Nedovršene Unfinished Modernisations – A Revieworis.hr/files/pdf/zastita/23/152-165.pdf ·...

152 153oris, number 77, year 2012 Agata Pyzik, Unfinished Modernisations

Unfinished Modernisations – A Review

fotografije photographs by

Agata Pyzik

CCN-images (CCN)Sandro Lendler (SL) Wolfgang Thaler (WT)

¶ With the 20th anniversary of the dissolution of Yugoslavia last year, together with that of the collapse of the Soviet Union and with 2009 marking 20 years from the end of the Warsaw Pact, we are now at enough of a distance to see the late communist and socialist regimes, but also the regimes which came after them, in a proper perspective. If you asked the average citizen of a post-communist country, especially someone who didn’t particularly benefit from the introduction of capitalism, how he values his ‘freedom’, what you’d get would be probably quite a disillusioned and grim response. The current economic crisis after the shock therapy and capitalist transition in the countries of ex-Yugoslavia and in general in the ex-Soviet Bloc is prompting certain groups of progressive intellectuals to look again at the previous ideology, previous forms of life, perhaps in search of new/old solutions to the new problems. ¶ But ex-Yugoslavia always displayed more nostalgia for its own version of socialism than the other, quickly neo-liberalising, countries of eastern Europe. And despite the current ambitions of the poorer part of the former SFRY (Serbia, Macedonia) to achieve quick accession to the European Union and privatization of everything, this creates the chance for unprejudiced research and reassessment of the past. ‘Unfinished Modernisations’, an exhibition curated by Vladimir Kulić, Maroje Mrduljaš and collaborators, and which took place in Maribor, Belgrade’s May

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Maroje Mrduljaš

oris, broj 77, godina 2012 Agata Pyzik, Nedovršene modernizacije

Nedovršene modernizacije – osvrt

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¶ Uz dvadesetu obljetnicu raspada Jugoslavije prošle godine, zajedno s raspadom Sovjetskog Saveza i obilježavanjem dva-deset godina od kraja Varšavskog pakta 2009. godine, stvorio se definitivno dovoljan odmak da bivše komunističke i so cija-lističke režime, ali i režime koji su došli nakon njih, sagle damo u pravoj perspektivi. Da ste pitali prosječna građanina neke postkomunističke zemlje, pogotovo nekoga tko se nije baš okoristio nakon uvođenja kapitalizma, kako vrednuje svoju ‘slobodu’, vjerojatno biste dobili prilično razočaran i zlokoban odgovor. Trenutna ekonomska kriza nakon šok terapije i ka-pitalističke tranzicije u zemljama bivše Jugoslavije i općenito u zemljama bivšega Sovjetskog bloka tjera određene skupine progresivnih intelektualaca da opet razmotre prijašnju ideo-logiju, prijašnje oblike života, možda u potrazi za novim-sta-rim rješenjima za nove probleme. ¶ No bivša je Jugoslavija uvijek pokazivala više nostalgije prema vlastitoj verziji socija-lizma nego druge zemlje istočne Europe koje se brzo neo-liberaliziraju. A unatoč trenutnim ambicijama slabije razvijenog dijela bivše SFRJ (Srbija, Makedonija) da brzo uđe u Europsku uniju i privatizaciji svega, to stvara priliku za nepristrano istra-živanje i ponovnu procjenu prošlosti. Ne dovršene mo derni-zacije, izložba kustosa Vladimira Kulića, Maroja Mrdu ljaša i suradnika koja se održavala u Mariboru, beogradskom Muzeju 25. maja i Kneževoj palači u Zadru, dokumentira nekoliko


25th Museum and the Ducal Palace in Zadar, documents a few years’ research by the most progressive architecture scholars from ex-Yugoslavia to speak about the failures and successes of Marshal Tito’s regime. It also feels as if it was organised in reaction to the ever more popular exploitation of the ‘style of the cold-war modern’ across the galleries of Europe and coffee-table books (CCCP: Cosmic Communist Constructions Photographed by Frederic Chaubin or Socialist Architecture: the Vanishing Act by Armin Linke), reproducing constantly the same, to a western eye extraordinarily looking, inventive socialist buildings, Houses of the Party, Museums of Revolution or facilities devoted to the space programme. Through attraction (the looks) – repulsion (the ‘bad’ ideology), they turn former socialist states into lands of western fantasy. ‘UM’, just like another project worthy of mention also coming from Eastern

scholars, ‘PRL™ Export Architecture and Urbanism from Socialist Poland’1 in 2010, focused on the meaning of ‘under-development’ in the Eastern Bloc and the Non-Aligned Movement, was created in reaction to such exoticisation. ¶ ‘We need to tell the story again to ourselves’ seems to be the commu niqué coming from the Maribor installation, catalogue and now also the book – and to go beyond a black-and-white image. There were good as well as bad things about the SFRY, and architecture reflects it. As someone both from the ex-Bloc (Poland) and the West (living in London) I could finally build myself a more coherent narrative about the post-war years of so-called social democracy in Europe. Today, surrounded by blocks of luxury flats that no one can afford, we look at the equality of the social planning and housing of the Yugoslav era as a paradise. There was a time when both West and East wanted to build socially and equally, but for quite different reasons. While the outcome may be similar, social democracy in the West was still undoubtedly capitalist, as SFRY was socialist. Therefore, a very different proportion of social housing: only 40% at the very most in Britain, with 100% in SFRY within the

1 Another exhibition, ‘Postmodernism Is Almost All Right’, held at the Warsaw School of Economics in 2011 also looked at a similar subject, of the movement of architectural practice from involvement in the Non-Aligned countries before 1989 and afterwards towards new buildings in Poland which often evoked Socialist Realism more than Modernism.

Godine 1947. proveden je veliki natječaj za zgradu CK KPJ u Beogradu na kojem nije dodijeljena prva, nego tri rangirane druge nagrade. ‘Prvu drugu nagradu’ dobio je Edvard Ravnikar i njegov tim. Zanimljivost je natječaja i to što se uz projekt zgrade tražilo i urbanističko rješenje čitavoga novog grada – administrativnog i simboličkog središta Jugoslavije, što je i početak razvoja ideje o Novom Beogradu. Ravnikarov prijedlog neosporno se bazira na modernističkim principima, no uključuje i monu-mentalne osi, arhitektonski jezik koji sadrži određene elemente socrealizma, kao i golemu pistu za povorke ispred glavnog trga i zgrade CK KPJ.Izvor: Monografija Zbornik oddelka za arhitekturo na univerzi v Ljubljani, 1946.47.

Urbanizacija je jedan od prioriteta socijalističke Jugoslavije. U trenutku izuzetnog poleta izgradnje novog društva, zahvati poput Ulice Proleterskih brigada najbolji su primjer sprege ambicije, elana i arhitektonske kreativnosti u djelima arhitekata Fabrisa, Šegvića, Rašice (na fotografiji), te Galića, Nikšića, Haberlea i drugih koji grade uzduž te avenije novog, metropolitanskog mjerila.

Urban planning was among the priorities of socialist Yugoslavia. At the time of the greatest enthusiasm for building the new society, interventions such as Proleterskih Brigada Street were among the best examples of blending the ambition, enthusiasm and architectural creativity in the works of architects such as Fabris, Šegvić, Rašica (photo), Galić, Nikšić, Haberle and many others who were building along this avenue of new, metropolitan scale.

In 1947, a large architectural design competition was held in Belgrade to design the building of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. Though the first prize was not awarded, the jury decided to award three second prizes. The ‘first second prize’ was awarded to Edvard Ravnikar and his team. The curiosity of this competition was that, along with the building design, the proposal had to include an urban planning solution for the entire new town – the administrative and symbolic centre of Yugoslavia. The latter solution was to be the starting point for the development of New Belgrade. Ravnikar’s design proposal was indisputably based on modernist principles, but it also included monumental axes, an architectural language containing certain elements of social realism, as well as a huge runway intended for parades in front of the main square and building of the Central Committee.Source: Monography Antology of the Architecture department at the University of Ljubljana, 194647

Moderna kultura brzo ulazi u svakodnevni život, a modernizacija svih aspekata društva postala je prioritet. U Ljubljani je 1956. godine održano savjetovanje i izložba ‘Stan na naše prilike’ u sklopu kojih je proveden i natječaj za prototip obiteljske kuće u nizu. Prvu nagradu dobivaju Janez Lajović, Vladimir Mušič, Anton Pibernik i Savin Sever. Tom prigodom izveden je i pokazni prototip opremljen namještajem i drugim elementima unutarnjeg uređenja i dizajna različitih autora i proizvođača, uključujući i radove klasika slovenskog dizajna Nike Kralja.Izvor: Katalog izložbe Stan za naše prilike, 1957.Modern culture was quickly stepping into everyday life. Top priority was given to modernization of all aspects of the society. In 1956, a symposium and exhibition entitled ‘An Apartment for Our Circumstances’ was held in Ljubljana, followed by an architectural design competition for the prototype of a family terraced house. The winning design was authored by Janez Lajovic, Vladimir Mušič, Anton Pibernik and Savin Sever. On that occasion, a demonstration model was made and was equipped with furniture and other elements of interior decorating and design by various other authors and manufacturers, including classic pieces by Niko Kralj, the Slovenian designer. Source: Catalogue of the exhibition An Apartment for Our Circumstances, 1957

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godina istraživanja progresivnih arhitektonskih teoretičara iz bivše Jugoslavije i govori o neuspjesima i uspjesima režima maršala Tita. Čini se također kao da je organizirana kao reakcija na sve popularniju eksploataciju ‘stila hladnoratovske moderne’ diljem europskih galerija i reprezentativnih monografija (Kozmičke komunističke građevine fotografirane Fredericka Chau-bina ili Socijalistička arhitektura: nestajanje Armina Linkea) koji reproducira stalno iste, neobične, a za zapadno oko in-ventivne socijalističke zgrade, sjedišta partije, muzeje revo-lucije ili objekte posvećene svemirskom programu. Kroz pri-vlačnost (izgled) – odbojnost (‘loša’ ideologija), oni bivše so cijalističke države pretvaraju u zemlje zapadne fantazije. ‘UM’ je, baš poput drugog spomena vrijednoga projekta koji također potječe od istočnih teoretičara, ‘PRL™ izvozna

arhitektura i urbanizam iz socijalističke Poljske’1 iz 2010. godine, usredotočenog na značenje ‘nerazvijenosti’ u Is-točnom bloku i Pokretu nesvrstanih, nastao kao reakcija na takvu egzotizaciju. ¶ ‘Moramo priču ponovno ispričati samima se bi’ čini se da je komunike mariborske instalacije, kataloga, a sada također i knjige – i nadići crno-bijelu sliku. Bilo je u SFRJ-u i dobrih i loših stvari, a arhitektura to odražava. Kao netko tko dolazi i iz bivšeg Istočnog bloka (Poljska) i sa zapada (živim u Londonu), napokon sam mogla sama sebi izgraditi koherentniji narativ o poslijeratnim godinama takozvane socijaldemokracije u Europi. Okruženi današnjim luksuznim stambenim blokovima koje si nitko ne može priuštiti, na jednakost društvenog planiranja i stanovanje jugoslavenske ere gledamo kao na raj. Bilo je jednom vrijeme kada su i Zapad i Istok htjeli graditi socijalno i jednako, ali iz posve različitih razloga. Iako je ishod toga mogao biti sličan, socijaldemokracija na zapadu nesumnjivo je još uvijek bila kapitalistička, kao što je u SFRJ-u bila socijalistička, što pokazuje vrlo različit udio socijalnog stanovanja: samo 40% u Velikoj Britaniji nasuprot 100% u unutar konteksta ‘društvenog vlasništva’ u SFRJ-u.

1 Druga izložba, ‘Postmodernizam je gotovo u redu’, održana 2011. godine na Ekonomskom fakultetu u Varšavi, također se bavila sličnom temom o kretanju arhitektonske prakse, od angažiranosti u nesvrstanim zemljama prije 1989. go-dine i nakon toga, prema novim zgradama u Poljskoj koje su često više evocirale socrealizam nego modernizam.


Napredni arhitekti istražuju inovativne urbanističke koncepte koji, nažalost, često ostaju tek djelomice realizirani. Juraj Neidhardt, nakon suradnje sa Le Corbusierom i avangardnih prijedloga iz 1930-ih istražuje novi centar Sarajeva – Marijin Dvor, predlažući razmjerno gustu strukturu meandrirajućih zgrada koja je neosporno moderna, ali i inspirirana tradicionalnim otomanskim urbanizmom.Izvor: Kabinet za enterijer i oblikovanje Arhitektonskog fakulteta u Sarajevu

Mature architects explored innovative urban planning concepts. Unfortunately, these concepts often remained only partially completed. Juraj Neidhardt, following his cooperation with Le Corbusier and his avant-garde proposals of the 1930s, explored Marijin Dvor Square, the new city centre of Sarajevo, proposing a relatively dense structure of meandering buildings, which were undeniably modern, but inspired by urban patterns of traditional Ottoman settlements as well.Source: Office of Interior and Design at the Faculty of Architecture in Sarajevo

economic context of ‘collective ownership’. ¶ People may have been well-off, living in spacious flats in Novi Belgrade’s GENEX Tower (a company which allocated flats to their workers equally, regardless of their status), not necessarily like Londoners, but not far off their West German equivalents, but the reason the building where they lived was built and the values they believed couldn’t be more different. The West sported a welfare state while believing in individualism, ‘getting on’, personal success; their Yugoslavian peers were brought up in collectivity, to believe that housing is supposed to be equal for everybody and their work served the construction of the new state. Anyone living in social housing in Great Britain or France, would respond with laughter at the suggestion they live in a socialist country. Even if all this sounds like some uncanny utopia, ‘UM’ shows that SFRY maybe wasn’t paradise, but it wasn’t a utopia either. There was an admirable push towards modernization of a terribly unequal country: with an under-developed south-east (Kosovo, Bosnia, Montenegro, Macedonia, much of Serbia) and a better-off north-west (Slovenia, Croatia). The noble notion of ‘privileged dwelling in a privilege-free society’ resulted in a social structure that wasn’t divided by class, but by poor rural and more affluent urban; and by geography: some enjoyed the living standards of Austria, but others – of Albania. Workers travelled from south to north to work in cities, but modernization couldn’t keep up: shanty towns started to emerge. Kaluđerica, ‘the biggest wild settlement in the Balkans’, with 30,000 inhabitants at the time, was so far away from the normal solutions of urban development that it had to come out with its own. It’s fascinating, because it can be seen both at the top and at the bottom of the idea of self-management. It

Grad Zagreb širi se na južnu obalu Save izvedbom novog Zagrebačkog velesajma. Prijedlog Urbanističkog plana iz 1963. pokazuje ortogonalnu strukturu prometnica koje, u modernističkom duhu, definiraju i raznoliko komponirane stambene četvrti sa svim potrebnim pratećim sadržajima. Naročito je zanimljiva gusta megastruktura glavnog centra Novog Zagreba s različitim sadržajima koja se neposredno nastavlja na Zagrebački velesajam, a smještena je oko poteza takozvane glavne gradske osi. Od te metropolitanske zamisli nije realizirano praktički ništa. No, realizirana naselja odražavala su koncepciju ‘grada sunca i zelenila’.

With the construction of the new complex of the Zagreb Fair, the city of Zagreb was spreading to the southern bank of River Sava. The zoning proposal of 1963 showed an orthogonal structure of roads, which, in the modernist spirit, defined the variously composed residential neighbourhoods with all the necessary facilities. Particularly interesting was the dense megastructure of the main centre of New Zagreb with various supporting facilities, which extended from the Zagreb Fair and was located around the stretch of the so-called main axis. Practically nothing of this metropolitan idea was realised. Yet, the completed settlements reflected the concept of the city of ‘the sun and the green’.

Izvor: Časopis ArhitekturaSource: Arhitektura magazine

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¶ Ljudima je možda bilo dobro živjeti u prostranim stanovima GENEX-ova nebodera u Novom Beogradu (poduzeće koje je svojim radnicima stanove namjenjivalo ravnopravno, bez obzi-ra na njihov status), ne nužno kao stanovnicima Londona, ali i ne daleko od svoga ekvivalenta u Zapadnoj Njemačkoj; no razlog zbog kojega je kuća u kojoj su živjeli bila sagrađena i vrijednosti u koje su vjerovali nisu mogle biti različitije. Zapad je glumio državu blagostanja, istodobno vjerujući u indi vidua-lizam, ‘napredovanje’, osobni uspjeh; njihovi jugoslavenski pandani odgajani su u kolektivnosti, u vjerovanju da stanovanje mora biti jednako za sve i da njihov rad služi izgradnji nove države. Svatko tko živi u socijalnom stanu u Velikoj Britaniji ili Francuskoj nasmijao bi se na podsjećanje da živi u so cija-lističkom okolišu. Čak i ako sve ovo zvuči kao neka čudna uto-pija, ‘UM’ pokazuje da SFRJ možda nije bio raj, ali isto tako nije bio ni utopija. Postojalo je divljenja vrijedno nastojanje ka modernizaciji jedne izrazito raznolike zemlje: s nerazvijenim jugoistokom (Kosovo, Bosna, Crna Gora, Makedonija, dobar dio Srbije) i bolje stojećim sjeverozapadom (Slovenija, Hrvatska). ¶ Plemenita zamisao o ‘povlaštenom stanovanju u društvu bez povlastica’ rezultirala je društvenom strukturom koja nije bila podijeljena klasno, nego na siromašno ruralno i bogatije gradsko stanovništvo, i zemljopisno: neki su živjeli standardom Austrije, a drugi – Albanije. Radnici s juga putovali su na sjever kako bi radili u gradovima, no modernizacija to nije mogla pratiti: počela su nicati divlja naselja. Kaluđerica, ‘najveće divlje naselje na Balkanu’, u to je vrijeme brojala 30.000 stanovnika i bila je toliko udaljena od standardnih procedura urbanog razvoja da je morala iznaći vlastita. Taj primjer je fascinantan, jer se može razumjeti i kao vrhunac i


Modernizam ubrzo postaje ‘oficijelni stil’ u kojem se izvode glavne reprezentativne građevine. Ta estetska

bliskost između socijalističkog poretka i modernizma nikada nije bila službeno propisana, nego je riječ o

podudarnosti između relativne autonomije kulture, modernizma kao ionako preferiranog izraza arhitekata

te želje političkog poretka da se identificira kao progresivan. Zgrada CK SKJ u Novom Beogradu nalikuje korporativnim neboderima zapadnog modernizma iako

njeno pročelje u tehnološkom smislu nije ‘viseća fasada’, nego konvencionalno rješenje prilagođeno tadašnjim

mogućnostima građevinske industrije.

Modernism soon became the ‘official’ style of major representative buildings. This aesthetic closeness

between the socialist system and modernism was never officially prescribed; it was rather a correspondence

between the relative autonomy of culture, modernism, as an expression preferred by architects anyhow, and

the desire of the political system to be identified as progressive. The building of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in New

Belgrade resembled the corporate skyscrapers of Western modernism, even though, in the technical

sense, its front was not a ‘hanging façade’, but rather a conventional solution adjusted to the capabilities of the

construction industry of the time.

Brojni gradovi, od perifernih sredina do glavnih gradova republike, dobivaju nove, moderne centre koji

mijenjaju slike gradova i njihov skyline. Edvard Ravnikar tijekom više desetljeća istražuje i izvodi današnji Trg

Republike koji, uz dva nebodera, uključuje i kongresni i kulturni Cankarjev centar. Ravnikarov rukopis baštini srednjoeuropsku tektoničku tradiciju na liniji Semper-

Wagner-Plečnik, no njegov pristup urbanizmu radikalno je moderan. Novi centralni prostori u gradove bivše

Jugoslavije upisuju nov, moderan sloj.Izvor: Arhiv Muzeja za arhitekturu i dizajn, Ljubljana

From peripheral areas to the capitals of the republics, new, modern centres were built that changed the images and skylines of these cities. Over several decades, Edvard

Ravnikar explored and built the present-day Republic Square, which, along with two skyscrapers, included Cankarjev Dom, the cultural and convention centre. Ravnikar’s handwriting inherited the mid-European

tectonic tradition along the lines of Semper-Wagner-Plečnik, yet his approach to urban planning was radically

modern. New central areas introduced a new, modern layer in the cities of ex-Yugoslavia.

Source: Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana

Katastrofalni potres u Skopju 1963. godine imao je višestruke implikacije na arhitekturu i urbanizam. Pod pokroviteljstvom Ujedinjenih naroda kreće obnova u kojoj sudjeluju brojni međunarodni i jugoslavenski arhitekti, a Skopje dobiva niz izuzetnih zgrada, poput studentskog dormitorija ‘Goce Delčev’ arhitekta Georgija Konstatinovskog koji se educirao kod Paula Rudolpha na Yaleu te surađivao sa Ioh Ming Peiem, ili pak originalnog univerzitetskog centra slovenskog arhitekta Marka Mušiča. No, Skopje je vjerojatno najpoznatije po tek djelomice realiziranom planu Kenza Tangea s centralnim područjem, što je i prvi ‘izvoz’ metabolističkih koncepcija na zapad. U izradi plana sudjelovali su i hrvatski urbanisti Miščević i Wenzler.

The catastrophic earthquake that struck Skopje in 1963 had multiple implications for architecture and urban planning. The reconstruction that was started under the auspices of the United Nations involved numerous international and Yugoslav architects. A number of outstanding buildings were designed and built in the city, such as the Goce Delčev Hall by architect Georgi Konstatinovski who studied with Paul Rudolph at Yale University and collaborated with Ieoh Ming Pei, as well as the inventive University Centre building designed by Slovenian architect Marko Mušič. Skopje was probably best known for its only partially completed master plan of the central city area that was designed by Kenzo Tange. This design was the first ‘export’ of the Metabolists’ urban concepts to the West. Miščević and Wenzler, the Croatian urban planners, participated in the development of the master plan as well.

escaped planning, which, as we see now especially sharply with the free market moving wildly across our cities without any control, was rather good. On the other hand, with the contemporary Serbian state trying to legalise (=privatize) every building, it showed the benefits of a soft modernity, as many squats and communes in Western cities, now being shut

down one after another, could assert. ¶ Yugoslavia benefited from oscillating between the USSR and the West, creating a society which, though based on equality, was not unaware of the pleasures of consumption. The exhibition points this out with a suppressed irony, e.g. in displays of department stores or hotels. Endowed with the natural beauty of its coast,

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Izvor: Arhiv grada SkopjaSource: City of Skopje archive


kao dno ideje o samoupravljanju. Kaluđerica je izbjegla pla-niranje, što je, kao što se sada kada slobodno tržište po našim gradovima divlja bez ikakve kontrole, posebno dobro vidi, bilo prilično dobro. S druge strane, dok suvremena srpska država pokušava legalizirati (čitaj, privatizirati) svaki objekt, Kalu đe-rica pokazuje prednosti meke modernosti, kako mogu

potvrditi mnogi skvotovi i komune u zapadnim gradovima koji se sada jedan za drugim zatvaraju. ¶ Jugoslavija je imala koristi od osciliranja između SSSR-a i Zapada, stvarajući društvo koje, iako temeljeno na jednakosti, nije bilo nesvjesno užitaka potrošnje. Izložba to ističe potisnutom ironijom, primjerice, u prikazima robnih kuća ili hotela. Obdarena prirodnom


Yugoslavia had to be prepared for sudden mass and inter na-tio nal (mostly, Western) tourism, a great source of hard currency. Leisure facilities and hotels in why so many holiday resorts, sometimes planned with UN financial support and in international teams, unveil the creativity in respecting the natural environment from urban excess, preserving local context and experimentation of vast, sculptural forms. The idea of ‘everybody can afford a little bit of luxury’ mixed with the alleged availability of lifestyles worthy of Yugo equivalents of James Bond and his entourage, are displayed at stylized photo-shoots in magazines. ¶ The debates on how and if self-management (a form of economic planning where factories and enterprises were democratically controlled by their workers, for a time an efficient mix of both socialist and capitalist economies) really worked continue today and ‘UM’ contributes to this, exposing communality, cooperation, affordability and equality as much as the often low quality, national inequality, and the constantly pondered unfinishedness. Despite one of the highest growth rates in the world in the 1950s and 60s, a titanic task even for an affluent country couldn’t be completed, so no wonder for the rest of its existence SFRY struggled with eco-nomic instability. Also, it allowed quite a lot of de centra lization, shown here by the variety of national styles reflected in modern architecture, e.g. sacral structures in Bosnia and Herzegovina, or, more controversially, monuments devoted to the Partisans’ struggle against Nazism and Fascism, testing the flights of fancy of Yugoslavian designers, linking architecture, landscape and sculpture. There was a political and economic clampdown after nationalist movements grew in power in 70s Croatia and 80s Serbia, some decided decentralization went too far and brought more censorship and less social openness. ¶ What is also worth mentioning is how the show stresses the archi-tectural awareness of this area and its participation in the international movement. From the 1920s there were strong schools in Belgrade, Zagreb, Ljubljana (with contacts esta-blished with e.g. Le Corbusier) and, after the war, in Sarajevo or Skopje, producing such original architects as Vjenceslav Richter, Milan Mihelič or Edvard Ravnikar. From 1966 there was a national prize, Borba, established to promote talent and create an equivalent of starchitects. The many very different architects, who referred to brutalism, metabolism as much as some sort of neo-constructivism, still remained exceptionally original, especially Ravnikar, whose sculptural, expressionist towers on Ljubljana’s Republic Square have no western equi-valent. ¶ This openness comes of course from the economic openness of the Non-Aligned Movement, which could take from the People’s Republics’ nationalised architectural

practices/combinates like Miastoprojekt Kraków. Similarly SFRY had Energoprojekt in Belgrade and other successful companies which worked for Middle Eastern and African countries, members of the Non-Aligned Movement. This brings us to the fascinating topic of competitiveness within the context of a socialist economy and in general, the attra-ctiveness of Eastern technology, which was at least for a while, an alternative to the growing 80s neo-liberalism and post-modern architecture. Because even the craziest Yugo-constructions are expansively modernist, in form and in con-tent. ¶ From today’s perspective of extremely poor quality and unaffordably high-priced new housing in the West, Novi Beograd and Novi Zagreb look like a dream. So why did they remain unfinished? The reasons are many. For instance,

Razmjena između arhitekata iz jugoslavenskih sredina i internacionalnih centara odvija se po više linija: slovenski arhitekti usvajaju znanja u Skandinaviji, nekoliko hrvatskih arhitekata usavršava se u Nizozemskoj… Arhitektica Svetlana Radević surađivala je s Louisom Kahnom i transponirala njegovu poetiku u vlastiti autentični izraz prilikom realizacije Hotela ‘Podgorica’ koji je i dobio nagradu novine ‘Borba’ za najbolje jugoslavensko ostvarenje 1967. godine.

The exchange between architects from Yugoslav cities and their international peers was carried out along several lines of cooperation: Slovenian architects acquired new knowledge in Scandinavia; several Croatian architects received further training in the Netherlands... Architect Svetlana Radević worked in collaboration with Louis Kahn, transposing Kahn’s poetics to create her own authentic expression in the design of Podgorica Hotel. Her design won the Borba Award for Architecture as the best Yugoslav achievement in 1967.

Prva faza urbanizacije uglavnom se odvijala se sukladno modernističkim kon-vencijama. No, urbanističke metodologije napreduju i javlja se i kritika ortodoksnog modernizma čiji je najutjecajniji primjer Split 3 koji nakon federalnog natječaja planira slovenski tim Mušič-Starc-Bežan. Projekt povezuje megastrukturno mjerilo s povratkom pješačke ulice, a suradnja s izuzetnom splitskom arhitektonskom scenom rezultira izuzetno uspješnom integracijom arhitekture i urbanizma, pos-tajući uzorni primjer ‘projektiranja za velike brojeve’. Izvor: Časopis Sinteza

The first stage of urban planning was mainly conducted in accordance with modernist principles. But as urban planning methodologies progressed, the critique of orthodox modernism of Split 3 emerged as the most influential example. Following a federal architectural design competition, this settlement was planned by a Slovenian team consisting of architects Mušič, Starc and Bežan. The project established a connection between the megastructural scale and the reestablishment of the pedestrian zone. The collaboration between the Slovenian team and the exceptional architectural scene in Split resulted in the successful integration of architecture and urban planning. Thus their work became an exemplary model for large-scale design. Source: Sinteza magazine

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ljepotom svoje obale, Jugoslavija je morala biti pripremljena za nagli masovni i međunarodni (uglavnom, zapadni) turizam, sjajan izvor tvrde valute. Objekti za odmor i hoteli u tako mno-go hotelskih naselja, ponekad planiranih s financijskom podrškom UN-a i u međunarodnim timovima, otkrivaju krea-tiv nost u poštivanju prirodnog okoliša u odnosu na urbanu pretjeranost, nastojeći očuvati lokalni kontekst i eksperi men-ti rajući s ogromnim, skulpturalnim formama. Zamisao da si ‘svatko može priuštiti malo luksuza’, pomiješana s navodnom dostupnošću stila života dostojnog jugoekvivalenata Jamesa Bonda i njegovoga okruženja, prikazuju se na izložbi i u stili-ziranim editorijalima iz časopisa. ¶ Rasprave o tome kako je i da li je uopće samoupravljanje (oblik ekonomskog planiranja gdje su tvornicama i poduzećima demokratski upravljali nji-hovi radnici, svojevremeno učinkovita mješavina socija lističke i kapitalističke ekonomije) funkcioniralo, nastavljaju se do danas, a ‘UM’ tome doprinosi, izlažući komunalnost, suradnju, dostupnost i jednakost jednako kao i često lošu kvalitetu, nacionalnu nejednakost i neprestano vaganu nedovršenost. Unatoč jednoj od najviših stopa rasta u svijetu u pedesetim i šezdesetim godinama, ovaj titanski zadatak, čak i za neku

bogatu zemlju, nije mogao biti dovršen pa nije ni čudo da se Jugoslavija preostalo vrijeme svoga postojanja borila s gos-podarskom nestabilnošću. Jugoslavija je u priličnoj mjeri ta-kođer dozvoljavala i decentralizaciju, što je ovdje prikazano različitim nacionalnim izrazima koji se odražavaju u modernoj arhitekturi, na primjer, sakralnim objektima u Bosni i Herce-govini, ili, još kontroverznije, spomenicima posvećenima borbi partizana protiv nacizma i fašizma koji su stavljali na kušnju maštu jugoslavenskih arhitekata, povezujući arhi tekturu, krajolik i skulpturu. ¶ Ono što je također vrijedno zabilježiti jest da izložba naglašava arhitektonsku svijest o tom području i njezino sudjelovanje u međunarodnom modernom pokretu. Od dvadesetih su godina u Beogradu, Zagrebu, Ljubljani postojale jake škole (i uspostavljani kontakti, primjerice, s Le


Jugoslavija, s prirodnim ljepotama svoje obale, vrlo brzo uviđa komercijalne potencijale turizma. U razvoju turističke arhitekture angažirani su neki od najboljih arhitekata, što rezultira u izuzetno zanimljivom razvoju različitih tipologija za masovni turizam koji je od 1960-ih u globalnom porastu. Jednaka pažnja posvećuje se i planiranju obale u nastojanju da se osmisle održivi i kontrolirani načini njezina razvoja, očuvanja prirodnih resursa i povijesnih cjelina. Turistička naselja kao što su Haludovo na otoku Krku arhitekta Borisa Magaša istovremeno su arhitektonsko-urbanistički eksperiment, a pokazali su se i komercijalno uspješnima.

Yugoslavia, with the natural beauty of its coast, soon realized the commercial potential of tourism. The development of tourism architecture involved some of the best architects, resulting in a very interesting development of various typologies for mass tourism, globally on the rise since the 1960s. Equal attention was paid to coastline planning in an effort to devise sustainable and controlled ways for its development, as well as for the conservation of both natural resources and historic zones. At the same time, resorts such as Haludovo on the island of Krk by architect Boris Magaš belonged to architectural and urban planning experiments, but proved to be commercially very successful as well.

Arhitektonske kulture unutar federativne Jugoslavije bile su heterogene, lokalizirane, vezane za škole, tradicije i istaknute autore. Neke od zgrada predstavljaju i još nedovoljno prepoznate vrhunce internacionalnog modernizma kao što je to i Bijela džamija u Visokom arhitekta Zlatka Ugljena, jedan od najljepših primjera moderne sakralne arhitekture, nagrađena i prestižnom nagradom Aga Khan.

The architectural cultures of federal Yugoslavia were heterogeneous, localized, bound to schools, traditions, and prominent authors. Some of the buildings of that era are among the still insufficiently recognized highlights of international modernism. Among them is the White Mosque in Visoko by architect Zlatko Ugljen, one of the finest examples of modern religious architecture, which was honoured with the prestigious Aga Khan Award for Architecture.

Rezultati urbanizacije i građenja na vlastitom teritoriju osiguravaju razvoj internacionalno kompetitivnih znanja. Brojne jugoslavenske tvrtke rade u zemljama Drugog i Trećeg svijeta, čemu pomaže i vodeća uloga u Pokretu nesvrstanih. Tvrtka Energoprojekt bila je naročito uspješna u ‘menadžmentu’ i vođenju projekta gdje se više procesa: od planiranja do izvedbe moglo odvijati praktički paralelno. Jedan od poznatijih primjera je Sajam u Lagosu. Izvor: Arhiva Energoprojekt

The results of urban planning and local construction projects allowed for a development of internationally competitive know-how. Many Yugoslav companies operated in countries of the second and third worlds, aided by Yugoslavia’s leadership role in the Non-Aligned Movement. Particularly successful in the management of such projects was the company Energoprojekt, which was able to almost simultaneously carry out a variety of processes, from initial planning to final execution. Among the better known examples of such construction was the Lagos Fair. Source: Energoprojekt archive

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Corbusierom), a nakon rata i u Sarajevu ili Skopju, koje su iznjedrile tako originalne arhitekte kao što su Vjenceslav Richter, Milan Mihelič ili Edvard Ravnikar. Od 1966. godine usta novljena je nacionalna nagrada Borba, osnovana za pro-micanje talenata i stvaranje ekvivalenta ‘starhitekata’. Mnogi vrlo različiti arhitekti koji su se referirali na brutalizam, meta-bolizam koliko i na neku vrstu neokonstruktivizma, još su uvijek ostajali iznimno originalni, napose Ravnikar čiji skulptu-ralni, ekspresionistički neboderi na ljubljanskom Trgu republike nemaju zapadni ekvivalent. ¶ Ta otvorenost naravno potječe i iz gospodarske otvorenosti Pokreta nesvrstanih. U njihovom razvoju sudjelovale su inacionalizirane arhitektonske prakse poput kombinata Miastoprojekta Kraków. Analogno tome, i Jugoslavija je imala Energoprojekt u Beogradu i druge uspješne kompanije koje su radile za bliskoistočne i afričke zemlje – čla-nice Pokreta nesvrstanih. To nas dovodi do fascinantne teme konkurentnosti u okviru socijalističke ekonomije i općenito, privlačnosti istočne tehnologije, koja je barem neko vrijeme bila alternativa rastućem neoliberalizmu osamdesetih, te post modernoj arhitekturi. Jer čak su i najluđe jugograđevine ekspanzivno modernističke, u obliku i sadržaju. ¶ Iz današnje perspektive iznimno loše kvalitete i previsoke cijene novih stanova na zapadu, Novi Beograd i Novi Zagreb djeluju poput sna. Pa zašto su onda ostali nedovršeni? Mnoštvo je razloga. Na primjer zato što su političke i ekonomske promjene donijele nedosljedno planiranje te je stanogradnja napredovala u dis-kontinuitetima. S druge strane, kombiniranje mnogo razli čitih ideja u jedan projekt stvorilo je raznolikost, poka zujući volju jugoslavenskog socijalizma da samog sebe ispravlja i prila-gođava. To je otvorilo arhitekturu američkim, japanskim i konstruktivističkim modernizmima od kojih je najistaknutiji projekt Kenza Tangea za Skopje oštećeno u potresu 1965. go-dine. ¶ Ono što vidimo uglavnom je arhitektura koja izlaže svoju komunalnost i javnost, koja nije prestala eksperimenti-rati: sveučilišta, knjižnice (iz nejasnih razloga ona u Prištini u nekim je senzacionalističkim ‘top-listama’ nazvana jednom od najružnijih zgrada svijeta) posvećene socijalističkoj vlasti (vojska i sjedište Saveza komunista), industriji (Muzej zra-koplovstva u Beogradu), kulturi (Opera i balet u Skopju), spor-tu (stadion u Splitu). Ideologija je išla ruku pod ruku s do-kolicom, ali je najveći dio izložbe posvećen manje slikovitim, ali ključnim pojmovima urbanizma. Projekti prikazuju svijest o važnosti planiranja, novih rješenja, ali i ljepote, stila, razmjera. ¶ Posljednje je pitanje ono o novcu. U Beogradu dra-gulji jugoslavenske arhitekture kao što je Muzej moderne umjetnosti propadaju, što je više rezultat gospodarskog pada koji se dogodio nakon raspada države nego urušavanja

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Opterećenost urbanizma birokratskim procesima i neučinkovitošću sustava

odlučivanja bili su ozbiljna prepreka u kompletiranju

arhitektonskih i urbanističkih ideja. Tijekom realizacije naselja Dugave

u Zagrebu urbanist, arhitekt i umjetnik Ivan Čižmek vodio je svoj

vlastiti ‘kritički dnevnik’ u formi kolaža s elementima preuzetim iz dnevnih novina, ukazujući na

razne probleme vezane za politike prostora.

Izvor: privatna arhiva

The bureaucratic burden on the urban planning processes and the

inefficiency of the decision-making process were serious obstacles to

the completion of architectural and urban planning ideas. In the

course of the construction of the Zagreb settlement of Dugave, Ivan

Čižmek, architect, urban planner and artist, kept his own ‘critical diary’

in the form of collage, in which he included elements taken from daily

newspapers and pointed to a variety of issues related to spatial policies.

Source: private archive

More to the point, these modernisations were stopped by the financial crisis of the 1980s, and then dissolution, wars and, last but not least, the war of Serbia with NATO. The vastness of the project reconsidered by ‘Unfinished Modernisations’ stands proud in comparison to contemporary conformity, not least because of the way it was conceived and financed. Instead of producing albums with picturesque ruins, young scholars of the ex-Yugoslavia search for the reasons of successes and failures of the Yugoslav project.

because political and economic changes brought incoherent planning and the housing proceeded in bits. On the other hand, to accommodate lots of different ideas in one project created a diversity, showing Yugoslav socialism’s will to self-correct and adapt. This opened architecture to American, Ja-panese and Constructivist modernisms, most prominent being Kenzo Tange’s plan for earthquake-damaged Skopje (1965). ¶ What we see is mostly architecture exposing its commu nality and publicness, which didn’t stop experi men-tation: universities, libraries (for some reason the one in Priština was called the most hideous building in the world in some sensationalistic ‘top-lists’) dedicated to socialist power (the Army and League of Communists HQ), industry (Museum of Aviation in Belgrade), culture (Skopje Opera and Ballet House), sport (Stadium in Split). Ideology went hand in hand with leisure, but the largest part of the show is devoted to the less picturesque but crucial notions of city planning. Projects display consciousness of the importance of planning, new solutions, but also beauty, style, scale. ¶ The last question is that of money. In Belgrade such gems of Yugoslav architecture as the Museum of Modern Art are decaying as a result of the economic crash that happened after the disintegration of the state, more than from the collapse of the earlier ideology.

During the second half of the 1970s and in the 1980s, Yugoslavia was trying

to reposition itself at international level. Amongst other things, its

efforts included the organization of large conferences and major sporting

events, such as the Sarajevo Winter Olympics, the Mediterranean Games

in Split, and the World University Games in Zagreb. At that time, new major public buildings were erected in these cities; among them was the

Holiday Inn Hotel in Sarajevo designed by architect Ivan Štravs, a reflection on

postmodern tendencies.

Tijekom druge polovice 1970-ih i 1980-ih Jugoslavija se nastoji

repozicionirati na internacionalnom planu, između ostalog organizacijom

velikih kongresa i sportskih događanja poput Olimpijade u

Sarajevu, Mediteranskih igara u Splitu, te Univerzijade u Zagrebu. To su prilike u kojima gradovi dobivaju nove velike javne zgrade, primjerice

Hotel Holiday-Inn u Sarajevu arhitekta Ivana Štravsa koji odražava

postmoderne tendencije.

(WT) (WT)

‘Nedovršene modernizacije’ je kolaborativna, dugotrajna platfoma istraživanja u arhitekturi i urbanom planiranju. Projekt se financira uz pomoć Europske komisije.autori koncepta i voditelji projekta Vladimir Kulić (Florida Atlantic University) i Maroje Mrduljaš (Arhitektonski fakultet Sveučilišta u Zagrebu)koordinatorica projekta Ana Šilovićpartneri projekta Muzej arhitekture i dizajna, Ljubljana (Slovenija), Mariborska umjetnička galerija (Slovenija), Udruženje hrvatskih arhitekata (koordinacija projekta) i Oris kuća arhitekture, Zagreb (Hrvatska), Beogradsko društvo arhitekata, Beograd (Srbija) i Koalicija za održivi razvoj, Skopje (Makedonija)

Unfinished Modernisations is a collaborative, longterm research platform on architecture and urban planning. The project has been funded with the support from European Commission.the authors of the concept and leaders of the project Vladimir Kulić (Florida Atlantic University) and Maroje Mrduljaš (Faculty of Architecture, University of Zagreb).project coordinator: Ana Šilovićproject partners: Museum of Architecture and Design, Ljubljana (Slovenia), Maribor Art Gallery (Slovenia), the Croatian Architects’ Society (project coordinator) and Oris House of Architecture, Zagreb (Croatia), the Belgrade Architects Society, Belgrade (Serbia) and the Coalition for Sustainable Development, Skopje (Macedonia)


prijašnje ideologije. Ili preciznije, te je modernizacije zaustavila fi nancijska kriza u osamdesetima, a onda i raspad i ratovi. Golemost projekta koji razmatraju ‘Nedovršene modernizacije’ ponosno stoji u uspo redbi sa suvremenim konformizmom, ne samo zbog načina na koji je zamišljen i financiran. Umjesto da izrađuju albume sa slikovitim ruševinama, mladi znanstvenici iz bivše Ju goslavije propituju uspjehe i neuspjehe tog pro-jekta.

Tijekom 1980-tih odvija se ‘povratak povijesnom gradu’, ali i nekim temama koje su za vrijeme socijalizma bile zanemarivane. Krematorij na Mirogoju u Zagrebu arhitekta Hržića, Krznarića i Mancea izuzetan je rad kojim se na istovremeno monumentalan i suptilan način ostvaruje dijalog i s povijesnim arhitektonskim kontekstom i s topografijom, pri tome bitno doprinoseći identitetu grada i kontinuitetu njegova razvoja.

The 1980s brought the re-establishment of ‘the historic city’, but also of some concepts mostly neglected during the socialist era. The crematorium at Mirogoj Cemetery in Zagreb, designed by architects Hržić, Krznarić and Mance, was an excellent design which, in a monumental and subtle manner alike, engaged in dialogue with both the historical architectural context and the topography, thereby significantly contributing to the identity of the city and the continuity of its development.

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