!!!_Na Cadencia Bonita Do Samba__ Accomplishing Suingue in Toronto _ Pravaz _ Critical Studies in...

08/02/14 06:35"Na Cadencia Bonita do Samba": Accomplishing Suingue in Toronto | PraCritical Studies in Improvisation / tudes critiques en improvisation

Pgina 1 de 9http://www.criticalimprov.com/article/view/1130/2058

OPEN JOURNAL SYSTEMS

Journal Help

USER

Username

Password

Remember me

Login

JOURNAL CONTENT

Search

All

Search

BrowseBy IssueBy AuthorBy TitleOther Journals

ARTICLE TOOLS

Abstract

Print this article

Indexing metadata

How to cite item

Supplementary files

Finding References

Email this article (Login

required)

RELATED ITEMS

Show all

INFORMATION

For ReadersFor AuthorsFor Librarians

FONT SIZE

home about login register search current archives announcements

Home > Vol 7, No 1 (2011) > Pravaz

Na Cadncia Bonita do Samba: Accomplishing Suingue in Toronto1

Natasha Pravaz

My friend Layah Davis, a Torontonian tamborim player who is a member of local samba bands BatucadaCarioca and Samba Squad, once told the following story:

[. . .] For me, in terms of the uplifted quality, mostly thats my own creation. I think the music does it,but its because I allow myself to experience, to go there. And sometimes it feels like drudgery, youknow. Youre in this gig, its cold, its rainy. Or nobodys [. . .] for instance we go to do a wedding andeverybodys standing there like this [arms crossed] and watching us. Were like What the hell arewe doing here? What a waste of time. But interestingly enough, even at the end of gigs like that, wefeel great. We walk out. Theyre all still standing there going . . . Sourpussing. Although, truth betold, its very hard to be like that at the end of the show. Most of them, they have to let loose in someway. Foot tapping, shoulders moving. Even when they dont really want to because they thinktheyre above it or whatever. The truth is most of the time people do free up themselves, as theydsay. Even we, we have a joke for instance in the Squad we often say: We just did that gig forourselves. We dont play for anybody but ourselves, really.

What happens when Afro-Brazilian sounds such as samba are lifted from their contexts of origin andperformed by and/or for non-Brazilians in Canada? In particular, what happens to the samba groovecadncia or suingue as Brazilians call itand what does this suingue do, or not do, to those performing? Iam interested here in exploring these questions by focusing on two interrelated matters pertaining to Brazilianimprovisative consciousness: the pedagogical dynamics of samba transmission, and the dialectics of freedomand restraint in sambas creation processes, particularly within Canadian samba.2 This essay analyzesCanadian expressions of cultural practices of Brazilian origin, highlighting how local bodies at times resist thecall of samba, generating social tensions. In particular, I look at (a) the corporeal dimensions of musicinstruction; (b) the distinction between improvisation-driven backyard jams and increasingly market-drivenescolas de samba; and (c) the manifestation of Brazilian modes of being-in-the-world such as the ethos ofmalandragem (mischief). My argument is based on ongoing fieldwork and research with Toronto-basedperformers of Afro-Brazilian music who play in large, amateur ensembles such as Batucada Carioca, of whichI am a member.

While Afro-Brazilian culture became a symbol of mestio (mixed) national identity at the hand of early 20th

century populist leaders, the appropriation of subaltern cultural practices by those in positions of privilege isevidently not unique to Brazil.3 The transnational dimensions of this cultural circulation, in particular, deservefurther attention. I am interested here in exploring the ways in which samba is transmitted, learned, andperformed outside of Brazil at a time when Afro-Brazilian practices have become thoroughly embedded inglobal understandings of Brazilianness. The racialized dimensions of this process shift in meaning as thequalities associated with Afro-Brazilians back home (e.g. sensuality, tropical abandonment, cheerfulness)become markers of Brazilian migrants in general. Yet, in their exchanges with host-land nationals, Braziliansare not the strawparrot of a Walt Disney cartoon.4 It is indeed crucial to differentiate appropriating impulses inEuro-American relationships to black culture from forms of cross-cultural identification that serveemancipatory ends and that encourage taking stock of ones experiences and responsibilities (Lipsitz 56). Interms of the consumption practices of Afro-Brazilian culture abroad, not only are migrants often active insetting the terms of intercultural encounters, they also choose to build relationships with non-Brazilians whotake stock of their experiences and responsibilities vis--vis their engagement with Afro-Brazilian culture. Inmore than one way, it is Brazilians who have the upper hand in such exchanges: they have somethingCanadians want, but can only get if they make themselves vulnerable, allowing themselves to betransformed. Surreptitiously insinuating themselves in the bodies and minds of the locals, Afro-Brazilianmodes of being in the world assert their power the malandro (trickster) way: exercising a rather obliqueseduction.

The pedagogical dynamics of intercultural samba transmission are rife with misunderstandings based mostlyon divergent proxemic and kinesthetic worlds. They may also be thought of as transnational manifestations ofhistorical tensions between two competing paradigms at the heart of the samba world: the highly-structured,market driven style of escolas de samba (the large samba groups who parade during carnaval celebrations);and the slower-paced, improvisation-driven backyard jams or pagodes characteristic of neighborhood life inRios poor suburbs.5 This distinction is not meant to be taken as a sharp rift clearly observable to the nakedeye, but as a heuristic methodological device that allows us to highlight differences which occur mostly on acontinuum. As documented by Nei Lopes, the Centro Cultural Cartola (see Brazil), and others, pagodes werethe breeding ground of escolas de samba: Certainly, the first moments of the first Carioca samba entities[i.e., escolas] were marked by pagodes dominated by partido-alto [an improvisation-based style of sambacharacterized by verbal duels] (Lopes 177).6 Such pagodes were held at the homes of Tia (Aunt) Ciata andother Baianas of Rios Pequena frica in the early twentieth century.7

While samba jams were at the root of the emergence of escolas in the 1920s, they have become increasingly



relegated from the quadras (escola rehearsal spaces) to environments such as the quintais da velha guarda(old guard backyards where long time, senior members of escolas de samba get together to rehearse inpreparation for carnaval parades, but also for the sake of camaraderie). As carnaval parades (the main focusof escolas) became progressively timed events with ever faster andamentos (musical tempi), sambas-enredo(escolas theme songs) distanced themselves from their own matrix and improvisation lost prestige to thepoint that it was officially banned from parades in 1946 (Brazil 37, 40).

While escolas de samba continue to be a fulcrum of life in Rios Zona Norte (poorer North region) andbeyond, the social and cultural transformations undergone by these institutions have significantly hamperedthe presence of ancestral practices based on collective authorship, provocation, jest, and amateurism,practices that strongly emphasized improvisation and community (Centro Cultural Cartola 24-30). In the1930s and 1940s, samba players and composers were the main organizers of escolas and therefore felt asense of ownership from which they have become increasingly alienated (Monarco, qtd. in Trotta and Castro66). In terms of how the texture of the samba sound has been affected, escola mestres (teachers/masters)such as Maninho Costa and others have pointed out that the speed at which samba must be performed todaymakes it more akin to frevo (a very fast Northeastern musical form) than to the groovy samba of escolas fromthe 1980s, which they cherished (Maninho Costa, personal communication). Maninho, in particular, hasreported that it is difficult to play the repinique (one of the main instruments in samba improvisation) with anyflair in the new context: he seeks to recreate the cadncia of the 1980s through his samba leadership.

Cadncia Isso Aqui

Born Joelson David Costa, but largely known by the friendly nickname of Maninho (Little Brother), Costa is aBrazilian samba master who relocated to Toronto in the early 2000s after having been invited to perform forthe Carnaval Ball Gala, one of the most prestigious charity events in Canada.8 He eventually started his ownband, Batucada Carioca, assembling a motley crew of amateur and professional musicians from very diversebackgrounds and nationalities for whom collective music making has become a central part of their social andcultural life. Maninho has not had formal training in music: his schooling was in the trenches of the Unio daIlha and the Grande Rio, escolas de samba whose percussion wings (baterias) were usually in the range of250 to 300 members and that were at different points in time led by his uncle, mestre Odilon Costa.9

Embodying ginga (swing; constant rhythmic movement; nimbleness; flair), Maninho abruptly stops Batucadarehearsals in exasperation to underscore what he calls the cadncia. He stomps one foot after the other andmoves his arms from side to side in a slightly delayed fashion, saying loudly: cadncia isso aqui (this isthe groove, right here). While most Batucada members are not fluent in Portuguese, we all understand hismeaning: Sambas quintessential trait is a flavourful suingado or cadenciado, a specific way of playing thatmaintains a steady core tempo while gracefully emphasizing the off-beat.

At a recent rehearsal (September 14, 2010), Maninho taught caixa (snare drum) players a rhythmic patternthat illustrates this point. The pattern was on a simple 2/4 meter, alternating left and right-hand drumstickstrokes, four on each beat of a measure.

Maninho does this Ta Ka ta ka, one stroke with each hand to a total of eight per bar, emphasizingthe first two of each beat, playing the second two softly. He tells us to play it. Then he stops us to tellus what is not working.

M: We need to play this with ginga. The ginga is here [emphasizes the strong notes whiledemonstrating]. It has to have a little onion, tomato, green pepper, you have to be flavourful. Dontplay it like this, mechanical [ta ka ta ka, all sounds are the same he pretends to be anautomaton], this is not good, you need to find the swing. Its like the tamborim [tamborins mainpattern, the carreteiro, consists of 8 sixteenth notes per measure].

Then he tells us that its not good either when we only emphasize the strong beats but we cant hearthe soft ones. He says this is the secret of samba: the cadenciado. (Authors fieldnotes)10

Maninho struggles to communicate the importance of a multilayered approach to rhythm, an approach thatemphasizes syncopation and a heightened, simultaneous awareness of tempo and dynamics. Such issuesare of great concern for Canadians invested in learning the intricacies of Afro-Brazilian percussion. CarlieHowell, for example, a fellow tamborim player in Batucada Carioca, stresses that it is impossible to representon paper the sixteenth notes played by our instrument because of slight variations in timing and attack thatmake you feel like you are floating. You need to throw yourself in the groove, she says, rather than trying tofind it with the help of a metronome. Indeed, thinking, feeling, and perceiving in terms of syncopation (aconcept which emphasizes stressed and non-stressed beats) should be accompanied by an understanding ofthe off-beats as layer and dimension in their own right, as failure to do so is often at the root of difficulties inparticipating fully in the samba experience, including the ability to personally generate rhythmic patterns.11

The recurrent use of the term cadncia, then, may be interpreted as a reminder of how the dynamics ofrhythmic patterns can throw one off-balance, providing encouragement to keep moving the body as a way offinding sure footing while floating. Muniz Sodrs conceptualization of the syncopated dimension of sambahelps draw attention to the fundamental place corporeality plays in this musical form. His insights bring light tothe pedagogical impasses Maninho confronts in helping his students actualize the samba suingue orcadncia into specific sound and movement sequences. In the syncopated, polyrhythmic musical form ofsamba, the strong accent is suspended. For Sodr, this suspension calls the body to fill in the gaps: Withinthe meaningful dimension generated by traditional samba, the physical presence of the human body isindispensable (Samba 47). While Sodrs argument addresses the embodied dimensions of Afro-Brazilianart forms vis--vis their roots in candombl ritual,12 this calling is also what Layah makes reference to whenshe notices the shoulder move and the foot tap among the sourpussing crowd of the proverbial stiffwedding. Batucada members are not far from this crowd at times, in our hesitation to loosen up the body andallow strange sounds to take over our field of perception/action. Can suingue be learned methodically?

Maninho is hopeful. He insists that we move our bodies as we play, keeping the main beat with our feet.Advocating a pedagogy of embodiment, his greatest challenge is to impart an oral/somatic tradition in a



setting where most are accustomed to being taught by the book. Maninhos emphasis on the corporealityinherent in the production of Afro-Brazilian sounds is as evident in his directives to Batucada as in hisbeginners workshops. The latter start off with a lesson in walking, a teaching tool Costa adopted whileobserving his uncle teach samba technique with music educator Lucas Ciavatta13 (Maninho First Lessonvideo, 1 minute 35 seconds. Credits: Mike Filippov). The ability to properly execute the intricate polyrhythmicpatterns of samba rests on a thorough absorption of the two main beats marked by the key bass drums,surdo de segunda (second) and surdo de primeira (first), until they become second nature. For those whogrew up listening to samba and watching their relatives dance to it, a lesson such as this is as unthinkable asit is unnecessary. Primary socialization has facilitated the mastery of the most basic samba skills on apreconscious level, through incorporation into the habitusthe culturally-informed system of regulatedimprovisations in which our embodied dispositions or physical faculties develop and are negotiated(Bourdieu 72-95). Those unfamiliar and uncomfortable with an emphasis on the offbeat, on the other hand,painstakingly count one, two, one, two, and need to be continuously reminded of keeping time with theirfeet. While for Maninho it is only natural to emphasize this in beginners workshops, his expectations forBatucada Carioca are high: we have been playing together for several years.

My instrument sectionthe tamborins, together with the chocalhos and agogsadds color to sambas basicrhythmic patterns, played by the cozinha (kitchen): caixas, surdos and repiniques.14 Tamborim players, inparticular, are expected to remember long rhythmic phrases that change with each song or break. Always theoptimist, Maninho trusts that we will eventually have incorporated enough of his suingue to produce our ownriffs or desenhos (in Brazil, the tamborim section of any escola de samba has a leader who creates specific,complex phrases for the samba-enredo that usually accompany the songs melody). The ability to createdesenhos requires an embodied grasp of the centrality of tempo, dynamics, and off-beat notes, knowledgethat comes from extended experience in this particular samba sub-genre.

While Batucadas tamborim players show little sign of being able to produce desenhos, Maninho generallyassumes that we will be comfortably able to follow his last-minute creations (which may change from onerehearsal to the next). The players, including myself, sometimes get frustrated with Maninhos need to teachus new things before we have worked out old versions of breaks and tunes, and with the fact that he throwsnew songs at us at the last minute (i.e. one or two rehearsals before a gig). I once asked him about his desireto constantly change things around, as opposed to staying with what is tried and true. He responded that hewants to show us what is possible, where we could be going as a band, and what our sound and repertoirecould be like. His dream is to have a completely different set of songs for each gig, which is not without itschallenges, considering our difficulties keeping up even when things stay the same.

One of the keys to understanding the source of pedagogical tensions at the heart of Batucada is to think interms of the gap between Maninhos cultural background and that of most other band members. Whileseveral either grew up in Brazil or can trace Brazilian descent, Maninho is the only one who was raised in asamba-dominated neighborhood, Ilha do Governador, home to an important escola de samba, Escola Unioda Ilha do Governador. This is the context in which, at a very early age, he learned the craft of musicianshipfrom some of the best samba masters, including his uncle Odilon. It was here that Maninho honed his skillsand learned the pain and pleasure of being a member of an escolas bateria. Escolas de samba are well-established institutions with decades-long traditions and are readily recognized by neighborhood communitiesand society at large as repositories of local knowledge. In fact, the epithet mestre encapsulates the meaningof both master and teacher, and such mestres are known as acadmicos (scholars). Yet, Maninho himselfadmits that the transmission of knowledge in this context can be ruthless, with escola leaders screaming inplayers ears and chastising them publicly when they do not play correctly.

Perhaps this strict disciplinary mode of being stems from a class habitus conditioned by the hardships ofBrazils economic divide. In order to be acknowledged in a hierarchical society dominated by great class andrace divisions, marginalized Brazilians of color have to work twice as hard to prove themselves. In order to besuccessful at parades and please both jury members (who evaluate their every move) and TV stations (whobroadcast every detail), escolas have become well-oiled machines where no glitches are allowed. In this way,escolas are today practically the opposite of the pagodes de fundo de quintal (backyard jams), wherespontaneity, playfulness, and horizontal social relations are key.

In her pioneering study of the ethos of malandragem as expressed in samba lyrics between 1932 and 1954,Claudia Matos emphasizes that during the first half of the twentieth century, samba production was mostlyseen by composers and players as a communal activity in a context where authorship transcended the limitsof individuality and gave voice to a collective being (18). Today, it can be said that escolas represent thequintessential communal embodiment of samba: certainly, the thrill of participating in such organizations islargely based on the sheer mass of bodies embracing this togetherness through music and dance. However,the quality of creative dialogue characteristic of musical exchanges at the beginning of the last century haslost significant ground in such environments. Escolas have become larger-than-life marching bands based onstrict discipline, following a script, and obeying a leader: three axes that may give a militarized feeling to theexperience of participating in parades.15

Apprenticing to become a member of the bateria of an escola de samba may be disheartening at times. Yet,belonging to one is a dream come true for any Brazilian percussionist interested in the heavy sounds ofsambas-enredo. Achieving this feat usually involves years of learning the craft at the hands of local mestresand rehearsing on a very strict, demanding schedule during the months leading up to carnaval. Bateriadirectors must master all instruments in the bateria, and becoming a bateria director takes tremendousamounts of artistic, organizational, and interpersonal skill, not unlike the skills needed by a symphonicorchestra conductor. Such is the social and cultural context that informs Maninhos approach to sambatransmission in general and his ambitions for Batucada Carioca in particular.16 While Maninho is asaccomplished a musician as any escola director in Rio, he makes due with a group of players who for themost part were until relatively recently not familiar with samba, let alone a surdo or a tamborim. Maninhowould like to directly transfer the reality of Rios baterias to Canadian soil; he does, however, understand therestrictions of his new environmentin particular, that chastising bad players is counterproductive and evendangerous for Batucadas continuity. In the Canadian context, not only do escolas de samba not carry anyparticular cachet with the average citizen, the number of musicians interested in or able to play the loud,



highly intricate, and syncopated rhythms of sambas-enredo is extremely limited.

Despite the difficulties inherent in learning a foreign tradition, both Maninho and other Batucada members getsomething from making music together that goes beyond the technicalities of learning to keep time withcadncia: they delight in the experience of collective musicking as a community-building endeavor. Indeed, inhis displacement across the hemisphere, Maninho Costa has found a way to contest the current hegemony ofspeed. In our reception of Rios samba styles via his pedagogy, we become acculturated to a form virtuallylost in its original environment. In this way, Maninho challenges the massive transformations underwent bysamba due to the institutionalization of escolas in the last two decades. Yet as much as Maninho is a freespirited trickstera malandro, he is also bound to the ethos inculcated in him by escola mestres. Thefollowing sections discuss the dialectics of freedom and restraint in samba by looking at the role ofimprovisation in the creative process and at malandragem as a mode of being-in-the-samba-world. Theseincursions should also shed further insight into the somatic incongruities that shape much of the pedagogicalconflicts at the heart of Batucada.

The Language of Samba: Improvisation and the Collective

Until the 1970s and before the massive commoditization of escola de samba culture, it was common to hearat the quadras impromptu compositions based on improvisation-driven subgenres such as the partido alto. Inthis way, the environment of escolas de samba reproduced in a larger scale the conviviality of Rios pagodes.Today, however, sambas-enredo need to be well rehearsed and as close to the chosen arrangement aspossible, and rehearsals leading up to the carnaval season reflect this pressure to conform. Under thissystem, composers do not have a lot of freedom: melodies need to be catchy, lyrics easy to follow. Theescola may even lose points if the song presents vcios de linguagem: language vices or tamperingcommon in local popular slang (gria). The speed of samba, as mentioned above, is a central way in whichthe art form has become disciplined, but particular uses of certain instruments have been just as stronglyaffected: the presence of pandeiro and cuca solos, for example, has greatly diminished in the context ofescola rehearsals. What remains of off-season improvisational flavors is best represented by the repinique.Further, while recordings of sambas-enredo document improvisations by individual tamborim players well intothe 1970s, the 1980s brought about tamborim patterns and conventions prevalent today (Zeh 170).

Within Batucada, back in Toronto, improvisation is clearly regulated by our skill levels, and collective jammingis a rarity. Maninho is the only regular soloist, although at times he is joined by others, such as Nacho AlvarezConde and Jon Medow, who have begun to develop the craft of the repinique. The spontaneous, amateurcharacteristics of pagodes are thus demoted while Maninho attempts to have a financially viable group knownabout town as a repository of Carioca escola styles. Sitting uncomfortably as an uninvited guest at ourrehearsals, improvisation brings mayhem to attempts at institutionalization. Players on occasion interveneunexpectedly to make amusing sounds with their instruments in the midst of a particular break or groovepattern. Most of us laugh and take delight in the spur-of-the-moment occurrence. Maninho, on the other hand,makes it clear that he sees this as a transgression bordering on disrespect, one that represents waveringduty toward samba. He has mentioned that he dislikes jams due to the absence of professionalism involvedand the lack of care shown to instruments, tuning practices, etc.

Maninhos leadership exhibits a paradoxical relationship between institutional samba culture on the one handand the autonomy and freedom characteristic of pagodes on the other. While unstructured jams are not hiscup of tea, Maninho does attempt to pass along multi-instrumental improvisational skills grounded in thesamba idiom. Precious little time is devoted to this endeavor, however, and more often than not hisapprentices feel like they are producing an artificial hodgepodge of licks. Yet, Humberto (Beto) Porto (one ofBatucadas cavaquinho and caixa players) invites us to think about the process of samba creation as animpeachment of motif theory (i.e. the notion that Afrological improvisation is based on memorized motifs orlicks), using a linguistic analogy that resonates significantly with George Lewiss work (146) (Beto PortoLinguagem video, 47 seconds). Beto argues that to be able to speak in samba it is necessary to learn thespecifics of sambas vocabulary: Just as when after learning how to speak a language fluently, you improviseyour sentences, you create poetry with those phrases and so on, music is like that. After you become fluent,you are able to feel that number of bars without counting, you are able to sense where the melody goes.

Betos reflections on music, language, and improvisation also touch upon the difficult topic of spontaneity, afull understanding of which he believes should not reduce it to amnesic, immaculately original practicesfocused on individual expression, but take into account its community-building dimensions:17

It is a process that takes a long time for you to do it with, lets say, speaking the language withspontaneity, right? You can be really spontaneous, but you are not speaking the language. You canbe very spontaneous, and follow me, if you can, because I am going for a ride. Thats easy. I cando that too. Thats easy to do, understand? Now, for you to be spontaneous and really be thereplaying together with everybody, thats the real challenge for me, thats it, when I see the guy playingI say ahhh, thats it. Thats the stuff.

Crucial here is the emphasis on playing together with everybody. There is a deep listening (Oliveros xxiii)implied in this togetherness, a care for understanding not only the traditions involved in the idiomatic form ofexpression that is samba, but also the context-bound dynamics of the social encounter within which sambasactualization takes place. Yet, as Toronto-based samba players listen to each others sounds at rehearsaland in performance, the common ground upon which communication is achieved may turn into quicksand.Socially inflected listening practices do, after all, implicate distinct forms of knowledge, belief, and subjectivity(Becker 137). Just what kinds of identification with culturally diverse notions of musicality and personhood areand are not possible across the divide between Canadian artists without a comprehensive experience ofBrazilian traditions and someone like Maninho who lives and breathes samba?

Pretend You Are Happy

At rehearsal, Batucada is in formation: all facing forward, organized by instrument into different rows.Maninho gestures for us to come closer to each other: you need to support each other, take energy fromeach other. Not like this. He makes a facial expression of disgust, walking away from an imaginary fellow



player, shaking his hands as if to rid himself from germs or dirt. Like you are friends. In Brazil it is like this.His speech-act challenges our habitual understanding of relationships within Batucada as being defined bythe bonds of friendship. He implies we are not really friends if we cant literally rub elbows. Maninhosembodied and verbal narrative discloses deep-seated Brazilian beliefs about the central place of physicalcloseness in proper sociability, beliefs that challenge Canadian preferences for personal space. At everyturn, Maninho confronts an unspoken cultural border. He challenges what we can stereotypically generalizeas the coldness of Canadas ethos by making a display of sadness when the cadenciado is off. Bringing hishands together, fingers folded in, one hand wrapping the other, Maninho gestures toward his heart. He gentlytaps his chest twice, a look of heartfelt longing mixed in with a bit of disappointment. The music we make islinked to our heartbeats: o corao. Bum, bum. This statement not only indicates belief in a primordial,embodied connection between samba and human physiology, but also brings to the fore the understandingthat music making should never be a mechanical act, that expressivity (symbolized by the heart as seat of theemotions) should carry us through.

In preparation for a gig in Montreal, Maninho takes steps to groom the band in ways that go beyond musicalconcerns. Rehearsing the tunes, we are tense, concerned that we will not be able to pull it off (particularly asa large portion of the band will not be in attendance and things keep changing in terms of repertoire andarrangement). We have been rehearsing one of our war-horses, a samba-enredo from the escolaAcadmicos do Salgueiro that we perform accompanied by a little choreography: during the chorus, we allwalk in line to one side of the stage, and then back, and forth and back, etc. Maninho stares at us and seesthe stiffness, the blank faces. He stops us mid-way and says in frustration:

Hey, whats going on, this is supposed to be something happy, to make people happy. When youplay this song in Brazil, people go crazy, they really love it. Look at you [imitates someone walkingslowly and tentatively toward one side of the room, looking over their shoulder, talking tothemselves], oh, not again, I have to do this, when is this going to end? [generalized hystericallaughter]. How are we supposed to get the crowd going like this? This is not an orchestra, whereyou have to be all serious and follow a script. This is supposed to make you feel happy. Even if youdont feel this, at least pretend. You can try to fake it.

Tongue-in-cheek, as if to literally throw us off balance, he adds: Pretend you actually like samba, that youactually like what you are doing. At first glance, this statement merely seems to elicit that we see theincongruence between our intention (to play samba for fun) and our actions (serious expressions andstiffness, representing boredom, insecurity, disengagement, etc.); yet his words have an imperative quality.He gestures with open hands, ten fingers spread apart, as if to draw out cats whiskers from his own facewhile smiling broadly: a forced, fake smile. He gets us to laugh again, but he is also demanding more from usin our commitment to Batucada: total immersion in Brazilian modes-of-being.

The arrival of Maninho Costa has been a watershed for Torontonians ability to experience Rios sambafirsthand and to learn from a traditionally-trained master. The pedagogical challenges experienced byManinho as our teacher and by us as his students stem from significantly divergent worldviews and listeningdispositions (Becker 137). Out of our collective struggle to inhabit a shared musical habitus is borne aparticular expression of what Jason Stanyek has theorized as interculturalism, an embodied strategy forcreative engagement with the shifting politics of co-presence (27). Stanyek emphasizes the spatialdimensions of interculturalism, a practice, he argues, that implies an unusual simultaneity, a cohabitation of adiscrete space by disparate individuals who, under normal circumstances, would be isolated from oneanother (10-11).

Torontos intercultural samba most certainly brings about unexpected simultaneities. The difficultiesexperienced by Batucada members when asked to stand closer together or be cheerful are the product ofdeep cultural rifts that go beyond commonplace stereotypes. Such rifts bespeak divergent subjectivities andmodes of personhood expressed in different evaluations of such things as work, friendship, camaraderie, wit,and permanence. The gaps that need to be breached for intercultural samba spaces to be actualized inToronto are best understood by briefly outlining the ethos of malandragem, its origins, and the ways in whichit emerges across borders.

Malandro: The Unbearable Lightness of Feet

Maninho Costas demands for Batucada members to smile may be read as the imperative of a tyrannicalhappy-go-lucky tropical ideology linked to the historical appropriation of samba by nationalist rhetoric and tothe mise-en-scne of escolas de samba, which by definition play for an audience that wants to beentertained. Yet, the continuous development of samba forms within and outside Brazil by disenfranchisedgroups and persons of color deserves closer inspection. For Maninho, as for the thousands of musicians whogrew up in his social milieu, samba continues to be, rather than a disembodied symbol to be consumed, aconcrete, somatic mode of attention (Csordas) through which a space of collective, hopeful meaning iswrested from the quotidian alienation imposed by the citys clenched fists. This is because for theseBrazilians samba is the means par excellence for the expression of a politics and poetics of malandragem.

In her insightful analysis of Rios emergent samba world in the 1930s, Acertei no Milhar, Claudia Matosdiscusses the development, alongside governmentally sanctioned patriotic sambas, of another sambamodalitythe samba-malandrowhich performed an alternative worldview and ethos that went againstestablished petty-bourgeois values and morality. Articulating what Matos calls the discourse ofmalandragem, these sambas praised in song the trickster/hustler figure of the malandro, a male characterwho represented for the largely black, urban working class a utopian escape from their subordinate socialcondition. Embodying an ambiguous mode of being defined by the ability to walk the fine line between licitand illicit worlds, malandros avoided the heavy manual labor that condemned so-called otrios (fools) to a lifeof toil, hardship, and poverty.

Matos asserts that sambas-malandro not only highlight the struggles of the working class, but also articulategrievances against the capitalist ideology of work by pointing fingers at the boss and the rich man. In thisway, they present a dialogic discourse that stresses the notion of border between social classes, the veryborder upon which malandros and bosses existence rests (80). This dialogism is expressed in an ambivalent



play between dream and reality, where no answers, definitions, or even coherent ideologies are offered, butwhere the self and the world are constantly being questioned (66). By privileging sambas texts overanalytical frameworks chosen a priori, Matoss work allows for samba-malandros plethora of voices to beheard without producing semantic closure. I would further argue that her analysis helps us visualize otherwiseobscure links between the malandros ethos and the ontology of interculturalism as defined by Stanyek (11),which rests on a presumption that boundaries can be breached, yet whose existence presupposes the verycontinuation of such boundaries. We may even posit that interculturalism and malandragem share a politicsand poetics that revolve around, as Sodr has asserted of Afro-Brazilian religious and cultural forms (Oterreiro e a cidade 9-10, 142-3), originality as revelation, reversibility of meaning, and mystery, opposingthemselves to capitalist-driven worlds of work and rationality while still remaining bound by them.

The samba-malandro celebrates the ideal of a language capable of containing within itself the multiplicity ofsimultaneous significations (Matos 67). It is this multiplicity of significations that sambistas like Maninho seektime and again in their attempts to reshape songs such as the racist carnaval hit O Teu Cabelo No Nega,by Lamartine Babo.18 The songs main chorus goes: Your hair doesnt deny it, mulata, Because you are amulata of color, But since color isnt contagious, mulata, Mulata, I want your love.19 Maninho once irruptedinto a rehearsal break with the following rendition: Your hair doesnt deny it, mulata, Because you are aYoruba mulata, But since color doesnt deny it, mulata, Mulata, I want your love.20 The creative impulseinherent in such improvisations offers a radical reformulation of hegemonic discourse by reaffirming ethnicand racial heritage against ideologies based on notions of phenotype and contagion, thereby turning thesong on its feet. Batucadas rendition of Aquarela do Brasil expresses a similar principle: no lyrics praisingthe Brasil trigueiro (swarthy Brazil) or mulato inzoneiro (sly mulatto) are heard, only a free jazz trombone.In this way, the bands version refuses identification with received understandings of Brazil as a mestioparadise.

A malandros ultimate mtier is that of sambista: a gifted improviser of solos to which other bambas [sambaexperts] formed in a circle around him [respond] with a refrain accompanied by tambourines and cavaquinhos[small guitars] (Ari Arajo, qtd. in Rowe and Schelling 129). Within this circle, Matos claims, the sambista isable to speak the multiple voices of the people through an agile mimeticism that imitates collective speechand is linked in practice to a disposition toward establishing symbiotic relations with the other (75). Here, theauthor raises two fundamental issues in tandem: mimeticism and symbiosis, concepts that should beanalytically differentiated in order to understand how malandragem defines Batucadas outlook.

First, let us consider the former. Not only does the malandro mimic the collective voice of the people, he alsoengages in a mimetic parody of established aesthetic values. In his preoccupation with a very particularperiod dress code (white linen suit, silk scarf, and Panama hat), the malandro reveals a front work(Goffman) that imitates white petty-bourgeois aesthetics, with a twist. As Matos argues, the excessivelypolished nature of the outfit betrays a subordinate position, making the malandro vulnerable to policesurveillance. Yet, this mimeticism lends malandros their liveliness and grace, enabling their street smarts(such as the ability to eat at fancy restaurants without paying). In mimicking dominant forms, malandrossubvert them at every turn. Antonio Candidos comparison of the Spanish pcaro (a rogue who lives by hiswits) and the malandro is relevant here: while the pcaros deceit always has a pragmatic end, the malandroacts out of a pleasure for play (3).

Wordplay is precisely what Batucada Carioca engages in on its promotional website. Alluding to Brazilianscommand of samba steps, the main page states that Batucadas repertoire includes [. . .] the greatest pastCarnaval themes [. . .] which will prove once and for all how Brazilians come to be so light on their feet!Various sources such as the Oxford English Dictionary and the Free Dictionary define the expression to belight on ones feet as the ability to move quickly and gracefully, and include the adjectives lively and agileto describe the idiomatic expression. The fact that words such as grace and liveliness can describe notonly physical movement but also inner dispositions lends richness to Batucadas website statement.Brazilians are thus simultaneously characterized as vibrant people with a sunny disposition and as skillfulperformers of intricate footwork. More to the point, in encompassing the concepts of life force, dexterity,speed, and beauty, this expression succinctly encapsulates the aesthetics of the malandros street smarts, animprovised dance in its own right that also moves to the tune of samba. This lightness of being, while definingManinhos broad appeal, is also at the heart of pedagogical difficulties experienced by Batucada members.When players complain about lack of structure, predictability, or consistency, they unmask the flipside ofmalandragem as they point to wider stumbling blocks on the road to intercultural engagement.

While existential freedom is a dominant trope in the discourse of malandragem, this freedom is not conceivedof as an individual trait. A symbiotic orientation is fundamental in the creative process of the parceria(compositional partnership):

The sambista malandro speaks his individual voice, but his voice is the voice of the shanty [morro inthe original]: it is never an isolated voice, but a conjunction with one or more other voices [. . .] Tothe individualism at the basis of petty-bourgeois ideology, preaching sacrifice and effort to getahead and climb the social ladder, samba counterpoises collective, group vigor, in order to enjoythe playing [gozar da brincadeira]. The sambista facilitates play, and the malandro, a projection ofthis sambista at the border between social classes, is the one who knows how to transgress thisborder at the same time that he guards it: he is there as a reminder that it exists, and to avoid thecontamination of this world of samba with values that go against it. (Matos 73, 75)

Maninho Costas pleas for players to stand closer together, accept unpredictability, and listen deeply tosambas collective cadenciado express his desire to pass on malandragem values and build communitythrough music. He models playful demeanor in the hopes that some malcia (mischievousness) will rub off onus; at the same time, he also struggles to preserve sambas improvisative values by teaching the craft ofrepinique and encouraging tamborim players to come up with new riffs. As the director of what he defines asa bloco (a group of street drummers), Maninho merges the desire for success that drives escolas with themischievous improvisation of backyard jams. Even if his demands for smiles may be read as a reiteration ofthe tropical nation rhetoric linked to the mise-en-scne of Afro-Brazilian culture in general and escolas desamba in particular, they are also performative efforts to guard against the contamination of the world of



samba (Matos 73) by extraneous values. In particular, I am thinking here of the blas attitude ofcosmopolitan Torontonians (Simmel 329-330), who at times resist the call to embody Brazilian malandragemand prefer to keep it cool, parodying Maninhos own parodies of them. After all, who said happiness is coolin Toronto?

Conclusion

Foot tapping, shoulders moving. Samba appears to bring about an uplifted quality, as Layah calls it, if onlyone is open to it. This quality emerges in a willingness to engage in active, embodied listening: the kind oflistening that understands musical creation as the language of the multitude, as opposed to the cool,detached individual. The detached individual emerges in different forms in Canadian contexts whereBrazilian samba is consumed. Appropriating impulses are not easy to ward off when different somatic modesof attention, or embodied ways of being in the world, are at stake. New forms of engagement may challengethe proxemic and kinetic ways through which we express deep-seated moral values.

While it is true that Maninhos efforts to pass down his teachings often fall on deaf ears, the eagerness tolearn his malcia, embody his cadenciado, and learn the malandro way of being-in-the-world often seducesBatucada members enough for us to become steeped in the aesthetics and modes of sociability that Maninhoinvites us to mimic. We may even, at times, let go of the self-imposed pressure to pull it off and rememberthat we dont play for anybody but ourselves, really. Ourselves, in this case, refers to the smallest unit ofsamba community, represented by the band. The band is the concrete space within which interculturaldialogue becomes possible: it is an emergent social form where improvised sounds and relations materializeas locals and migrants make themselves vulnerable, allowing themselves to be transformed. The desire toexperience a form of collective musicking takes us beyond known realms, allowing us to play together witheverybody and wrest a hopeful space of collective meaning from quotidian alienation in the cosmopolitanmetropolis, perhaps unwittingly leading to new dialogisms.

Notes

1 Na Cadncia Bonita do Samba (in the beautiful groove of samba) is part of the chorus of the famous songNa Cadncia do Samba composed in 1962 by Ataulfo Alves, Paulo Gesta, and Matilde Alves. The wholechorus goes, Quero morrer numa batucada de bamba, na cadncia bonita do samba (I want to die in adrumming session of samba experts, in the beautiful groove of samba).

2 It is not within the scope of this article to engage in a detailed description of the multiple styles of samba thatpopulate the Brazilian landscapes of yesterday and today. Suffice it to say that over a dozen different types orsub-genres exist, ranging from the melodic samba-cano to the improvised partido alto, from samba-jazzfusions to percussion-heavy sambas-enredo. As the latter are the focus of this essay (particularly in thecontext of Torontos samba ensembles), my comments will be largely circumscribed to this genre, with a fewreferences to other relevant styles.

3 For discussions of the racial and gendered politics of samba in Brazil, including analyses of the trope ofmestiagem, see Pravaz, Brazilian Mulatice and Samba, Carnaval.

4 In the 1940s Walt Disney Studios produced a series of cartoons featuring the character Z Carioca, a street-wise and lively parrot embodying the friendliness, warmth, and skill at samba thought to be characteristic ofBrazilians. See http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_mQHr8bAojU.

5 Escolas de samba are cultural associations based upon the collective playing, singing, and dancing ofsamba. They come to life in the months leading up to carnaval, when they parade in the Sambdromo(sambas footbridge) and compete for best place. Each escola parades with approximately 4,500 memberswho don standardized costumes representative of the yearly samba-de-enredo (official theme-song). Escolasare evaluated by a jury that considers their performance in several categories: plot, costumes and props,bateria (percussion wing), special wings (such as that of women dressed as Baianas, a mandatory wing thatpays tribute to the role of women in founding escolassee note 7), mestre-sala and porta-bandeira (mainmale dancer and flag-bearer), theme-song, etc.

The term pagode has been part of Brazilian musical language since at least the 19th century and refers to aparty (brincadeira, festa, diverso) without commercial intent marked by music, food, and drink (Lopes 177).In the 1980s, the term became popularized to refer specifically to a highly commercial sound, one activelypursued by the music industry and disparaged by many samba traditionalists (see Trotta and Castro for aninformed analysis of pertinent debates). In fact, this state of affairs was spurred, in part, by the interest of therecording industry in the success of figures such as Zeca Pagodinho, Beth Carvalho, and Grupo Fundo deQuintal, household names who made albums in the style of traditional, improvisation-driven pagodes at atime when such events had been removed from most escolas de samba. These musicians are considered bysambistas in the know to be performing samba de raz (roots samba), as opposed to pagodeiros (apejorative epithet): a market-driven, unsophisticated, and often vulgar form of samba.

6 All translations of Portuguese texts are mine unless otherwise noted.

7 A Baiano is someone who was born in the Northeastern state of Bahia. The term Baiana, however, is oftenapplied to women of Afro-Brazilian descent who don the white garments characteristic of Candombldevotees and sell Afro-Brazilian delicacies on the streets. After the abolition of slavery (1888), many Baianosmigrated to the city of Rio de Janeiro (then the nations capital) in search of jobs, bringing with them theirreligious, culinary, and musical traditions. Pequena frica (Little Africa) is the name given to the downtownarea in Rio where many Baianos settled.

8 For a brief biography of Maninho de Costa, see (http://www.batucadacarioca.com/about.asp).

9 Odilon Costa is considered one of the most important escola de samba mestres in Rio de Janeiro.

10 My fieldwork is based on long-term participant observation among several Afro-Brazilian music bands in



Toronto and includes ethnographic data collection techniques ranging from audio-recording qualitative, in-depth interviews to gathering promotional materials (both print and online) and video-recording a variety ofevents and situations from everyday life. My participation in these bands has included attendance atrehearsals, concerts, festivals, meetings, friendly gatherings, and other group activities, as well as one-on-one engagements with participants of diverse backgrounds. I played with several ensembles across the citysince 2001, and this participation has enhanced my ability to understand the sociocultural context oftransnational samba learning in the city.

11 I thank one of the anonymous reviewers of this article for bringing this issue to my attention.

12 Candombl is a Brazilian-based polytheistic religion of Yoruba origins, and its gods and goddesses arecalled orixs. These deities embody and synthesize the different forces of life, death, and nature. InCandombl ceremonies, cavalos (initiands) become suffused with divine energy while recebendo o santo(incarnating the orixs) in performances where specific body movements denote the qualities of each divinity.Concrete connections are said to exist between the dances of the orixs and the samba moves performed bypassistas (solo samba dancers) and other escola de samba members (Rego 6; see also Browning).

13 Ciavatta is author of O passo: a pulsao e o ensino-aprendizagem de ritmos (The step: pulsation andteaching-learning rhythms [out of print]). He regularly holds popular rhythm education workshops throughoutBrazil and leads the Bloco do Passo, a percussion and vocal group (http://www.opasso.com.br/).

14 The following are the main percussive instruments used in contemporary Brazilian escolas de samba:tamborins consist of a small metal frame with a nylon head (traditionally, the instrument had a wooden frameand leather head) and no jingles, and are played with a single or multipronged stick; chocalhos have a metalframe and several small jingles, or platinelas; agogs are African double bells; caixas and surdos are snaredrums and bass drums of several sizes, surdo de primeira (First) being the largest and surdo de terceira(Third) the smallest; cucas (laughing gourds) are friction drums with a hanging stick inside that is rubbed witha wet cloth; finally, repiniques are deep-framed drums played alternately by a wooden stick and a bare hand.

15 See Pravaz, Where is the Carnivalesque?

16 See Maninhos comments from one of our interviews: When I started the group Batucada Carioca 6 yearsago, I was thinking to put some name like, maybe, because we are not an escola de samba. An escola desamba is this [shows pictures]. I grow up in samba school. And they know exactly how it is. So I think is more[. . .] I didnt want to put the name, like, some kind of samba school, because we are not, you know, we arejust drums. Most people in batucada, they know, like superficially, what is a samba school, but the majority,they never went to Brazil, they dont know what we have. Like, my wife Negin, she went there and she saw it,and she said, its more than I was thinking. So when the Batucada, its I was trying to work this with thenames, and batucada was something very, you know, catch me really fast. I said, oh, batucadas name, youknow, people really talk about this, in so many songs, in Brazilian songs, and also the DJs and CD. So I wasplanning to put the name batucada to get more of a fast idea of what we do. Of course, we play like groovesfrom samba school, but we are just a bloco, and bloco means street drummers. But the idea is the same, itsjust, I dont want to be [. . .] Anyways, so batucada means samba groove, a samba groove or any, lets say, inNortheastern Brazil, they have Timbalada, or Olodum, and this, we can call batucada too. We can say, oh,lets go to batucada. Batucada is some drum, drum [. . .] ensemble, and Carioca means from Rio de Janeiro.Of course, we maybe have two or three members, like, they are from Rio, but I just put it because that is whatI am teaching here, right? The rhythms are from Rio de Janeiro. I dont teach rhythms from Northeasternmusic, Southestern music; I just try to focus on rhythms from Rio de Janeiro, the Carnaval and Sambdromo,Marques de Sapuca, escolas de samba. So that is what I teach there. So batucada means samba group,Carioca means from Rio de Janeiro. Everything from Rio de Janeiro, lets say, if you are born in Rio, youautomatically, you are Carioca.

17 See also Lewis (145) and Fischlin and Heble (23).

18 The song first came out in January of 1932 and was so overwhelmingly influential and popular that tenyears later the LP had to be recorded again due to the wear and tear of the matrix copy. In 1952, anotherrecording was made and the song became the official opening song of carnaval balls. For an extendedanalysis of this and other samba lyrics, see Pravaz, Imagining Brazil.

19 O teu cabelo no nega, mulata, Porque s mulata da cor, Mas como a cor no pega, mulata, Mulata euquero o teu amor.

20 O teu cabelo no nega, mulata, Porque s mulata Nag, Mas como a cor no nega, mulata, Mulata euquero o teu amor.

Works Cited

Batucada Carioca. Home page. N.d. Web. 1 June 2011.

Becker, Judith. Anthropological Perspectives on Music and Emotion. Music and Emotion: Theory andResearch. Ed. Patrick Juslin and John Sloboda. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2001. 135-160. Print.

Bourdieu, Pierre. Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1977. Print.

Brazil. Centro Nacional de Folclore e Cultura Popular, Iphan (Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e ArtsticoNacional), MinC (Ministrio da Cultura), SEPPIR (Fundao Cultural Palmares), and CentralCultural Cartola. Dossi das Matrizes do Samba no Rio de Janeiro: Partido-Alto, Samba de Terreiro,Samba-Enredo. N.d. Web. 1 June 2011.

Browning, Barbara. Samba: Resistance in Motion. Bloomington: Indiana UP, 1995. Print.

Candido, Antonio. Dialtica da Malandragem: Memrias de um Sargento de Milcias. Revista do Instituto deEstudos Brasileiros 8 (1970): 67-89. Print.



Costa, Maninho. Personal Interview. 7 Sept. 2009.

Csordas, Thomas. Somatic Modes of Attention. Cultural Anthropology 8 (1993): 135-156. Print.

Fischlin, Daniel and Ajay Heble. The Other Side of Nowhere: Jazz, Improvisation, and Communities inDialogue. The Other Side of Nowhere: Jazz, Improvisation, and Communities in Dialogue. Ed.Daniel Fishlin and Ajay Heble. Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2004. 1-42. Print.

Goffman, Erving. The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life. New York: Anchor, 1959. Print.

Lewis, George. Improvised Music After 1950: Afrological and Eurological Perspectives. The Other Side ofNowhere: Jazz, Improvisation, and Communities in Dialogue. Ed. Daniel Fischlin and Ajay Heble.Middletown: Wesleyan UP, 2004. 131-162. Print.

Lipsitz, George. Dangerous Crossroads: Popular Music, Postmodernism, and the Focus of Place. London:Verso, 1994. Print.

Lopes, Nei. Partido Alto: Samba de Bamba. Rio de Janeiro: Pallas, 2005. Print.

Matos, Claudia. Acertei no milhar: samba e malandragem no tempo de Getlio. Rio de Janeiro: Paz & Terra,1982. Print.

Oliveiros, Pauline. Deep Listening: A Composers Sound Practice. Lincoln: iUniverse, 2005. Print.

Pravaz, Natasha. Where is the Carnivalesque in Rios Carnaval? Samba, Mulatas and Modernity. VisualAnthropology 21 (2008): 95-111. Print.

---.Samba, Carnaval and the Myth of Racial Democracy in Rio de Janeiro. Identities: Global Studies inCulture and Power 15 (2008): 80-102. Print.

---. Brazilian Mulatice: Performing Race, Gender and the Nation. Journal of Latin American Anthropology 8(2003): 116-147. Print.

---. Imagining Brazil: Seduction, Samba and the Mulatas Body. Canadian Women Studies/les cahiers de lafemme 20.2 (2000): 48-55. Print.

Rego, Jos Carlos. Dana do Samba : Exerccio do Prazar. Rio de Janeiro : Aldeia, 1996. Print.

Rowe, William and Vivian Schelling. Memory and Modernity: Popular Culture in Latin America. London:Verso. 1991. Print.

Simmel, Georg. The Metropolis and Mental Life. 1903. Georg Simmel on Individuality and Social Forms. Ed.Donald N. Levine. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1971. 324-339. Print.

Sodr, Muniz. O terreiro e a cidade: a forma social negro-brasileira. Petrpolis: Vozes, 1988. Print.

---. Samba: o dono do corpo. Rio de Janeiro: Codecri, 1979. Print.

Stanyek, Jason. Diasporic Improvisation and the Articulation of Intercultural Music. Diss. U of California SanDiego, 2004. Print.

To be light on ones feet. Free Dictionary. 2011. Web. 1 June 2011.

To be light on ones feet. Oxford English Dictionary. 2010. Web. 1 June 2011.

Trotta, Felipe and Joo Paulo M. Castro. A Construo da Idia de Tradio no Samba. Cadernos doCollquio (Dec. 2001): 62-74. Web. 1 June 2011.

Zeh, Marianne. O criador na tradio oral: a linguagem do tamborim na escola de samba. XVI congress ofthe National Association for Research and Graduate Studies in Music (ANPPOM). Braslia. 2006.Web. 1 June 2011.

Critical Studies in Improvisation / tudes critiques en improvisation is generously supported by theSocial Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (through both its Major Collaborative ResearchInitiatives and Aid to Scholarly Journals programs) and by the University of Guelph Library.ISSN: 1712-0624

!!!_Na Cadencia Bonita Do Samba__ Accomplishing Suingue in Toronto _ Pravaz _ Critical Studies in...

Documents

Transcript of !!!_Na Cadencia Bonita Do Samba__ Accomplishing Suingue in Toronto _ Pravaz _ Critical Studies in...