Nájera-Ramirez, Olga - Engendering Nationalism. Identity, Discourse, and the Mexican Charro

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Engendering Nationalism: Identity, Discourse, and the Mexican CharroAuthor(s): Olga Nájera-RamírezSource: Anthropological Quarterly, Vol. 67, No. 1 (Jan., 1994), pp. 1-14Published by: The George Washington University Institute for Ethnographic ResearchStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3317273

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ENGENDERINGNATIONALISM: DENTI'lY,DISCOURSE,AND THE MEXICANCHARRO

OLGA NAJERA-RAMIREZ

University of California at Santa Cruz

I argue that the charro, or Mexican cowboy, operates as a master symbol of lo mexicano

on both sides of the U.S.-Mexico border.By tracing the evolution of the charro as a prod-uct of various social technologies, such as cinema, institutionalized discourses, and prac-tices of daily life, I analyze how notions of gender, nation, and class intersect in el charro.

In so doing, I consider questions of agency, authority, ideology, and process in cultural

productionand representation.nationalism,

culture]

Tu orgulloes el charro

valientey bragadoTraermi sombrerode plata bordado

que nadie me diga que soy un rajadocorrermi caballo enpelo montado

pero mas de todo ser enamorado

Your prideis the charro

courageousanddashingTo wearmy silver-trimmedatSo no one can tell me that I back down

to gallop my horse bareback

But aboveall, to be a lover

[Wordsfrom Yo Soy Mexicano, popularizedby singer

Jorge Negrete;author's ranslation]

Untilrecentlyanthropologicalnd folkloristic tud-ies have focusedalmostexclusivelyon the quaint,the primitive, ndthe exotic.Consequently,ertainforms of culturalexpressionhave been ignored,particularly hose interlinkedwith the mass and

populararts. Understood s modes of representa-tion, such expressive forms raise questions of

agency,authority, deology,andprocess n cultural

productionand representation. n effect, these

questions equireattention o the politicsof cultureand thereforeconstitutean important errain for

anthropologicalnquiry.Like other cultural groups Mexicans havebeen engaged in constructing and displayingimagesof their culture orpopular onsumptionora long time. Especiallyvisible amongthese con-structionss the charreada r Mexicanrodeo.The

popular 1940s Mexican song of my epigraph pro-claims the charro,1the dashing Mexican horseman,as the pride of Mexico.2 Not confined to popularmusic, the image of the charro has become repre-sentative of lo mexicano (literally "Mexicanness")in various domains.3 The charro figures promi-

nently in a variety of discourses including, but notlimited to, film, music, folkloric dance, and

1

Mexicans, representation, gender, popular

literature.

This article providesa historical review of the

charro as a master symbol of Mexican culture, fo-cusing on the process by which the charro has ac-

quired those qualities that constitute Mexicanness.

A review of the historical conditions under which

the charro symbol developed reveals a constant in-

terplay between various social agencies that have

struggled to control and fix meanings concerninglo

mexicano. Meaning is constantly created and recre-

ated, negotiated, contested, and, at any given mo-

ment and in any given version, available for con-

sumption. Disclosing the process by which symbols

emerge and circulate thereforecontributesto a bet-ter understandingof cultural productionand social

processes.The anthropologicalliterature on Mexican na-

tional symbols dates back at least to Wolfs classic

study of the Virgen de Guadalupe (1958).4 Subse-

quent studies have focused on two other legendaryfemale figures as well: Malintzin Tenepal, or La

Malinche, as she most widely came to be known,and La Llorona. In most cases the issue of gender

figures prominently as a central focus of concern.

On the one hand, scholars such as Limon, Alarcon,and Del Castillo have noted the "obviousrepressive

ideological effects" (Limon 1984) of at least two of

these symbols, La Malinche and La Virgen de

Guadalupe. On the other hand, recent revisions

have provided alternative understandings of La

Malinche (Del Castillo 1977; Alarcon 1981) and

La Llorona (Limon 1984) in part by uncoveringhistorical and political conditions under which

these legends emerged and subsequentlydeveloped.All of this work suggests the complex nature of

Mexican symbols andinspires my

own researchon

the charro.5

The concern with gender as promotedthrough



ENGENDERING NATIONALISM 5

Through his writings (published between 1850s-

1870s) Inclan provided insights, albeit highly ro-

manticized ones, into the life of the charro.

Drawing on firsthand experience, Inclan's de-

scriptions of hacienda life captured the "down-to-

earth" dialogues of the characters. His most popu-lar and often reprinted novel, Astucia, portrayedthe ranchero as a noble, courteous, and sincere

man. The protagonist,Astucia, headed a smuggling

ring made up of six charros and twelve drovers,all

men who resented the government monopolyon to-

bacco. When they weren't defending themselves

against government agents, they enjoyed them-

selves at fiestas and roundups, telling each other

their life stories, and helping the poor, weak, and

defenseless. They acted as family and their motto

was "one for all and all for one." As AmericoParedes notes:

Like Americancowboyheroes,Inclan'scharrosare pass-

ing riders,who help those in distress and then gallop

away. They are frank,simplemen, preferring ctionto

words but followinga code of chivalry and fair playwhich makes them gallant to women and just even to

their enemies.They use theirresourcefulness,heirbrav-

ery and strengthand their keennessof judgmentto get

justice for themselvesand for others, though at times

they must use extralegalmethods, he illegalityof which

all right-thinkingpeople are only too willing to ignore

(Paredes1960:68).

Clearly, Inclfn intended the novel to justify, glo-

rify, and even promote charro ways and values.

Moreover it served to create an ambience of ro-

manticism and nationalism around the charro

figure.61In the same costumbrista vein Inclan's short

monographs reveal a growing interest among citydwellers of the early nineteenth century in cultivat-

ing equestrian skills and participating in charro

competitions and documented certain sociohistori-cal details of the charro subculture (Inclan

1940[1860]: 112). Inclan subsequently wrote a

groundbreaking manual, intended explicitly for

amateur enthusiasts, regarding the proper ways of

tailing and roping. This book served as the precur-sor to what many consider the "bible" of the char-

ros, El libro del charro Mexicano (The book ofthe Mexican cowboy). Almost one hundred yearsafter Inclan's manual first appeared in print, Don

Carlos Rinc6n Gallardo, the Marques de

Guadalupe, producedthe ultimate manual of char-

reria (Chevalier 1972: 175; Rincon Gallardo 1960).Thus Inclan's work anticipated the development oftwo important areas through which the charro im-

age wouldbe furtherpopularized:he charroas-

sociationsand Mexican ilms.

Commercialization of the Charro Image in Post-

RevolutionaryMexico

The MexicanRevolution f 1910 marksthe most

significantpoint of transition n Mexico'shistoryafter the Spanishconquest.Duringthe first half-

centuryof Mexican ndependenceolitical nstabil-

ity plagued he nation,as overfifty separategov-ernmentsruledthe nation beforethe accessionof

PorfirioDiaz (Cockcroft1983:62). Authoritarian,if erratic,leaderssuch as Santa Anna (a former

hacendado)dominatedhe scene.Stabilitywas re-

storedfor a generationby Diaz' "Paz Porfiriana"and then the Revolution egistereda genuineat-

temptto dismantle he repressive utocratic ystemestablishedby the dictatorship.

At first the Revolution fferedsome hopefor

social change, and indeed peasantsand workers

achieved mportant eforms,especially n the area

of land redistributionnd the expansionof socialservices.Especiallyrelevant o the presentdiscus-sion was the gradualdestruction f the hacienda

system that transformedagriculturalpeons into

communal wnersandsmall andholders. utalongwiththesegainsthe Revolution roughtaboutma-

jor transformationsn other areas that negativelyaffected the same population.For instance, thecommercializationf agriculture nd the move to-ward industrializationorcedthousandsof Mexi-cans to migrateout of the countrysidento largercities and across he borderntothe UnitedStates.

Significant hanges n rural ife in generalandcattle ranching n particular,broughtaboutas aresult of the Revolution, lso led to the demise of

charroactivitiesandlifestyle n rural Mexico.Yetthe imageof the charroremainedquite powerful,as evidencedby those who fought to preserveorotherwisemanipulate he figurefor variousends.After the Revolution f 1910Mexicoexperiencedstrongresurgence f nationalism ndgeneratedan

explosive nterest in lo mexicanoamongboth do-mestic and international udiences.Film, music,and folkloric tage presentationsnvokednostalgicvisionsof Mexican"traditional"ife, and it was

quite common to establish "officialyet spuriousfolklore o attract ourismbut also to blur

regionaldifferences o create a more integratedsociety"(Monsivais 1976).16 The twentieth century alsowitnessed he mass media-sponsoredmergence f




6 ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLY

the cult of the macho n GreaterMexico(Paredes1967).17Significantly,he charroprevailedas theMexicanprototype n these commercial onstruc-tions of culture.

Evenbefore he turn of the twentiethcentury,charreria ecamean avenue orpackaging ndrep-resentingMexican culturefor public consumptionboth inside and outsideMexico. As one authoritynotes,

The professionalharreria nitiated ts activities towards

the end of the lastcenturyat the timeof the greatMexi-

cancharroandbullfighterPoncianoDiaz, . . . thisexcep-tional rider and bullfighterpromoted"charreria"and

made a fascinating how of it. He and his friendsorgan-ized the first paying spectacles (LeovigildoIslas Es-

carcega 1967:20).

In 1894 the "best Charros" rom Mexico made

theirfirstmajorexpeditionnto the U.S. "On that

tour,the Mexicansmet withgreatsuccess,particu-larly in the city of New York, wherethey were

presentedwith the famous 'Buffalo Bill's Wild

West' Show"(p. 21).New York was not the only city showcasing

ranchlife activities.Mexican cities were fast be-

comingsignificant entersfor the preservationnd

dissemination of charreria. Post-revolutionary

Mexico witnesseddramaticgrowth in its urbanpopulation s people ncreasinglyurnedawayfrom

agriculture.The new urbanitesncludedan increas-

ing numberof displaced attle ranchersand ranch

workerswho hadreluctantly elocatedn the cities.

As this segmentof urbanpopulation rew, theyes-

tablishednationalcharro associations n orderto

continue o practice,refine,and ultimately nstitu-

tionalizethe art of charreria.By the 1920s char-

reriawas well on its wayto becoming he first offi-

cial Mexicannationalsport.The national charro

associationwas formed on July 4, 1921, (theAsociaci6nNacional in Mexico City); but it was

not until December16, 1933, that the FederacionNacionalde Charroswas established o giveofficialstatusto the sport (Alvarezdel Villar 1968: 33).TheFederaci6nontinueso thisdayto sponsorna-tionalmeetings o establishanddefine he rulesforall mattersconcerningparticipation nd competi-tion in charreadas p. 42). Like their American

counterparts,hese associations"standardized ndformalized the public performancesof what

originated as cowboy customs" (Stoeltje 1989:

246).Beyond allowing for the elaborationof the

charro-basedarts, such associationsalso helped

specify more concretely he ideals of the charroversionof lo mexicano hrougha code of ethics es-tablished or all members.Thiscodestipulated,or

example,that charroscould not engage in disor-

derly conduct such as excessivedrinking,partici-pating n brawls,or usingfoul language, speciallywhile wearingthe charrocostume.Fightingand

drinkingwhile in uniformwere (and continueto

be) deemed particularlydangerousbecause thecharrocostumerequired portinga real gun. Thecode then was intended o encourage esponsibilityfor the safetyof oneselfand of others,and soughtto protect he status and reputation f the charroas a positiverepresentativef Mexico.The charrocode also forbade he use of brightcolorsin cos-

tuming,specifically oyalblue,yellow,purple,and

pinks (Ballesteros1972: 114). Presumablysuchcolorswere deemedtoo ranchero,or unsophistica-ted, and insufficientlymasculinefor the image;whereascolores serios (sombercolors) appearedmoreelegantand manly.The color codealso sug-gestedthe desireto set aestheticstandards eflec-tive of a particular lass,that is, upper-classMexi-cans. In fact, the descendants of wealthyhacendados,uch as the previouslymentionedDon

Carlos RinconGallardo,playeda criticalrole in

defining he codesandpolicies or all membersby

writingmanuals or charrosand assuming eader-shiprolesin the charroorganizationsAlvarezdel

Villar 1972;Ballesteros1972).

These newly establishedcharro associations

supported nd contributedo the post-revolutionaryromanticnationalist fforts o identifyandpromotetraditional ustomsperceived s uniquelyMexicanand to foster a sense of nationalunityand demo-cratic ideals. Since the charroassociationspridedthemselves n representingo mexicano, hey did

not explicitly restrict membership o any givenclass. Instead,membershipwas determinedby anindividual's bilityto executeat least one of nine

suertes, or competitive vents, ust as it had beenback on the hacienda. n theoryat least,charroas-

sociationsdiscriminated gainstno one. However,

importantprerequisitesuchas sufficientime and

moneyto purchase,maintain,and train a horse,and to secureappropriateidinggearseverely im-

ited membershipo the wealthier ectorsof society.

The charroassociationswerenot the onlyave-

nuethroughwhichthe charro magebecamepopu-larized.Firstof all, not all skilledvaquerosoptedto become membersof the Federaci6n,yet theycontinuedto hone and display their equestrian




8 NTHROPOLOGICAL OUARTERLY

ies resonated with national goals of expressingMexicanthemes and practicallyguaranteed om-mericial success. Yet the ideologicalcontent of

these films was another matter altogether, re-

vealing competing political agendas among film

producers.Even a cursoryreview of three filmsCuandoViajanLas Estrellas (1942, directedbyAlbertoGout), Flor Silvestre (1943, directedbyEmilioFernandez),and El Penonde las Animas

(1942, directedby MiguelZacarias)will illustrate

my point.Producedn the early 1940s,these films

featuredcharros,folkloricdancing,a love story,and popular music, but the plots differ

significantly.22In the firstfilmNegretestars as an unmarried

andkindly

hacendado.Afterfalling

in love with a

foreignactresswhois visitingMexico,Negrete in-

vites the star out to his ranch to see "the most

beautifulpartof Mexico."Negretehostsa party n

whichguests dress in folkloriccostumes,perform

regionaldances,andenjoyother Mexicancustoms

suchas fireworks ndsinging.Dressed n a charro

costume,Negreteendsthe fiestaby serenadinghe

star with romanticsong. A light-hearted omedy(that is, comediaranchera), he film comes to a

happyendingas the foreignstar gives up her ca-

reertomarry

he charro.While this film contains

intriguing lementswhich merit close analysis,on

the whole t clearlyprovided n opportunityo pro-mote an attractiveand romanticized iew of the

"real"Mexico.

Flor Silvestre (Wild Flower),a classic melo-

drama,featuresa love story situatedduringthe

Mexican Revolutionas a way to commenton the

socialcomplexities f that era. Thefilmemphasizesthe hardships hat peopleon all sides suffered n

creatinga "new"Mexico. In this filmthe lead ac-

tor, PedroArmendadiz, ortrays he son of a richhacendadohopelesslyn love witha poor peonwo-man. Despite his family'sview of this union as

transgressive,he couplemarries.At a charreada

the fathershuns the bridepublicly, eadingto an

argumentbetweenthe father and son. Slowlytheman's family begin to accept the good-heartedwife,but the plotthickenswhenthe father s killed

by opportunistic anditsposingas revolutionaries,and the son seeks revenge resultingin his own

tragicdeath. His wife, namedEsperanza,iterally"hope,"ives on to tell the storyto herson,so that

he will appreciate he sacrificesmadeby both therevolutionariesnd the landownersn forming henew state. In representing oth the conservatives

and revolutionaries s noble and just, the filmseemsto pleadforjustice for poorand richalike,argueagainstpersonal evenge,and fosternational

unityfor contemporaryMexico.Thethirdfilm,El Pehonde las Animas(star-

ring Maria Felix in her screendebut),offersyetanothervariationof a tragicloverelationship. he

daughterandson (playedby Negrete)of tworivalfamiliesfall in love,eventhough he daughterhas

agreedto marrythe man herfamilyhad selectedfor her.Nonetheless, n herweddingdayshedefiesher family and fianceand runsaway to her truelove. Her grandfather uns after her and shoots

her, while the fiance kills the boyfriend, nd thentakes his own life by jumpingoff a cliff with hisdead bride.Herethe message eemsto be that dis-

obedience eadsto chaosand tragedy or all.This third film illustratesmoretransparently

than the others how charromovies promotedamore conservative iew of society,as criticsof thesocialist Cardenasadministration ad discovered.As the Mexican ilmhistorian,Mora, observed,

The charro is magnificentlyattired in an embroidered

ridingsuit that bespeaksa hoarytraditionof rural aris-

tocracy.His environments . . . a minutelyordered eu-

dal societyin which the hacendadopresideswith pater-nalistic yet firm authority over his socioeconomic

inferiors-the hacendado'semployees,tenants, and, of

course,women. . . . (He) came to represent he tradi-tional and Catholicvalues n defianceof the leftist,mod-

ernizing tendencies emanatingfrom the cities (Mora1982:47).

Conservative ilmmakers ympathetic o ManuelAvila Camachoused the charroas a vehicle to re-

ject socialist pretensions ypical of the Cardenasadministrationnd to "exaltthe traditional atron-peon and male-femalerelationships"p. 47). By

the 1940s, when Avila Camacho assumedpresi-dency, the government upportedand controlledtheproductionf films, husensuringhatthe ideo-

logical content of Mexican moviesparalleled hesentimentsof the current administration.n es-

sence,then,the filmindustryhelpedpopularizehecharroas the definitiveMexicanbutemployedhis

symbolto popularize pecificviews of society aswell. In the process he charroacquiredadditional

qualitiesthat ultimatelydistortedthe noble anddemocraticmagethat the urbanprofessionalhar-ros had so carefullycultivated.

What were the additional"masculine"raitsthat the charroacquiredhrough uch films?Whatcharacteristicsdid the charro embody in these





Mexican films? A Mexican folk saying tells us that

a proper man should be "fuerte, feo y formal"

(strong, rugged, and upstanding)3, certainly quali-ties that a working cowboy might acquire. In these

movies, however, the charro appears not only as a

hardworking, noble man of honor, but also as a

handsome, romantic singer represented by Jorge

Negrete, Pedro Infante, and, more recently, by Vi-

cente Fernandez.For instance, in the movie Ay Ja-

lisco no te Rajes, which established Negrete as the

quintessential singing charro, filmmaker AlejandroGalindo describes Negrete as the Mexican ideal:

"dark-complexioned,tall, proud, romantic, pistol-

packing, and who sings his sorrowsas readily as his

joy" (Mora 1982: 56). To highlight the charro's

virile qualities, a short, fat, clownish side-kick inva-

riably acted as the loyal male companion to thehero of the film. The leading female typically por-

trayed a beautiful but noble, self-sacrificing wo-

man, as in the film Flor Silvestre. Alternatively,she could play a feisty, high-spirited woman who

ultimately succumbs to the charms of the dominant

male.

In film the charro sometimes exhibited aggres-sive and even abusive behavior, such as excessive

drinking that led to barroom brawls and a generalmistreatment of women. At the same time, how-

ever, the charrogained a sentimentality, expressinghis innermost sentiments through music, specifi-

cally the cancibn ranchera. As a national hero,

then, the charro became much more complex be-

cause, while the sentimental traits served to hu-

manize the charro, they also offset his violent and

abusive behavior. In other words, because the

charro possessed redeeming humanistic qualities,and because his ends justified the means, the

charro was forgiven all his faults (especially those

which occurred in a state of drunken stupor). In

this way the negative qualities became palatable,acceptable, and for some, perhaps, even valued.

But such portrayals did not go unchallenged.Jesus Barajas De Le6n, a representative of the

Federaci6n Nacional de Charros, criticized such

films as follows:

Motionpicturecharros,who in truth are not charrosat

all, but only a gross movie imitation of the bona fide

charros,payus an unwanted omplimentwhenthey pre-tend to portrayus on the screen. In the so-calleden-tertainmentilms,we see sturdymenin the guiseof char-

ros, who are not only quickat the draw but . . . (who)appearas drunken ots or in otherdiscreditableoles,allof whichare false portrayals hat only serve to defamethe noble characterof the genuinecharro. ... It is in

the matterof the screencharro'sdeportment,owever, s

calledfor by the scriptof the storywhereall the glaring

misrepresentationsf the authenticcharro'smoralchar-

acterand tradition ccur.That,of course,we cannotcon-

doneand we feel dutybound o repudiatewhatwe terma

vile caricature f a noble art (BarajasDe Le6n 1975:7).

This quote demonstrates the extent to which the

urban "professional"charros considered themselves

to have sole authority to define and representMex-

ican culture through the "charro image." Notice

also that the struggle between the charro associa-

tions and the film producers to appropriate the

symbol completely ignoredthe voice and positionof

the working vaquero whose working skills had

served as the basis for the developmentof the sportand who continued to employ his charro skills in

his everyday work.In his critique Barajas De Leon also questions

the aggressive and violent attributes that the

charrohad acquiredin these films, for indeed these

had become well-knownnegative stereotypesof the

mejicano. On the one hand, the motion pictures

promotedMexican identity throughthe charro,but

on the other hand, certain charro films also high-

lighted his negative traits, those which became

popularly known as "machismo." In his essay

"Machismo, Mexico and the United States"

Paredes (1967) notes that the notion of "mach-ismo" as a peculiar Mexican construct coincided

with the appearanceof these films in the 1940s.

But why did machismo appear around this

particular time? Paredes offers insightful observa-

tions. The Mexican Revolution of 1910 was an ef-

fort to bring about social change and equality for

all Mexicans. A heavy emphasis on local common

customs replaced the earlier attention to Europeanand especially French culture and standards. Con-

sequently, after the Revolution, Mexico exper-

ienced a "growing feeling of nationalism accompa-nied by sentiments of distrust and inferioritytoward outsiders" (Paredes 1967: 36). Such senti-

ments heightened as a result of discriminatory

practices experienced by Mexicans living in the

United States. To make matters worse, the United

States governmentforcibly repatriated many Mexi-

canos in the 1930s, blaming them for the depres-sion (Barrera 1979). Once the conflict ended, such

sentiments became gross and exaggerated as "this

sense of manliness passed from folklore to the mov-

ies andpopular

literature"(Paredes

1967:37).

In

passing from a lived experience to a fictionalized

account, the cinema charro, like the charro of the

novels, came to represent the onset of a conserva-




10 ANTHROPOLOGICALQUARTERLY

tive moodin Mexicowhichappealed o an earlier

idealized,romanticized ocial structurewhereev-

eryoneknewtheir place, where certainprivilegedmen ruled. Harsh and abusivebehaviorby men

seemedacceptableand even necessary o control

andleadthe"ignorant"masses.By appealingo anidealizedpast,suchfilmsmadecriticalcommenton

the social lls of theirdayandlegitimizedronfisted

tyrannical ule.24But these perceptions f the charrowere not

limited to film,whichsuggestsyet anotherreasonfor the widespread ssociation f "machismo"withMexicanculture n general,and with the charro n

particular. n the late 1940s, when charro films

reached their apex, the term "charrismo"was

coined amongunion laborersto refer to corruptunion leadersallied with their employers Cock-croft 1983:249). In this contextthe charro pecifi-cally referredto "trade-unioneader involved n

corruption,violence and anti-democraticbehav-

ior."26Underscoringhe widespread ssociationof

the term"charro"withtyrannical, busive eader-

ship, this context reveals such qualities are

groundedas much in everyday ife politicsas in

cinematic representations.To this day "corruptunion bosseswhoare imposedon the trade unions

by the state" are labeled "charros" (Adler

Hellman1983:242).Despitecontroversial oliticalstatementsem-

bedded n charro ilms,the glitterand glamourof

the movie industrynonetheless erved to further

popularizehe charrothroughoutMexico and the

United States via the growing Spanish-languagefilm distribution etworks.

The Charro Today

All representationsf the charromeritconsidera-tion because they help locate specific traits andtrendshistorically,and because all these imagescontinue o circulateeventoday.In a typicalchar-readaall thesecharro magescometogether, or in

the arena,or lienzo charro,the charroappears nvariousguises, that is, as mariachi,as singer,as

dancer,andespeciallyas a contestant n equestriancompetitions. ince the late 1960sandearly 1970scharreadashave become increasinglypopularinthe UnitedStates due in partto the rapid growthof the Chicano/.Mejicanoommunity.This periodalso coincideswith the rise of the ChicanoMove-ment throughwhich Chicanossought to recoverand promote heir Mexicanheritage throughcul-

tural activities identifiedas representative f "lomexicano."Like the ballet folklorico,charreadasserved o stimulate urther nterest n, or otherwise

reinforce, ertain Mexican raditions.26

Currentlycharreadas consist of

frequent(oftenweekly) competitionsromMay to Octoberand they generally eaturemusic,performing rt-

ists, and sometimesdances,as well as the tradi-tionalcompetitionn the ninesuertes.Theseregu-lar competitions, termed charreadas amistosas or

friendlycompetitions, repare he charro eams to

competeeach year in regional, tate, and nationalcharreadas.However,any individual n Mexico orthe UnitedStateswho wishes o compete n one ofthese official harreadasreferredo as a congreso)must subscribe o the Federaci6nor

membership,and thus must submit o its codes andregulations.At eachlevel thejudgesenforce he rulesandregu-lations with increasingprecision. n order to par-ticipate n the moreadvanced ompetitionsharrosmustpassa strictdresscode,a breathanalyzer est

(that checks levels of alcoholic intake), and an

equipmentcheck. In this way the FederaciondeCharros xertstight controlover its membership.

Amongthe Federaci6n'smost rigid and con-

testedregulations rethoseconcerninghe partici-

pationof women n charreria.For

instance,a wo-

manmaynotcompete n charroeventsor haveany

voting powerwithin the association.27 onsistent

with the patriarchalamilymodel,her role in char-

reria is primarilyan extensionof her prescribedrole as supportivewife or daughter.Hence,while

the malesperformand compete n events,women

assume he role of "behind he scenes"organizers,hostesses,andobservers.

Womenmay onlyexhibittheirridingskillsin

the charreadashrough heirrole as escaramusas,or membersof a female

precisionridingteam.28

Ridingside-saddle ndwearing acy full skirts,anescaramusa xecutes ntricatedesigns n the arenawith her teammembers,husdisplayingherridingskills whileprojecting eauty n self anddesign.As

an exhibit rather than a competitive ventwithin

charreria,he role of the escaramusaendsto rein-

force a view of women as objects of display,

beauty,and adornment onsistentwith patriarchalnotionspromotedn the charreadatself.

While women ncreasingly uestion he limitsof their participationwithincharreria, hey typi-cally encounter hetorical ommentsaboutthe im-

portanceof preservingradition. n short,to ques-tion the traditions notonly"unfeminine"ut un-

ANTHROPOLOGICALUARTERLY0




Mexican as well. Such a view ignores the well-doc-

umented cases in which women in colonial Mexico

actually employed their riding and roping skills on

the ranch and on the range (Ruiz, in press). Still,the Federacion maintains strict control over this

Mexican tradition promotingspecific gender styles.Not surprisingly,it is precisely in areas where

the Federaci6n exercises no authority that changehas become most evident. The integration of

women into the once all-male mariachi ensemble

representsa recent change over which the Federa-

ci6n has no control. Like the male mariachis, the

women wear a charro costume, though they sportan A-line charroskirt rather than the slacks. While

a full study on female mariachis is yet to be done,their participation may be evidence of a new per-

spective which focuses on musical ability, ratherthan gender, as the criterion for becoming a maria-

chi musician. In any event their participationhelpsbreak down gender barriers, for despite these and

other innovations, for many people the mariachi

continues to represent "traditional" Mexican cul-

ture. As Mexican ethnomusicologist Yolanda

Moreno Rivas explains:

Actualmente,el mariachi ha venidoa convertirse n elsimbolo de la mfisica mexicana. . . . La influencia del

mariachi e haextendidomas all de nuestras ronteras.Es posible encontrarmariachis(originaleso en la ver-

sion local) en Guatemala,Colombia,Venezuela,Argen-tina, Espahae inclusiveen Japbn(MorenoRivas 1979:

184).

[Today, he mariachihas become he symbolof Mexicanmusic. . . . The influence of the mariachi has extended

far beyondour borders. t is nowpossible o findmaria-chis (in originalor localversions) n Guatemala,Colum-

bia,Venezuela,Argentina,Spainandevenin Japan. au-thor'stranslation)]

As competing images of the charro become

more apparent in modern times, it is important tonote that the influence of the Federaci6n de Char-ros prevails in yet another domain. A review of theliterature on charreriareveals that members of theFederaci6n assume large responsibility for docu-

menting the origins and development of charreria.Their accounts consistently portray the charro asthe true Mexican hero, always at the service of his

country, fighting on horseback in every battle,

every war, even when Mexicans fought againstother Mexicans as in the Revolution of 1910 (Alva-rez del Villar 1941; Ballesteros 1972; Valero Silva

1987; Islas Escarcega 1967). By inscribingcharrosinto history in this manner, all conflict and opposi-tion becomes oriented towards non-Mexicans,

thereby promotinga less conflictiveimage of Mexi-

can culture and society. In the process issues of

gender, class, and ethnicity remain obscured.Thus,the membersof the Federaci6n de Charrosenhance

the image of the charro asloyal

defendersof Mex-ico and position themselves as the true representa-tives of lo mexicano. In so doing, ideals of patriot-ism (nation) and manhood (gender) become

intimately fused together so that the charrocontin-

ues to be a powerful symbol through which to fos-

ter a sense of Mexicanness even, perhaps espe-

cially, for those mejicanos living in the U.S.

Conclusion

Undeniably, the charro has served as a symbol be-hind which various interests have operated to meet

their goals. The charro as a national symbol has

been shaped and manipulated by various cultural

industries: in popular historical accounts, film,

sports, dance, and music as well as in contempo-

rary charreadas.

The historical perspective allows us to under-

stand how the charro emerged as an importantna-

tional symbol expressing, among other things, ide-

als of manhood and Mexicanness. In general the

charro represented the Mexican male as a brave,hardworkingman who stood up for his rights, de-

fended his family and country. In this constructionof Mexican society women were required to deferto men. Subtle differencesin charro characteristics

and traits expanded the range of appeal and effec-

tiveness of the symbol. However, a more controver-sial charro image emerged in the late 1930s

through conservative, commercial nationalistic

films. The movie charroexaggerated these "mascu-line" traits, transformingthem into extreme forms

of male domination over women, legitimizing theuse of violence and excessive drinking-the veryimage of Mexican identity that many Mexicanswished to correct. But rather than dismissing the

charro symbol, other agencies (most notably mem-

bers of the charro associations) have worked toredefine the charros through their own enactmentsand their histories.

We cannot rule out any of the charro imagesas less meaningful because of their commercial or"artificial"roots, because once such representationsenter social

discourse, theybecome

partof the

symbol complex and thus one of various possiblemeanings. A close examination of the charro sym-bol demonstrates that within a complex society

ENGENDERINGNATIONALISM 11



-2ANTHRPOLOGICA UR

such as the Greater Mexicancommunity, arious

agenciesare involved n the representationf cul-ture. As a figureof courage,power,and national

identity, he charrocontinues o playan importantrole for mejicanos, especially those within theUnited Stateswho havestruggled or a positionof

AcknowledgmentsThis research was partiallysupportedbyfacultyresearch undsgrantedby the Unversityof California

at SantaCruz. Earlierversionsof this articlewerepresented tthe 1991 American EthnologicalSociety Annual Meeting,CharlestonSC, and at the 1992-93 Chicano Latino Research

CenterColloquiumt the University f California,SantaCruz.

I wish to thank Jos6 Lim6n,RichardGriswolddel Castillo,

Shelly Errington,CarlosCortez, RichardFlores,Vicki Ruiz,PatriciaZavella,DavidSweet, JulianneBurton-Carvajal,nd

two anonymous eaders or theircommentson earlierdrafts.

'In Spainthe termcharroreferred o peasant armersbutin Mexico the term refersto Mexican horsemen killed n rid-

ing and roping echniqueswhoperformn charreadas, r com-

petitiveevents in which these techniquesare displayed.Char-

reria refersto the Mexicannational portof ridingandroping.2Thesignificanceof the horsemanas nationalsymbol in

Mexico shares importantsimilaritieswith the United States

cowboyand the gauchoof Argentina.Fordetails,see Paredes

1963.

SFora detaileddiscussion f the conceptof "lomexicano,"see Schmidt 1978. The term "mexicanidad"may be employedas the equivalent erm, though"lo mexicano" s morewidelyusedin the UnitedStates.

4Butsee also Ramos'Profileofman and culture in Mex-

ico (1934) and Paz's Laybrinthof solitude (1950) for earlycommentaries n Mexican"types"and symbols.Roger Bar-

tra's book, La juala de la melancolia(1987) providesa cri-

tiqueof the Mexican iteratureon this subject.'I have also beenequally nspiredand influencedby Bev-

erly Stoeltje'sworkon genderand rodeo.

6Ilene O'Malley examines the links between partiarchyand Mexicanness n her book, The myth of the revolution

(1986).

7Exactlyhow theselawsapplied o women s unclear.Cal-

der6n de la Barca mentions that ladies' horseswere taught"paso" n which the horsecarriesweightwithits hind feet for a

smootherride (1966: 230). Vicki Ruiz notes some cases in

whichranchwomenwereaccomplished orsewomenin press).8Muchof the vocabulary, ostumingand equipmentused

in charreria riginatedn Spainandwas modifiedovertime tobettersuit the Mexicanenvironment nd to accomodate ocal

preferences Bishko1952;Alvarezdel Villar(1968).9I have notbeen able to establishwhen the termcharreada

becamewidelyused in Mexico. Related termsfor rodeotypeeventsin Mexico nclude aripeos, broncand bull ridingcom-

petitions) fiestas charras (charro festivals), and herraderos

(branding vent)."?For discussion f this ideal in the Mexicancontext,see

Ballesteros1949) andAlvarezdel Villar(1968). For informa-tion on similar ideals in the AmericanCowboy,see Stoeltje(1987).

"Cockcroftdescribes his periodasan era in which local oligarchsand regionalcaudillos,

many with their own armies,gained control over peas-ants, workers, nd the unemployed.The controlwas insti-

power n the largerworld.Yet, as thisarticledem-

onstrates, he issue of authorityover the represen-tation of Mexican culture remains a hotly con-testedterrain nvolvingssuesof class,gender,and

communityhat straddlepolitical

boundaries.

NOTEStutionalized hrougha complexchain of commandex-

tending from caudillo to local cacique, priest, mayor,hacienda owner or mayordomo, actory or workshopowneror foreman,and block"captain."Peoplewere tiedintothesystemthrougha dependence n personalized a-tronage, nvolvingelaboratenetworksof payoffsand fa-vors (1983: 63).

"Under the Diaz regime, Adler Hellman describes theruralesas a brutal militia of mercenary oldiers 1983: 5).

3Costumbristaiterature efersto the practiceof utilizing

local vernacularcustoms to create a regionalflavor. ArthurSeymor (1925), Walter M. Langford(1971), and Am6ricoParedes (1972) provide insightson the relationshipbetweencostumbrismo nd the development f nineteenth-centuryMex-

ican national dentity."In his book, Nations and nationalism,Ernest Gellner

makesthe followingobservation egarding he explicituse of

folkstyle n the serviceof nationalism, If the nationalism ros-

pers it eliminatesthe alien high culturebut it does not then

replace t by the old local low culture; t revives,or invents,alocal high (literal, specialist-transmitted)ulture of its own,

thoughadmittedly ne whichwill have somelinkswith the ear-

lier local folk stylesand dialects"(1983: 57). For furtherdis-

cussiononthe importance

frevived

orinvented raditions

nd

nationalism, ee The inventionof tradition,edited by Hob-

sbawmand Ranger(1983)."Film critic Aureliode los Reyes (1988: 149) claims that

this particular ookbecameso popular hat it inspired he cre-

ationof the charromoviesduring he secondwaveof national-

ism experiencedn the next century."6For discussion f folklorico anceas a national ymbol,

see Najera-Ramirez 1989).

7FollowingParedes(1976), I employthe term "GreaterMexico"to refer to all areas inhabitedby peopleof Mexicandescentboth in the Republicof Mexico and the UnitedStates,

recognizing hat politicalbordersdo not necessarilycoincidewith culturalborders.

"In 1884 Lerdode Tejadaestablished he firstorquestatipica featuring conservatory-trainedmusicians dressed incharro costumes playing popular dance tunes of the era

(Geijerstam1976:84)."Charro ilmsconstitutea complexsubjectwhichcannot

be fully addressedhere. I devote fuller considerationo this

subject n anotherwork-in-progress.20MexicanilmswereextremelypopularamongMexicans

residingin the United States in the 1930-1960s (Saragosa1983).

2The 1936 version tarredTito Guizar,but a secondver-sion of this film was producedn 1947 starringJorgeNegretewho had establishedhimself as the quintessenntialharro in

the 1941 film Ay Jalisco no te rajes! (directedby Joselito

Rodriguez).2I selected these films because they were directedand

producedby different ndividuals round he same period.As

such, they attest to the popularity f these cinematic ngredi-




ENGENDERING NATIONALISM

ents as well as to the rangeof messagespossible.

2SLiterally,he words translateas "strong,ugly and for-

mal"but the translation provide aptures he notionof "feo"

as a manly quality implying"ruggedness" s opposed o pol-ishedbeauty (femininequality)

24In his respect, he parallelsbetweenthe novelAstucia,

mentionedabove,and the film,Alla en el RanchoGrande,be-come more evident.As Aureliodel los Reyes explains,both

productions literaryand cinematic) portrayed he old social

order(of the hacienda)as naturaland necessaryduring imes

of social turmoiland change(1988: 150).25In 1948, Jesus Diaz Le6n, alias "El Charro,"was im-

posed by the state to replacemilitantleadershipof the Na-

tional Railway Workers' Union. "His alias swiftly spread

throughoutthe labor movement,spawningthe term 'char-

rismo,'commonparlance orviolence,corruption, nticommun-

ism, and antidemocracy n the part of official union leader-

ship" (Cockcroft 1984: 155). It should be noted that

"charrismo"s describedhereis not partof the charroculture

I have beendiscussing.26SeeNajera-Ramirez1987) for furtherdiscussion n the

conceptof lo mexicanoand the Chicanomovement.

27Interestingly,inc6nde Gallardonotes one occasion nwhichhe taughta woman o executevariouscharro kills and

subsequently resentedherpublicly.For her performance,he

wore a charro costume(pants, not a skirt) and did not ride

sidesaddle.As a resultof her fineaccomplishments,he Asocia-

ci6n Nacionalde Charrosnamedher an honorarymemberof

theirorganization 1939: 276-277).28The scaramusasmaybe fruitfully omparedo the bar-

rel racingevent for women.For details on issuesof gender n

barrelracingevents,see Stoeltje(1988).

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