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The impact oized, multisourced, sometimes multileveled foreign policy analyses undertaken in the1980s and into the 1990s.

I Areas for Growth in the Second Gen;"The first generation of the study of foreign policy accomplished a great deal (see, e.g.,Caporaso et al. 1987; Hermann and Peacock 1987).moved work that

much knowledge being study of compara-tive systems was not well integrated into first-generation foreign policyscholarship.

In a broad sense, everything in intemational relations speaks to foreign policy

1gg1'middle-range theories in international relations that addressed foreign policy issues.These were rarely considered systematicallT in comparative foreign policy, Thus, astudent could take a course in CFP and not be orposed to a number of importantgrand theories in international relations that had much to say about foreign policy.

tions of the ,related

focused on

first generation also to discount the contributions that comparativepolitiC$ $cholarship coulil make to the understanding of foreign policy. In some

teipects the fust generation was imitating international relations: both fields focusedheavily on the individual and sptem levels of analysis (sometimes conflating the twoievbls, as in discussions of decision-making models and unitary, rational nationali"aors), relegating domestic political factors to a position of secondary importance.ifiis is not to suggest that first-generation scholarship and international relationsscholarship never focused on domestic politics. Indeed, as Deborah Gerner, BrianRipley, Patrick Haney, and |oe Hagan indicate in this volume, tlle first generationpaid considerable attention to institutionally situated decision-making models andpublic opinion (among other state-level sources of foreign policymaking). Often,however, these state-level sources of foreign policymaking were studied using the sin-gle case of the United States, makingthe comparability of these studies questionable.

Some first-generation scholarship, such as that by Maurice East (1973, 1975),Michael Brecher (1972), and Brecher, Steinberg, and Stein (1969), as well as research

projects such as CREONI, did seek to break out of the American-centric, greatpower--centric mode to consider the foreign policy behavior of less powerfirl states.

However, the knowledge generated by comparativists studying the domestic systems

of states other than the United States that bore directly on a general understanding offoreign policy was often neglected even by these first-generation attempts to be morecomparative.

For example, comparativists have had much to siry on the role of the state insocial transformation and the implications of this interaction for the state's foreignrelations (Crahan and Smith 1992; FinHe and Gable 1971; Mander 1969; O'Donnell,Schmitter, and Whitehead 1986; Skocpol 1979). Political economic orplanations ofthe interaction between domestic developmental and foreign economic policies have

been generated primarily from comparative political studies (Balassa 1982; Evans

1979; Iohnson 1982; Moon 1983, 1985). Similarly, while regional specialists studyingdeveloping areas have had much to say on the types of foreign policy opportunitiesavailable to dependent states (Cardoso 1973; H.ey and Kuzma 1993; Ferris andLincoln 1981; Mehta 1985), only rarely were these topics included in reviews of oredited volumes on the study of CFP (Korany 1986b).2

All of these theoretical traditions from both fields are

ud-:t'":$*lPedntwec th4[dP*e*-{,.9,

in the Study of- Foreign Policy, edited. by Charles F. Hermann, Charles W. Kegley Jr., and fames N.

Rosenau (1987)-has attempted to reclaim some of the theoretical traditions ofinternational relations and accommodate some understandings of the sources of for-eign policy generated from comparative politics.

recent collection of research essays-New

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