New digital realities and old PSB models – the case of ... · New digital realities and old PSB...
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New digital realities and old PSB models – the case of public access and
participation in Singapore’s televisual landscape
Submitted and accepted by Media International Australia in October 2017 for publication. [Note: The authors thank the Editor, two anonymous reviewers, Jeffrey Lim, Terence Lee and Howard Lee, for their constructive comments which have made this a much better paper. Corresponding author email address: [email protected]]
Abstract
Does public service broadcasting (PSB), with its 20th-century state-controlled and state-
funded structure, still have a role to play in increasing access, public participation, and a
strong national media system in today’s globalising East Asia? This article, by taking
Singapore as a case study, examines why and how traditional PSB media players have been
forced to change their institutional and transactional responses to the ‘shocks’ of digitization.
In particular, it examines how the rise of web 2.0, with its de-territorialised media services
and social media, challenges PSB’s relevance as trends towards universal access, a greater
participatory culture and active audiences render PSB content increasingly anachronistic.
Introduction
On 4 May, 2016, local news site Mothership.sg described how Singaporeans’ fascination for
the latest Korean drama series Descendants of the Sun on their TV and personal computer
screens almost became a ‘cultural moment’ in Singapore. It also declared that “local TV must
up its game on locally-produced content or we’ll one day live-stream its death” (Lim and
Tan, 2016).
This anecdote reveals an underlying ‘crisis’ that Singapore’s local TV broadcaster
MediaCorp faces in delivering Public Service Broadcasting (PSB) to audiences. For PSB
service providers like MediaCorp Singapore (hereafter MediaCorp), competition for TV
audiences has intensified. De-territorialised media services on the internet, like Netflix and
Viu, offer easy access to popular local and foreign content, flexible scheduling, and
customisable streaming experiences enabled by the internet, mobile platforms and its
associated technologies. This issue is not a Singapore-only phenomenon. Despite differing
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PSB models adopted across Western and Asian countries (Brevini, 2015), most PSB systems
face a similar ‘PSB crisis’. Declining mass TV viewership (Nakamura et al., 2013; Tambini,
2015), greater audience fragmentation, niche channels, and increasingly distanced audiences
(Tambini, 2015) demand new PSB models that engage with new audiences actively. These
audiences consume and produce media content in a ‘sharing’ economy, accessing content
offered by online media distributors like Netflix, and online ‘produsers’ in a Youtube-like
environment (Bruns, 2008). Moreover, digitisation has created new business models for
content production, programming and distribution across entire media industries
(Cunningham and Silver, 2013). New transnational media and technology giants (Flew and
Cunningham, 2007), and the rise of Internet-based social media have also created ‘agitations’
to economy, state and civil society (Fuchs 2014).
Thus, digital technologies, changing media consumption trends, and regional dynamics of
increased pop cultural flows present a challenge for the old BBC ‘Reithian’ PSB model for
organising PSB media globally (see Baranjee and Seneviratne, 2005). In a digital era where
PSB broadcasters no longer dominate local viewership trends, especially in Europe and East
Asian countries like Singapore, they need to renegotiate their relationship with various
publics, audiences, the market and the state. They need to revamp older PSB models into new
digital-based Public Service Media (or PSM) (Tambini, 2015; Jakubowciz, 2010).
Scholars distinguish between PSB and PSM in several ways. Jakubowicz (2008, 2010)
focused on PSM in terms of “public service content provision” that is not restricted to
traditional broadcasting but uses other platforms, including the Internet or “PSB + other
platforms + Web 2.0, representing a technology-neutral definition of the [PSB] remit”, and
allowing for stronger citizen participation in content production. Bardoel and Lowe (2007)
discuss PSM as a new phase of public services that improves upon the legitimacy and
relevance of traditional PSB services. They view PSM operators as public communicators
which actively engage with a demanding audience to deliver customized content on online,
mobile and social media. Brett (2009, 2010) refers to PSM as “PSB online” that encourages
innovation in content, production, formats, and ultimately engaged with a younger and
networked audience. Thus, while both PSB and PSM are non-commercial media, PSB offers
national publics universal access to scheduled TV and radio broadcasts, PSM extends
beyond scheduled one-way broadcasting to include more interactive media services, such as
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the use of web-based social media that enable greater public active participation, even in
content production.
Despite shifts by Western and other distinctive Asian media systems (such as Japan’s)
towards developing PSM services, many Asian broadcasters still operate under the ‘old’ PSB
model, as is the case in Singapore. Though policy efforts have ‘nudged’ Singapore’s
traditional PSB provider, MediaCorp, to address this PSB crisis (including incentivising PSM
services), it is clear that state responses to revising the PSB models do not go far enough, as
their measures are potentially complicated by conflicting policy objectives and entrenched
market practices.
In this article, we discuss what constraints and challenges Singapore’s PSB operator faces in
its attempt to transform into a PSM operator that is responsive to digital agitations. This
article is organised as follows. First, we examine how MediaCorp faces both structural and
policy constraints because of its overlapping (and conflicting) roles as both national PSB
operator broadcaster and as commercial profit-making media operator. Second, we analyse
the institutional practices of Singapore’s current PSB model by examining its entrenched
media structures. Finally, we review recent policy responses by Singapore’s PSB services to
modern challenges and trends. We conclude by arguing that Singapore’s PSB institutional
practices should disentangle from commercialisation and focus on going back to delivering a
good quality PSB service while encouraging PSM experiments which appeal to interactive
and online audiences. Where such PSM experiments is supported by public funding, funding
bodies should consider applying an ex-ante public value test when entrenched PSB operators,
like MediaCorp, plan new services on both old and new media platforms, similar to what is
applied to different European media systems (see Holland and Moe, 2011). In the following
section, we look at PSB in Singapore as an example of how old PSB models created for a
different era are outdated and largely fail to meet public interest objectives.
The multiple roles of Singapore PSB
MediaCorp is Singapore’s main public service broadcaster, and by default the key PSB
operator. It delivers content over seven TV channels, eight FM radio stations, and Toggle.sg,
an internet-enabled application service that is accessible online. MediaCorp has been a state-
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owned corporation since 1994, and its primary shareholder is Temasek Holdings, a state
investment company (Temasek, 2017). It was first established as a government department in
1963 under the Ministry of Culture as Radio TV Singapore (RTS) (Nair, 1980: 4). RTS was
later transformed into an independent statutory board in 1980 and became the Singapore
Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) that was itself corporatised in 1994 and revamped several
times into its current form as MediaCorp (McDaniel, 1994; MCI, 2016).
Up until the entry of Singapore International Media’s pay TV service, Singapore Cable
Vision in 1992 (see NLB, 2004) SBC (MediaCorp’s predecessor) was the only PSB
broadcaster of publicly-funded content and services to Singapore audiences on free-to-air TV
and radio. During this time, SBC ventured into commercialisation while retaining its PSB
role (see Gwee, 2011; Curtin, 2007). From 2000 to 2004, a brief period of limited
competition was introduced in the broadcasting market. A second free-to-air terrestrial
broadcaster SPH MediaWorks (henceforth MediaWorks), then fully owned by Singapore
Press Holdings, was awarded the second FTA licence. This briefly broke the ‘unity of
control’ that MediaCorp had enjoyed as the monopoly FTA terrestrial broadcaster in
Singapore and diluted the dominance of MediaCorp who also enjoyed strong links to the
state. MediaWorks competed with similar imported programming as MediaCorp but added
more locally-commissioned English-language and Chinese-language content. This also
triggered intense and commercially devastating competition for advertising revenue.
Although MediaWorks won recognition for some of its original productions, receiving the
‘Broadcaster of the Year’ award at the Asia TV Awards 2002, it restructured and eventually
shut down in 2005. The terrestrial TV market reverted to a single Free-to-Air broadcaster,
MediaCorp, delivering most of the PSB programmes once again (OECD Global Competition
Forum, 2013). From 1994 until 2011, a Radio and TV Licence (RTV) fee was collected
directly by the media regulator from the public who had TV sets in their homes, and radio
sets in their vehicles, which became a key funding source for PSB programmes on
MediaCorp Singapore’s TV and radio channels. As part of FY2011 budget, the Singapore
government announced that the RTV licence was to be abolished in 2011 (MDA, 2011).
Subsequently, the government launched a PSB Review Panel in 2010, which submitted its
report in 2011, and was acted upon by the Government in 2012. The Review Panel
recommended ways to raise PSB viewership through tweaking some aspects of the PSB
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funding schemes, to extend the reach by including online media platforms that could carry
PSB programmes, and nurture programs for talent development (MCI, 2012a). While this
widened the range of possible PSB facilities beyond the model of the single facility operator,
most PSB content was commissioned and produced by MediaCorp.
Further, the PSC scheme was widened in scope into the PSB Contestable Fund (PSCF) for
selected PSB funding to PSB programmes that can be showcased on the online media
platforms. The PSC Scheme (known as Public Service Content Scheme) was an alternative
scheme created by the government to encourage innovative content through a co-investment
mode where an independent media producer who co-finances TV production and secures
local terrestrial TV scheduling, can commercially exploit the same content overseas. Since
2012, this scheme was changed to the PCFS (PSB Contestable Funds Scheme) where it is
given out as a grant to platform owners instead (MDA, 2012). Examples included ‘local
online multimedia sites like MediaCorp’s xinmsn and Singapore Press Holdings’ RazorTV
and nationwide pay-TV platforms such as Starhub TV and SingTel’s mio TV’ (MCI, 2012).
While responding closely to audiences’ new media habits, MDA limited platform
partnerships to the big local media players in the Singapore market1.
The PSB remit and meaning of ‘public service’ has morphed into diversified media choices
and technological advancement. This placed industry exportability alongside serving the
educational needs of the public. Indeed, the 2012 PSB Review Panel recommendations
demonstrate how raising content quality was not only a public service goal, but also an
industry development goal:
The panel has recommended several strategic measures to raise the quality and appeal
of PSB programming and to widen the reach of these programmes beyond traditional
FTA channels. These recommendations also seek to benefit public viewing interests
and contribute to the development of the media industry in Singapore. (MCI, 2012a –
emphasis added)
In 2012, the Ministry of Communication and Information (MCI) noted that it was revising
PSB funding schemes that were administered by Media Development Authority (MDA).
MDA was established in 2003 with the intent to regulate and develop the media industry.
Central to these revisions were incentives to raise the quality of PSB content for local
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audiences and to explore new markets overseas for locally-produced Singapore TV content.
The latter was a significant shift from its initial remit of producing ‘public service’ content,
towards commercialising local content.
MDA also regularly reviews its domestic schemes to ensure that these are aligned
with the internationalisation efforts. For instance, effective from end-July 2012, MDA
has put in place a revised copyright ownership framework for MDA-supported,
locally produced Public Service Broadcasting, or PSB, programmes. It put in place
institutional mechanisms and a generous copyright framework which allows content
creators to better exploit their assets for sale of programmes overseas, licensing, and
merchandising. (MCI, 2012b)
While the changes made in 2012 were noteworthy, multiplying media platforms to maximise
the reach of PSB content does not equate to effective PSM delivery, without exploring new
content genres that cater to active audiences. Encouraging independent media producers,
many who are used to servicing the monopoly broadcaster, to commercially exploit their
content, without viable digital business models, strays from what counts as ‘public service’.
Existing scholarship on Singapore TV (Tay and Turner, 2009; Lee, 2010; Chan, 2012; Tan,
2008) demonstrates how locally-produced Singapore TV content have served the state’s
cultural and linguistic policies. Examples included encouraging themes of multiculturalism
on its mass English-language TV channels while asserting the use of standard English
language, simplified Mandarin Chinese for its Chinese-language channels, as well as
ensuring Malay and Tamil language programming. These moves reflect national language
policies. Lee (2010) describes how ‘governmentality’ is cultivated amongst its media players
and audiences, to support its nationalist agenda and larger social policies. For example, this is
evident in recent discourses of the PSB crisis faced by MediaCorp Singapore in providing
PSB programmes in 2015 and 2016:
It’s going to be a challenging environment for Mediacorp, as it is for most
broadcasting companies in the world. Even the BBC is struggling with declining
viewership and tight budgets. Commercially, MediaCorp will face greater competition
for eyeballs and for advertisers. Even more challenging, will be for MediaCorp to
maintain its place as the broadcaster of choice for news, current affairs and
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entertainment… And yet it’ll continue to play an indispensable role as the national
broadcaster helping to bring the whole nation together. It’s not just another
commercial entity, responding to market signals without caring about the value and
the significance of your content. You have to continue to produce programmes that
celebrate our culture and heritage, reflect our society and values, educate and entertain
your audiences, as well as report news and produce current affairs content which
matter for Singaporeans, and which are compelling to watch. (Prime Minister Lee
Hsien Loong, emphasis added)(CNA, 2015)
Foreign programmes will not reflect our local values and culture. Through PSB
programmes, our media industry players can tell the Singapore story from a
Singaporean perspective, with a Singaporean heart… Over the years, our vernacular
channels have contributed significantly to the development of bilingualism
here…They allow Singaporeans to stay connected to our language, culture and
communities. Besides Chinese programming, we will also ensure that Suria and
Vasantham have adequate resources to continue producing quality programmes to
serve our different ethnic communities. (Minister Of State Chee Hong Tat, emphasis
added) (CNA, 2016)
PSB discourses related to MediaCorp conflate its role as a national broadcaster with that of
providing PSB programming that fulfils nation-building objectives. Such objectives included
celebrating multilingual and multicultural Singapore culture and heritage. By clearly
segmenting its PSB programming along multiculturalist lines for TV and radio, MediaCorp’s
PSB output was successful in attracting local audiences in the 1980s to late 1990s. However,
the banality of its local content across multiple language channels failed to attract a younger
viewership in the 2000s (see Chan, 2012a). This was symptomatic of ‘pockets of passive
resistance and contestations’ to popular discourses of civil society in Singapore (see Chong
2005). It also limited MediaCorp’s regional expansionist efforts (Pugsley, 2007), and has had
an economic impact on the independent production industry and its plans for regional
expansion, while also suffering declining local viewership and limited audience engagement
on diversifying its content to appeal to younger, active audiences.
Scholars like Jakubowicz (2010) and Debrett (2009) have argued that when PSB operators
transform to PSM through innovation, it would spur cross-promotion and encourage diversity
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online. In its pure form, PSM creates shared public spaces for citizens to engage and interact
across various media platforms and participate by giving feedback on programming to
sharing content of public interest (van Dijck and Poell, 2015). However, as Singapore’s
attempt towards developing PSM has risen mainly from a single media broadcaster with a
dual commercial-public remit, MediaCorp has continued to focus on its national broadcaster
role, while trying to provide quality PSB content to Channels 5 and 8, its biggest viewership
channels (Chan, 2012b).
In response to a 2017 query, raised during a regular Parliamentary session, about how the
Ministry of Communications and Information (MCI) articulated support for local media
development and PSB’s relevance in the digital era, Minister Chee Hong Tat responded by
drawing on PSB discourses that focused more on MediaCorp’s roles in developing the
Singapore media sector, rather than of its ‘public interest’ role:
Locally produced PSB programmes can best capture and convey our unique
Singaporean flavour… Last month, our first local bilingual TV series for pre-
schoolers ‘Junction Tree’ was shown on Okto. This series is supported by IMDA2 and
the Lee Kuan Yew Fund for Bilingualism. Mediacorp has also started featuring sports
programmes, including programmes that encourage young Singaporeans to take an
interest in sports and lead active lifestyles. (MCI, 2017)
Online media competition from Netflix and social media like YouTube have triggered a
policy response that has moved MediaCorp Singapore’s institutional practices closer to those
of commercial media. MediaCorp invested heavily in digital delivery and online originals on
Toggle.sg. This echoes early phases of PSM development in Europe (see Hellman and Sauri,
1994). While MediaCorp Singapore is constantly restructuring itself in a bid to maintain its
dominant position within the local media industry, it is unclear if this will lead to
transformative, institutional arrangements that deliver PSM services that engage audiences.
What follows is our discussion of some constraints that may hinder MediaCorp developing
effective PSM services.
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Constraints on developing viable ‘PSM’ models
In today’s digital media age, institutional and policy changes to existing PSB models to
address digitally-networked and active audiences is necessary but inadequate in delivering
and developing engaging ‘public service’ content. The gold standard of an existing PSB
model that has adapted digitally is the BBC. Arguably one of the most successful PSB
operators to convert digitally into PSM, the BBC delivers great breadth of quality news,
information and drama programming. All PSM operators need to go beyond simply creating
content that “inform, educate and entertain” audiences, to serving the public in ways that the
private sector, left unregulated, would not. In a digitized world with viewer sovereignty and a
vast range of programs available at relatively low cost, the traditional market failure rationale
that forms the basis of PSB legitimacy is now largely mitigated. In this section, we examine
MediaCorp’s entrenched economic structure and institutional practices, and content strategies
to illustrate how these serve explicit cultural policy objectives, and argue that both constrain
MediaCorp’s ability to deliver engaging PSM services to diverse local audiences.
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Economic structure and institutional arrangements of PSB funding
Figure 1 synthesizes various economic and institutional relationships between MediaCorp
and key stakeholders in the media landscape of Singapore: Temasek Holdings (one of the two
sovereign wealth funds of Singapore) owns MediaCorp; IMDA provides regulatory oversight
and PSB funding; MediaCorp also receives funding from other government agencies and
ministries.
Figure 1: Simplified Architecture of Singapore’s PSB Landscape vis-à-vis MediaCorp
MediaCorp’s delivery of traditional PSB and new PSM content that relies on both public
funding and advertising can, at times, lead to diverging programming interest. For instance, a
TV programme that garners higher advertising revenue may not necessarily serve the TV
station's PSB remit. Making this compromise dilutes programming quality. In part, the
challenge in shifting from PSB to PSM models stems from having to change institutional
Media Development Authority (now IMDA)
Temasek Holdings
MediaCorp (previously SBC)
Commercial Income
Other Government Agencies
Government of Singapore
Independent Production Houses
Internal Production
Global Content Acquisition
Free-to-air broadcasting
Online & Digital Platforms
International Broadcasting
PSB Remit
Source: Constructed by authors (drawing on various published sources, including past MDA Annual reports and news releases, Advisory committee reports by PACE (Programme Advisory Committee for English Programmes), ACCESS
(Advisory Committee for Chinese Programmes) and other PACs(Programme Advisory Committees)2, and MediaCorp news releases)
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practices to allow for more innovative strategies to be deployed to actively engage viewers.
This is particularly relevant in the current context where there is a high premium on viewer
sovereignty and bespoke experiences. For instance, short of territorial viewing rights, viewers
are now able to access content on any device, anytime, anywhere at their own pace on
services like Netflix and YouTube. In contrast most of MediaCorp’s content is still delivered
through scheduled programming.
Prior to 2011, SBC (MediaCorp former namesake up to 1994) was funded through a
household TV and vehicle radio receiver tax that was collected annually by IMDA and ad-
hoc grants by the government for key programming content that it deemed of national
significance, such as key sporting events like the Olympic Games, Asian Games, and World
Cup football matches (Han, 2014). . The conventional argument for pricing PSB is that
against high production and fixed costs, the cost to add an additional viewer (i.e marginal
cost) is low. However, this logic holds true for existing content but not for producing new
content. Notwithstanding the limited incentives such pricing strategies may provide for
innovative content, responding to these challenges will require governments to explore newer
approaches to generate revenue to fund PSB.
Through PSB funding, the government supports the production of about 90% of the 5600
hours that PSB programmes annually (Channel NewsAsia, 2015), which include local and
acquired overseas programmes such as educational, arts and cultural programmes (Lau, 2016;
MediaCorp 2015).
In exchange for funding, the government expected MediaCorp to deliver good quality and
sufficient hours of PSB programming that reached as many households as possible, and
disseminate nation-building messaging. These expectations concerning the purpose of PSB
programmes were often expressed in MDA’s annual reports:
Our Public Service Broadcast (PSB) funding backed a total of 4,744 hours of content
on MediaCorp’s free-to-air (FTA) channels, attracting some 4.5 million viewers.
(MDA Annual Report 2014: 8)
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Supported by MDA, local content has been steadily improving in quality. Local
content producers have also been working hard to create more compelling and
engaging Public Service Broadcast (PSB) programmes. Together, such content has
been crucial in helping to strengthen the Singapore spirit and identity. (MDA Annual
Report 2013-2014: 57)
PSB funding supports the production of about 90% of the 5600 hours that MediaCorp
telecasts annually, which include local and acquired overseas programmes such as
educational, arts and cultural programmes (Lau, 2016; MediaCorp 2015).
The tax was discontinued in 2011 and replaced with block grants from IMDA and other
government agencies, and advertising revenue. The replacement of the annual tax (collected
from viewers) with block grants from the government had a structural impact on power
relations, strengthening the links between the state and MediaCorp. This made it more
difficult for the broadcaster to be seen as independent of state and market interests. With
increased government funding for PSB programmes, the relationship has become more
entrenched.
In recent years, PSB funding increased by 35% from S$470 million between 2007 and 2011, to S$630
million between 2012 and 2016 (Lau, 2016). For example, in 2014, MediaCorp earned S$653.8
million in revenue, while MDA’s annual report stated that it received government grants of
S$145 million for PSB programmes as of 1 April 2014. Of this revenue, PSB funding from
the state made up about at least 20% of the PSB broadcaster’s revenues. MDA also supported
PSB content production and talent development of S$21.38 million in the same year, directly
financing the production sector, not just for the broadcaster (see MDA Annual Report
2014/2015).
Through IMDA, MediaCorp obtains direct funding for its public service remit across its TV
and radio channels, while MediaCorp is expected to also maintain its commercial remit,
independent of state support, in keeping with its other investment stakeholders, such as
Temasek Holdings.10 In addition, MediaCorp, in consultation with IMDA, also commissions
independent production houses to create content that works to increase diversity in its
programming.
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Adding more complexity to the state’s funding role, several Ministries – such as the Ministry
of Communication and Information, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs – have also begun to
overtly seen to be funding TV programmes on MediaCorp’s terrestrial TV channels. State
funding for public communications and international relations campaigning is evident on
shows such as MediaCorp Channel 8’s dialect programme Eat Already? (CNA 2016a) to
reach out to senior citizens about government schemes for them, and Channel NewsAsia’s A
Little Red Dot Diplomacy (2017) featuring various Singapore ambassadors.
Interestingly, despite recognising the declining viewership of MediaCorp’s TV channels, for
Singapore’s case, there is no such decline in PSB funding from the state. Instead, annual PSB
funding will be increased by 28% to $250 million over the next five years (2015-2019) to
‘strengthen the quality of PSB programmes, which aim to promote national values and
celebrate the Singapore identity, culture and heritage’. The discursive practice of equating
PSB programmes with nation-hood is used to justify the increased state funding ties the PSB
service to fulfilling policy goals of nation-building. With decreasing viewership and
stagnating growth in Singapore’s resident population, the use of PSM to achieve these
objectives of celebrating identity, culture, and heritage will become increasingly expensive.
MediaCorp is still the dominant media player in its domestic TV market because it
commands the largest pool of PSB funding and generates the largest library of PSB content.
While some pay TV operators such as Starhub TV and mio TV may have increased their
subscriber base over the years, the base of domestic audiences still consume some PSB
programme on MediaCorp’s channels. However, without a new way of transacting on these
PSB funds, there is little incentive to switch to a drastic, new PSB model to arrest the
declining viewership (see PSB Review Panel, 2012).
Impact on PSB Content
MediaCorp has dutifully fulfilled its role as a national broadcaster, and provided universal
access to its PSB services, which should reach all local audiences. However, against the rise
of alternative media channels and content, its efforts to continue delivering good PSB content
have become less appealing to local audiences over time.
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Debrett (2010) lists eight PSB principles4 identified by BBC’s Peacock Committee (cited by
Harrison, 2000: 66) - such as providing quality news and universal access - that define good
PSB services. She discusses how the future of public service broadcasting should be based on
reinterpreting PSB principles to address supporting the development of PSM. This means
leveraging upon the Web 2.0 era of wired and wireless technologies, mobile digital and social
media platforms.
MediaCorp appears to comply with many of these principles for being an effective PSB
service. For example, it provides universal access, and addresses diversity by serving
minority interests through its TV channels and radio stations. MediaCorp broadcasts key
events of national interest, including the annual National Day Parade, sporting events that
Singaporeans participate actively in, and content that forms an important part of Singapore’s
official cultural heritage like newsreels of colonial and pre-independence Singapore, and
biographical material addressing founding Prime Minister Lee Kwan Yew’s contribution to
nation-building (see MediaCorp, 2015; MCI, 2014).
In terms of PSB’s provision of quality news, Tay and Turner (2008: 78) have argued that
MediaCorp News, ‘in the role of Channel News Asia, self-branded as the Asian CNN,
epitomises and champions an implicit alternative Asian news value system that is clearly
supportive of government strategies to construct the nation and maintain social stability’.
Local news programming was often the most watched content on MediaCorp’s TV services
across its various four TV language channels. Its award-winning shows such as Current
Affairs and Money Mind continue to be refreshed up till today. Since its launch in 2001,
Channel News Asia’s growth in its regional footprint has plateaued, as other Asian regional
broadcasters are also vying for the same transnational Asian audiences – most notably
China’s CCTV, Japan’s NHK, and South Korea’s Ariang TV.
As a result of state-directed language policy, MediaCorp also offers limitedChinese dialect
content on radio and TV to serve older Chinese Singaporeans who are not reached by the
official Mandarin language channels . MediaCorp's programming is constrained by the Speak
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Mandarin campaign and language policy state objectives. This campaign promotes Mandarin
as the primary and only official Chinese language used on national media. As a result, several
production companies have become niche producers of Mandarin-language programming.
However, over the years, MediaCorp’s ‘public service’ content on TV appeared less
concerned with engaging audiences’ diverse interests, and more with promoting larger socio-
political goals, including bilingualism and multiculturalism, while attempting to
commercialise.
During the 1960s to 1970s, Radio Television Singapore (later known as Singapore
Broadcasting Corporation (SBC), Television Corporation of Singapore (TCS) and then
MediaCorp) maintained a narrow PSB selection of TV and radio news and current affairs,
supplemented by acquired foreign entertainment programmes. Subsequently, from 1980s to
2000s, MediaCorp saw two major shifts in delivering PSB content, partly state-initiated and
partly self-initiated.
Firstly, as SBC was gradually corporatized from 1980 to 1994, it introduced more TV genres
into its PSB programming slate. This ranged from children’s and arts programming to more
minority-language content, and they launched a third terrestrial TV channel Channel 12
(NLB, 2014). Simultaneously, SBC (later TCS) also commercialised into producing and co-
producing dramas and telemovies that were exported in the late 1980s to 1990s (see Curtin,
2007). MediaCorp’s PSB content, including many of its local dramas, often articulated the
Singapore government’s and its citizenry’s anxieties of post-colonial independence,
embracing cultural policies of bilingualism and multiculturalism to strengthen citizens’ sense
of national identity.
Secondly, from 1999 to 2008, MediaCorp entered a phase of content and channel expansion,
partly spurred by local media competition, cultural policy shifts, and maintaining its PSB
remit of ensuring content diversity. For example, MediaCorp embarked on a number of
ambitious moves to set up niche channels, attempting to tackle local and regional media
competition. This included the ill-fated SportCity channel set up in 2000 (Wong, 2015), and a
more successful venture into a 24-hour Asian news channel established in 1999, Channel
NewsAsia. During this period, audiences had access to a greater variety of content as
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MediaCorp and SPH MediaWorks competed in early 2000s, although advertising revenues
suffered as a result (OECD Global Competition Forum, 2013).
With the economic push towards promoting the media sector as part of Singapore’s creative
industries in 2003-2007 as articulated in the Media 21 development blueprint that set out
MDA’s masterplan for developing Singapore’s media sector, some of the PSB funded content
served the dual purpose of promoting national identity and promoting media productions and
Singapore talents internationally (see MDA, /2008). This approach continued into the next
phase of developing the creative industries under the Singapore Media Fusion Plan (see Lee,
2016).
Throughout 2000 to 2010, MediaCorp tried to balance programming of what would be
deemed commercially-successful PSB-funded content with public interest content. For
instance, MediaCorp had flexibility to tap on PSB funding to produce programmes like The
Little Nyonya, a highly commercially successful TV drama in 2009-2010. They also
received funding to secure telecast rights for key events in the World Cup (Han, 2014).
Since 2013, without any resolution to the dual purpose of PSB-funded content, MediaCorp
began shifting towards delivering its PSB remit in a PSM manner, implementing state-
endorsed recommendations proposed by the PSB Review Panel in 2011. With its Toggle.Sg
on-demand service launched in 2013, MediaCorp operates closer to a PSM model. Toggle.sg
has become an internet platform for, and selectively curates content from, its seven free-to-air
TV channels. It also premieres Toggle.sg originals, that eventually shift over to its terrestrial
TV channels (Today, 2016). The industry was also introduced a more inclusive PSM
monitoring service – SG-TAM, launched in 2016 by GfK Media. It attempts to re-value and
measure audience engagement on both traditional and digital platforms. This metrics service
was commissioned by the regulator IMDA (IMDA, 2017).
As seen above, the dual purpose of PSB-funded content comes with its own challenges as
there is lack of directive whether commercial success of PSB-funded content outweighs the
importance of the public interest nature of the content. The original PSB remit is about public
engagement which is best measured by qualitative audience feedback. On the other hand, a
commercially-driven motive would be to acquire advertising revenues which is a function of
achieving TV ratings (Debrett 2010). Furthermore, scholars have observed that some
17
European public service broadcasters (e.g. Poland and Italy) rely on TV advertising revenues
to subsidise their services (Sehl, Cornia and Neilsen, 2016), and their metrics used were more
suited to price advertising revenues than measure public engagement. Similarly, MediaCorp
have some reliance on advertising revenues (MediaCorp 2014, 2016) and is accountable for
its performance on delivering PSB content, based on both quantitative ratings and qualitative
feedback from ACCESS and other Programme Advisory Committee (PAC) reports3.
MediaCorp has to serve dual roles as a national broadcaster (funded by IMDA) and an entity
with fiduciary responsibilities to its principal shareholder Temasek Holdings. These roles
present a set of conflicting obligations. While MediaCorp must provide quality news,
consistent with the normative values of a PSB service (see Jakubowicz, 2007; Debrett, 2009),
it also has to satisfy its role as a state broadcaster for nation building, public education and
others. Over and above these obligations, it must yield commercial returns that satisfy
Temasek Holdings. Negotiating the complex state-media-politics nexus has necessitated the
use of ‘OB Markers’ (a term in Singapore that Cheong (2012) refer to as topics which are
‘out-of-bound’ for public debate by the media) to prevent coverage of what is perceived to
be sensitive (Lee, 2002). However, in recent years there is a call to reduce the boundaries of
these markers and publicly discuss socially relevant yet sensitive issues (Tham, 2015).
Against the dual purpose nature of PSB-funded content and the roles expected of MediaCorp,
the entity is a ‘hybrid’ PSB operator while attempting to transform into Singapore’s PSM.
While the social role of PSB operators are often clearly supported by policymakers in Europe
(Moe and Syvertsen, 2009) and some parts of Asia (see Banerjee and Seneviratne, 2008),
many Asian PSB operators, like in Singapore, are also state broadcasters and lack autonomy
which can weaken their legitimacy in performing an important public service that activates
citizen participation (Raboy, 1997).
Conclusion
As national audiences are increasingly fragmented and de-territorialised, the ‘PSB crisis’ that
public service media need to address are also about creating shared media experiences
amongst an increasingly wide spectrum of audiences who are into niche-viewing, binge-
watching, and time-shifting in their media use. While these audiences may have some
18
‘mediated public connection’ to their distinctively national older PSB or newer PSM media
channels (Couldry, Livingstone and Markham, 2007), what kind of policy adjustments and
institutional re-arrangements will be needed to strengthen public trust in PSM’s legitimacy as
public media that builds a vibrant public sphere or multiple spheres that inform citizens and
guide public conversation.
‘Disruptive’ platforms like YouTube and Twitter cannibalise public media audiences to
amplify their services (van Dijck and Poell, 2015; Larsen, 2014). The rising popularity of
these platforms challenges the legitimacy of traditional PSB operators who are supposed to
unify audiences and promote national cultures (Larsen, 2014), be an instrument to champion
the voice of minority groups, ‘inform, educate, and entertain’, and provide a platform free of
vested interests (Brett, 2010). Putting public interest higher than individual wants and tastes,
public service content could continue to maintain a valuable role in unifying audiences back
into publics and caring communities.
Moreover, this disruption demands a paradigm shift in treatment of what counts as PSB. In
several ways, Singapore’s recent policy responses to these disruptions need to be
reconsidered to help MediaCorp meaningfully transform itself into an effective PSM that
engages interactive Singaporean audiences.
Firstly, following from the PSB Review Panel 2011’s recommendations, the state encouraged
MediaCorp to engage Singapore’s online viewing audiences on digital platforms. However,
initial PSM efforts to respond to these disruptions are not adequate because creating
Toggle.sg to extend PSB content delivery of existing TV channels online does not equate to
actively engaging the online audience. MediaCorp Singapore will need to shift away from the
‘scarcity’ and ‘single facility’ model for PSB provision, towards greater collaboration with
online niche producers that have growing communities to get the attention of a highly
individualised, fragmented TV-viewing publics (eg. Nightowl Cinematics, WahBanana on
YouTube). These niche digital media providers offer better value through product
differentiation and focus, against the strong waves of global Hollywood and pan-Asian media
content (like Korean pop culture) that compete for local viewership. Incumbent PSM
broadcasters will have to change their dominant mindsets to adopt more collaborative
platforms and partnership models.
19
Secondly, policy changes that encourage the separation of national broadcaster role from
commercial obligations may bring PSM operators like MediaCorp back to an original
purpose of delivering good quality PSB services in news, documentaries and factual content
that is relevant to Singapore and other Asian viewers. This would disentangle MediaCorp
from a complex institutional structure of funding (see Figure 1), conflicting roles and
obligations as PSB operator, national broadcaster, and commercialising media asset.
Thirdly, the state signalled a strong commitment to funding PSM services in Singapore in
years to come, recognising the need to invest in new digital assets and content that is au fait
with the rapidly changing social media landscapes. With this larger public funding, the state
could include a PSB ‘ex-ante public value test’ to assess the merits of further digital
innovations. Cultural policies that support PSM services should include funding criteria such
as ‘whether the proposed new service delivers adequate “public value” in addressing social
and cultural needs of its society, and the possible market impact of these PSM services before
they launch new services that compete with commercial operators (see Donders and Hallvard,
2011; Brevini, 2013).
In a highly digitised and commercialised media environment, PSM is still relevant in the 21st
century of disruptive platforms and diversified content if it addresses shared public interests
of digitally-engaged audiences, and upholds ‘Reithian’ ideals of quality PSB content. In order
for Singapore to have an effective delivery of PSM, it is paramount that MediaCorp or
whichever entities that are assigned to take on the role of PSM have full clarity that the PSM
interest be given the top most priority amongst competing roles.
While the old PSB model worked to develop MediaCorp Singapore into a strong national
media broadcaster in the 1980s to early 2000s, it will not help it transition effectively into a
PSM for the 21st-century with competing digital media players. PSM must partner closely
with trusted and innovative social media players that audiences engage with. Today, the
entities that have the strongest engagement with audiences are largely transnational media
players, especially digital players such as Google, Facebook, and others. Given this shift in
power to engage audiences, the question is whether the key drivers of PSM will be
determined by transnational information-technology-driven media players in the future.
20
Notes
1. In recent years, some PSB funding has gone to newer stakeholders like Starhub through schemes such as the PSB Contestable Fund. However, few innovations have emerged on Starhub’s free TV channels. MediaCorp attempted to gauge viewer interest with new content offering different multi-media, handheld devices through its ‘Test Tube TV’ programming belt from 2011 to 2013 with its MediaCorp Content Innovation Fund, to engage audiences to vote for their favourite concept ideas. See Telecoms Asia 2011 news report at https://www.telecomasia.net/content/mediacorp-launch-5m-content-innovation-fund (accessed 11 March 2017). 2. The PACE, ACCESS and PACs are advisory committees who represent a cross-section of Singapore audiences to give annual feedback to the media regulator, IMDA, about local TV content quality, content codes and guidelines. These committee reports are shared publicly on IMDA’s website. See https://www.imda.gov.sg/regulations-licensing-and-consultations/content-standards-and-classification/committee-report. 3. Since 2016, MDA became part of a newly converged regulator and industry promoter of the information technologies and media industries, known as InfoComms Media Development Authority (or IMDA) of Singapore. PSB fees are based on an annual tax of SGD 110 collected from every TV viewing household and SGD 27 per vehicle radio. 4. These are: (i) providing universal coverage as a basis to form a public sphere; (ii) provision of quality, impartial news and current affairs that provides resources to encourage an informed and active citizenship diversity; (iii) serving minority interests; (iv) reflecting national culture and identity; (v) provision of innovative content ; (vi) direct funding of one broadcasters by a body of users; (vii) competition to offer good programming rather than focusing on audience ratings; and (viii) giving programmers flexible content guidelines.
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