating an unwritten law o commodity utures trading
which limits the trading o one commodity to a single exchange in the
same city. As ar as I could tell, old E.B. Harris invented that rule on
the spot.27
Trading in live cattle began at the CBOT on October 4, 1966. Thecompetitive ray lasted or ve years.
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Pork belly trade came rst to the Chicago marts in 1961 and has its own
set o stories. But it is worth noting that pork bellies traded sluggishly atrst, until live cattle utures helped goose the market. With traders able tospeculate on the relative price changes o bellies and bee, the belly mar-
ket began to thrive. By 1967, bellies became the exchanges rst million-contract commodity. For the rst time, meatpacking rms, eeders, andranchers joined the exchange as clearing members. The biggest pits on the
exchange foor belonged to cattle and pork bellies. Suddenly, meat was thewave o the uture. The striking success earned pork bellies a reputation asthe contract that built the Chicago Mercantile Exchange. But the belly
contract could not have been a winner without the live cattle contract,
which then-president E. B. Harris called my monument.Why were cattle utures such an instant success when pork bellies had
such a slow start? According to Mark Powers, the Mercs rst economist, anaccessible image had a lot to do with it: Public speculators knew what asteer looked like and knew that steers became steaks, he explained. Trad-
ing in live bee utures conjured up romantic images o old west cattledrives and cowboys. People who bought utures elt just like the cattlebarons.28
Fortuitous timing also helped the success o the cattle contracts,launched just as the nations cattle eeders were reeling rom nearly twoyears o depressed markets. Further, Americans were beginning to eat
more bee, a trend that would carry through the 1970s and beyond.Ater the standard live cattle contract proved its staying power, other
cattle-driven trading vehicles soon ollowed. In the late 1960s, the bone-less bee contract was ormed, ollowed by eeder cattle contracts debutedin 1971. The eeder cattle term reers to young yearling cattle, which
are mature enough to be separated and attened in a eedlot beore beingslaughtered. The product was the brainchild o E. B. Harris, who arguedthat cattle in a eedlot o uniorm quality were just as much in storage as
graded cotton in a mill or wheat in an elevator, and thereore could beconsidered an inventory risk that had to be protected. Harris securedquick approval or live cattle utures rom his buddies at the Commodity
Exchange Authority, and they were an immediate success.29Those eeder cattle contracts continue to have relevancy today. Jumping
ahead to the modern day or a moment, consider the ties between one o thelargest consumers (and traders) o beeMcDonalds Corporationand
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eeder cattle contracts. The worlds largest restaurant chain announced in2011 plans to open one outlet each day in China, Asias largest economy.30
Unsurprisingly, eeder cattle prices surged on the anticipated increase indemand or bee. I that trajectory continues unchecked, it can result inhigher wholesale and retail prices or bee, and ultimately, infated prices
or hamburgers at McDonalds and elsewhere. (A side note: although itstempting to try to tie cattle utures to the hamburger industry alone, it isworth noting that the packing industrys most valuable productmore so
than even beeis cattle hides. American exports o cowhides bring morethan $1 billion in oreign trade, and U.S. nished-leather production isworth about $4 billion.)31
In 1971, the same year eeder cattle contracts debuted, another seminalevent took place: the stockyards in Chicago closed, and a bulldozer razed
the pens that once held the hogs and the cattle. With that, one o the lastphysical ties to the old rontier days disappeared. Today, all that remains
FEEDER CATTLE VERSUS FAT CATTLE
Betty Fussell explains well how eeder cattle versus live cattle contracts in-
teract in the trading world:
The only real price in the cattle market is the ed-cattle price: the
price the cow sells or at the moment o slaughter. . . . Fity-some
years ago, when prices were less volatile than now, most cattle eed-
ers owned the cattle they ed because there was no utures market.
A ranchers best road to prot was to buy heiers at the bottom o the
cycle when they were cheap and sell them as grown cows at the top
o the cycle. Feeders were priced against each days at-cattle price,
so that prot and loss could be calculated beore the animal was ed.The price dierence in the eedlot between incoming eeder cat-
tle and outgoing at cattle is still called the swap. When grain is
cheap, the supply o eeder cattle will expand and necessarily lower
the price o at cattle.*
*Betty Fussell, Raising Steaks: The Life and Times of American Beef (Orlando, Fla.: Har-
court, 2008), 144145.
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is the arched limestone gate through which millions o cattle once passed
on their way to Packer Town.
What Trades Now
Feeder Cattle: Trades on the CME. Contract size is 50,000 pounds
(23 metric tons). When calves are about six to ten months old and areready to be placed in eedlots, they are reerred to as eeder cattle. Oncea eeder cal enters a eedlot, there is intense ocus on eeding the cal or
slaughterthe animals average number o days on eed is 150.32
Live Cattle: Trades on the CME. Contract size is 40,000 pounds(18 metric tons). Ater an animal is nished with the eeding process, it
can be traded as live cattle (some call them at cattle or ed cattle)rather than eeder cattle. Live-weight pricing is based on estimated carcassweights and quality (generally prime, choice, select, and standard)
and yield grades (1 through 5, with the higher numbers representing alower proportion o salable retail cuts rom the carcass). The CME uturescontract species 55% Choice,45% Select, Yield Grade 3 live steers.33
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