N3 xtinction of pauperism

35
Digitization of this work funded by the JISC Digitisation Programme. JISC and Newcastle University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Cowen Tracts. http://www.jstor.org Extinction of pauperism Author(s): Napoleon Source: Cowen Tracts, 1847 Contributed by: Newcastle University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/60201169 Accessed: 18-09-2015 07:55 UTC Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. This content downloaded from 82.173.129.116 on Fri, 18 Sep 2015 07:55:53 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

Transcript of N3 xtinction of pauperism

Page 1: N3 xtinction of pauperism

Digitization of this work funded by the JISC Digitisation Programme.

JISC and Newcastle University are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Cowen Tracts.

http://www.jstor.org

Extinction of pauperism Author(s): Napoleon Source: Cowen Tracts,1847 Contributed by: Newcastle University Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/60201169Accessed: 18-09-2015 07:55 UTC

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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If—' 3JlT. r;»; C^:: j'y

EXTINCTION

PAUPERISM.

PRINCE NAPOLEON LOUIS BONAPARTE.

(rflTJKTH EDITION.)

LONDON: CLEAVE, SHOE-LANE, FLEET-STREET.

1847.

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JOIIH TTOETHAM, PRIXI-EB, 31% STB VM>.

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BEIUNCtER, FROM HIS ItETREAT AT TASSY, NEAH PARIS,

Prince,

I have the honour of returning you my thanks for your last work, which you have been pleased to send to me, it -will gain you the suffrage of all friends of humanity. The idea which you have expressed in your pamphlet, which is but too short, is one of those best calculated to ameliorate the condition of the industrious and working classes. It is not within my province, Prince, to judge of the correctness of their calculations, by which you support your plan; but dreani3 of a similar kind have often passed through my own mind, and enabled me to appreciate the full worth of your generous purposes. By an accident, from which I derive a feeling of pride, the Utopian schemes of my fireside are irregularly like those, which you have developed so clearly, and supported by such irresistible reasons. I speak of my own speculations, in this way, Prince, much less from any feeling of vanity, than to enable you to judge of the

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degree of satisfaction which the pei u&al ot your work has given me. It is praise-worthy of you, in the midst of the annoyances, and sufferings of capitivity, to be able thus to occupy your thoughts with thoso of your fellow-countrymen, whose evils are so nu¬ merous and alarming. This is the very best manner of occupying your time, and it is most worthy of the great name which you bear, to make those statesmen sensible of their wrongs, who hesitate so long in restoring you to liberty, and to the enjoyment of a country.

With my wishes for your rccov ering at last, the one, as well as the other, be pleased, Prince, to accept the assurance of my feelings of profound respect,*

I have the honour, Prince,

Of being your humble servant, BntAlSGEK.

Passy, 30th June, 1844.

* Taken by permission from " The Prisoner of II im "

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TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE

THE EARL. OF BESBOROUGIi, LORD LIEUTENANT

OF IRELAND,

IN SYMrATIIY WITH HIS ENDEAVOURS

TO AansuoiutTE THE AWFUL CONDITION

OP THE IRISH LABOURING CLASSES,

THIS TRANSLATION IS

RESPECTFULLY INSCRIBED BY

THE PUBLISHER.

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EXTINCTION

OF

PAUPERISM.

CHAPTER I.

The wealth of a country depends upon the pros¬ perity of agriculture and industry, the develop¬ ment of commerce at homo and abroad, and a jus.t and equitable distribution of the revenue. Thero is not one of these different elements of prosperity which is not undermined in France by an organic delect. All independent minds acknowledge it. They differ only in regard to tho remedies to be applied.

Agriculture.—It is averred that the extreme di¬ visibility of property tends to ruin agriculture; and yet the re-enactment of the law of Primogeniture, which maintained the great estates and favoured the cultivation of the soil, is now an impossibility. We may congratulate ourselves in a political point of view that it is so.

Industby.—Labour, the source of all wealth, has neither sy stem, organisation, nor aim. It is like a machine working without a regulator, and totally unconcerned about its moving power. Crushing be - tween its wheels alike men and matter, it depopu¬ lates the country, crowds the population into narrow spacos without air, enfeebles both mind and body, nnd finally, casts into the street when it, no longer requires them, those men who, to gain something,

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0 EXTINCTION

have sacrificed strength, youth, and existence. Like a veritable Saturn, manufacturing industry devours its children and lives but upon their destruction; must we, however, to ward off these evils subject it to an iron yoke, deprive it of that liberty on which alone it nourishes, and in one word slay it, because it slays others, without calculating the immense benefits it confers? We believe that it will be sufficient to cure its wounded, and avert its wounds. It is urgent to do so, for society is no fictitious being. It is a body composed of flesh and bono which cannot prosper, unless all its component parts are in a state of perfect health. We must have an efficacious remedy for the evils endured by industry. The wel¬ fare ot the country, the voice of humanity, and even the interest of government imperatively demand it.

Home Commerce—Suffers, because industry pro¬ duces too much in comparison with the slender re¬ quital it gives to the producer, whilst agriculture does not produce sufficient. The nation is thus com¬ posed of producers who cannot sell, and of famished consumers who cannot buy. This loss of balance causes the government here, as in England, to go to China in search of some thousands of consumers, whilst there are millions of French, or English, who are stripped of every thing, and who, if they could purchase sufficient food and clothing, would create a commercial movement much more considerable than that caused by the most advantageous treaties.

Foreign Commerce.—The causes which affect our exportations are too closely allied with politics to speak of thorn here. It is sufficient for us to say, that the quantity of merchandise which a country exports, is always in direct relation with the number of bullets which it can discharge against its enemies when its honour or dignity command it.

The events which occurred in China, sufficiently attest that truth. We will now speak of

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OF PAL1LKIVM. a

TAXATION.

France is one of tho most highly taxed countrips in Europe. It might be perhaps, the richest country if the public revenue wa3 distributed in the most equitable manner. The levying of taxes, may be compared to the action of the sun's rays, which absorb the moisture from the earth, to distribute it again in the form of rain over all places requiring water for fecundity or produce. When this resti¬ tution operates regularly, fertility ensues, but when heaven in its wrath, scatters the absorbed vapours im¬ partially in storms, whirlwinds and tempests, the germs of production are destroyed, and sterility re¬ sults, for too much is give here, and too little there. Still whatever may have been the beneficial or in¬ jurious influence of the atmosphere, almost always at the end of the year, the same quantity of water that has been taken is returned.

The disti'ibution alone males all the difference. When it is regular and equitable, abundance is created. When it is prodigal and impartial, scarcity is the result.

The same effects are produced by a good or a bad administration. If the taxos annually levied from the people are expended in anon-productive maimer, such as in the creation of sinecures, the erection of sterile monuments, and the suppoit of an army in times of peace, more expensive than that which con¬ quered at Austerlitz, then taxation becomes a crush¬ ing burdenj it exhausts the country by taking without returning. But if, on the other hand, the national resources were employed in creating new elements of production, in re-establibhing the equi¬ librium of wealth, in abolishing misery, in stimulat¬ ing and organising labour, and, in short, in curing those evils which our civilisation brings in its train, then assuredly taxation would become for our citi¬ zens, as a minister said one day from tho tribune, the very best of all investments.

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10 EXTINCTION

In the budget we must find the first starting point of any syste.n which has for its aim the amelioration of the working classes. To seek it elsewhere is a chimera.

Savings Banks are no doubt useful to the better class of workmen; they afford them an opportunity of making an advantageous use of their savings, or superfluities; but to the numerous class who have no superfluity, and consequently no means of saving, the system is altogether worthless. To seek to miti¬ gate the wretchedness of men, who have not sufficient food, by proposing that they shall annually put aside something which they have not got, is either a deri¬ sion or a folly.

What should be done? Here it is—our law of equality relative to the division of property ruins agriculture. This inconvenience must be remedied by an association, which by employing every idle arm, shall re-create great estates and increase cultivation, without causing any disadvantage to our political principles. Manufacturing industry con¬ tinually draws the population into towns, and ener¬ vates them. We must recal those into fields who are too numerous in towns, and invigorate their minds and bodies in the country.

The working classes possess nothing. We must make them proprietors of the soil. They possess no wealth save in their arms. We must employ these, so as to make them useful to all.

The working classes are like Helots in the midst of a Sabyrite people. We must give then a position in society, and bind their interests to the soil. Finally, the working classes are without organisation attachments, rights, or prospects. Wo must give them both rights and future prospects, and elevate them in the scale of Society by combination, educa¬ tion, and discipline.

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OF PAUPERISM. 11

CHAPTER II.

To accomplish a project so worthy of the demo¬ cratic and philanthropic spirit of the age, so neces¬ sary for the general well being, and so useful to the repose of society, three things are necessary:—1st, A law. 2nd, The advancement of funds from the budget. 3rd, Organisation.

I. THE LVW.

There are in France, according to official agricul¬ tural statistics, 9,190,000 acres of uncultivated lands belonging to government, to boroughs or individuals. These heaths,commons,or pasture lands yield a very small rent of 8 francs an acre. They are like sunk capital, benefiting no one. Let the chambers de¬ cree that all these uncultivated lands shall belong in right to tho working association, on condition that they annually pay to the actual proprietors the same amount which they receive now. Let them consign the idle acres to the idle arms, and these two unpro¬ ductive capitals will spring into life, the one opera¬ ting upon the other.

Then the means will have been discovered of miti¬ gating misery by enriching the country. So as to avoid the reproach of exaggeration, we will suppose that two thirds of these nine millions of acres can be given up to the association, and that the remainder may be cither unarable or occupied by houses, liv¬ ers, canals, &c. There will remain C,127,000 acres to be cleared.

This work would be rendered possible by the crea¬ tion of agricultural colonies, which when scattered all over France would form the basis of a single and vast organisation, of which all the poor workmen might be members although not individual proprie¬ tors.

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IX EXTINCTION

•2. tiit: advance or ruNDs.

The necessary advance of money for the creation of these colonies ought to be furnished by the state. According to our estimate, 300 millions of francs or 12,0OO,O00Z. payable in four years, would be re¬ quired.

After the lapse of that time these colonies, by af¬ fording the means of existence to a great mass of workmen, would be a direct benefit. At the end of ten years the Government might levy a land tax of 8 millions of francs or 320,000/. without counting the natural increase of indirect taxes, which always aug¬ ment in proportion to the consumption which ex¬ pands with the general comfort of the people. This advance of 300 millions of francs would not then be a sacrifice, but a magnificent investment of money; and could the State on contemplating the grandeur of the object refuse it, whilst annually ex¬ pending 46 millions .of francs in preventing or pun¬ ishing attacks made upon property, whilst sacrific¬ ing every year 300 millions of francs in teaching the trade of soldiering, and whilst proposing an expendi¬ ture of 120 millions of francs in the construction of new prisons? In short, the nation which without perishing gave 2000 millions to the Invaders of France, which without murmuring paid 1000 millions to emigrants, which without alarm expended 300 mil¬ lions on the fortifications of Paris; will that nation, I ask, hestitate to advance 300 millions in four years to abolish pauperism, to relieve the community of the enormous burdens, imposed by misery, and to aug¬ ment the territorial wealth by more than 1000 mil- liens?

3 organisation. The unorganised mass are nothing, united they are everything; without organisation they can nei¬

ther spnak themselves, nor make others understand

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OF PAUPERISM. 13

them; they cannot even receive or act upon a common impulse.

On the one hand, the voice of 20 millions of men, scattered over a vast territory, is lost in echo; on the other, there is no language sufficiently strong and persuasive to spring from a central point, and bear to 20 millions of consciences without recognised me¬ diators the severe doctrines of power. The reign of castes is over. They can only govern now by the masses. It is therefore necessary to organise them, so that they may reduce their wishos to form, and discipline them, so that they may be directed to¬ wards, and enlightened upon their real interests.

To govern, means no longer to rule the people by violence and physical force, but the art of conduct¬ ing them towards a more glorious future, by ap¬ pealing to their reason and feelings.

But since the masses need instruction, and the government requires to be restrained, and even en¬ lightened, as to the interest of the greatest number, it is absolutely necessary that there should be in society two equally powerful movements: the action of power upon the mass and the re-action of the mass upon power.

These separate influences cannot act without col¬ lision, except through mediators, who at once possess the confidence of those whom they represent, and the confidence of those who rule.

These mediators would possess the confidence of the first, the moment they were freely elected by them; and they would deserve the confidence of the second, the moment they filled an important place in society; for one may say in general, that man is that which the functions he performs obliges him to be. Guided by these considerations we wish to see created between the workmen and their employers, an intermediate class enjoying rights legally recog- nisedj and elected by the whole mass of workmen.

•This intermediate class would form the corps of managers or overseers. We should like all tho work-

B

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ing-men to assemble in their respective communes every year, and proceed to the election of their, representatives or overseers in the proportion of one to every ten workmen. Good conduct would be the sole qualification.

Every manufacturer, or farmer, or any tradesman whatever should be compelled by law to have a man¬ ager whenever he employed more than ten work¬ men, and to pay him double the amount of a common workman.

These managers would perform amongst the working classes the same duty that non-commission¬ ed officers do in the army, they would compose the first step in the social hierarchy stimulating the laud¬ able ambition of all by showing them a recompense easy to be obtained.

Elevated in their own estimation by the duties they had to perform, they would be compelled to set an example of good conduct. According to this plan every ten of the workmen, would contain with¬ in themselves the germ of perfection.

To ameliorate the condition of men, you must al¬ ways place before them some attainable object, which may at once be honourable and honoured.

The question of giving an impulse to the mass, of enlightening them, of appealing to them, and of causing them to act, is found to rest simply in the relation which one bears to ten.

Suppose there are 25 millions of men, who exist by labour alone, there would be two millions and a half of managers or intermediate agents, to whom they could appeal with greater confidence, because they participate at once in the interests of those who obey, as well as in those who command.

These managers would be divided into two class¬ es. The first would bslong to private industry, the second would be employed in the agricultural esta¬ blishments; and we repeat that this different mis- ' 6ion would be the result of the right of direct elec¬ tion by all the working-classes.

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OF PAUPERISM. 15

CHAPTER III.'

AGRICULTURAL COLONIES.

Let us suppose that the three preceding measures have been adopted. The 25 millions of actual work¬ men have their representatives, and the fourth part of the agricultural area of France is their property, supposing they did, as they most assuredly would in the end, purchase the actual proprietorship. In each department of France, and in the first instance, wherever the uncultivated lands were, agricultural colonies would be established, offering food, education, religious instruction, and work, to all who required them, and God knows the number is great in France. These charitable institutions, in the midst of a selfish world, abandoned to the feu¬ dality of money, ought to produce the same benefi¬ cial effect as those monasteries which flourished in the middle ages, in the bosom of forests, amidst warlike men and serfs, forming the germs of enlight- ment, peace, and civilisation.

There being but one national association, the unequal distribution of the uncultivated land, and even the limited quantity in certain districts, would be no obstacle.

The poor of one department could remove to the colony of the next; or cultivated lands might be purchased which, although unprofitable to indivi¬ duals, might be advantageous to an association.

The great benefit of combination arises from the eijaal distribution of aid, and the mitigation of misery, without that constant excuse of inhumanity being adduced, "Oh! the pauper does not belong to my parish."

Agricultural colonies would have two ends to fulfil. The first would be to support a vast number of poor by employing them in the cultivation of the soil, &c. The second would be to afford a tempo-

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rary refuge to the floating mass of workmen, whom the prosperity of trade once called into activity, and whom its stagnation or the improvements in machi¬ nery plunged into the deepest misery.

AJ1 the poor, all who were out of work, would find in these colonies means of employing mind and body for the benefit of the entire community.

Thus there would be in these colonies, indepen¬ dent of the men, women, and children strictly necessary for farm labour, a great number con¬ stantly employed in reclaiming new land, and in erepting new establishments for the old and infirm.

The advances made to the association on its ulterior profits would allow of the employment of a considerable capital in these necessary expenses.

When private industry required hands, it would seek them at those central depots, and it is clear that the workman who was always sure to find a living in the agricultural colonies would not accept of private employment unless the latter presented greater benefits than the former; hence a remu¬ nerative scale of wages would always be maintained.

To stimulate an exchange, as well to excite the emulation of the workmen, a levy would be made on the profits of each colony, to create a capital for each workman. A real savings bank would thus be formed, from which the workman, at the moment of his departure, could draw the balance due to him, which would be regulated in amount by the length of his employment, his zeal, and his good conduct.

The laborious man would be able to amass in a few years a sum sufficient to ensure his living during the remainder of his life, even out of the colony altogether. To define our system better we shall have re¬ course to a comparison. A large river flowing through a country is a general cause of prosperity; but sometimes too great an abundance or a scarcity of its waters gives rise to inundations, or produces

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OF PAUPERISM. 17

draught. What ought to be done to remedy those two calamities?

The Nile furnishes us with an example.—Vast basins are dug, in which the surplus waters remain, and from which they flow when there is too little, maintaining a constant level, from which results abundance.

Well, we propose a similar thing for the working classes, whose flow of industry may be at once a source of ruin or fertility, according as its course is guided. We demand, for the floating mass of work¬ men, vast places of refuge, where their minds and bodies may be equally developed; refuges which, when the national activity is partially superseded, shall preserve the surplus unemployed labour to restore it again in proportion to the general demand.

We demand, in one word, veritable labour reser¬ voirs, which would always maintain at its level the industry of the country.

The managers or representatives of the workmen would become the regulators of that continual exchange. The managers in private concerns, alive to all the wants of their employers, would share with the magistrates the right of sending to the agricultural colonies those whom they could not employ.

The managers of the colonies, aware of the capa¬ city of each individual, would endeavour to procure advantageous appointments in private establish¬ ments for those who were required there.

Several practical inconveniences might attend this exchange; but what institution does not present the same in the beginning.

This one would possess the immense advantage of augmenting popular instruction, of giving the mass a healthy employment, and of teaching them agriculture; and would establish, as a general cus¬ tom, that which the manufacturing of sugar from beetroot and silk manufacturing have already intro-

B 3

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18 EXTINCTION

duced, viz., the alternate exchange of field labour for that of the factory.

The managers would be in the proportion of one to ten, as in private business.

Above the managers there would be directors, whose duties would be to leaeh practical agriculture. These directors would be elected by the workmen and managers combined.

Before they were eligible they would require to produce proof of a practical knowledge of agricul¬ ture. Finally, above the directors, managers, and workers, there would be a governor for each colony. He would be nominated by the united directors and managers. The administration would be composed of the governor, one-third of the directors, and two-thirds of the managers.

Every year the accounts would be published, laid before the general assembly of workmen, and sub¬ mitted to the general council of the department for their approval, who would likewise have the right to discharge the manager or directors who had exhi¬ bited any incapacity.

Every year the governors of colonies would have to proceed to Paris, aud there, under the presidence of the Minister of the Interior, discuss the best means of employing their funds, for the general benefit of the association.

Every beginning is difficult. Thus we have not discovered the means of creating these agricultural colonics economically without establishing camps where, in the outset, our workmen would be in bar¬ racks like our troops.

It will be understood that as soon as the receipts surpass the expenses the barracks would be re¬ placed by more healthy buildings, erected according to a matured plan.

Accessory buildings would then be added to afford tho members of the colony and their children both riv'l ,-ind religious instruction. Finally, vast hospi-

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Or PAUPERISM. 19

tals would be built for the infirm, and for those whose age made labour impossible. A severe discipline would reign over these colo¬ nies. Life would there be salutary but rough, for their object is not to hatch idlers but to ennoble men by healthy and remunerative labour, as well as by moral education. The workmen and their fami¬ lies would be treated in the simplest manner possi¬ ble.

Lodging, food, and clothing would be regulated by the army tariff, for military organisation is tho only one which is based at once on the comfort of all its members and the strictest economy. These establishments, however, would not be military, they would only borrow from the army its admirable order, and that would be all.

The army is simply an organisation. The work¬ ing class would form an association. These two bodies differ in principle and object. The army is an organisation which, requiring to execute blindly and with promptitude the command of the chief, ought to have for its basis a hierarchy, beginning from above.

The working classes form an association, whose leaders would have no other duties except to regu¬ late and execute the general will, its hierarchy ought then to result from election.

That which we propose, then, has no connection with military colonies. So as to make our system more palatable we are about to glance at the proba¬ ble receipts and expenses of an agricultural colony.

The calculations are based on official returns. Everyone will understand the difficulty of drawing

up such a budget. Nothing can be more inexact than a detailed appreciation of the rent of land.

We do not pretend to have foreseen all. The best prevision, says Montesquieu, is to try

and not see too much. But if our figures may give rise to various inter¬

pretations, we shall not admit that it is so with the

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20 EXTINCTION

system itself. It is possible, notwithstanding the care we have taken in our valuations, that we have omitted some expenses and receipts, or estimated the produce of the soil too high. But these omis¬ sions do not damage in the least the fundamental idea which we believe to be just, true and fruitful of good results. The following simple reason will prove it.

Generally speaking, the rents of the land are divided into three parts, without counting fiscal duties. The first goes to support the workmen, the second is the farmers' share, and the third enriches the proprietor. In our model farms the working class would have these three products for themselves. They would comprise within themselves workmen, farmers, and landlords.

These advantages would be immense, and more especiaUy so, because, in a well-established associa¬ tion, the expenses are always less than in individual business.

The first part would enable many poor families to live in moderate comfort. The second part would form personal deposits, as we formerly stated, and the third would supply the means, not only of erect¬ ing houses of refuge, but would unceasingly aug¬ ment the capital of society, by the purchase of new land.

In that consists one of the greatest advantages of our system, for any system which does not contain within itself the means of constantly increasing is defective.

It may lead to good temporary results, but when that effect is realised the evil it sought to destroy is renewed, and it is as if nothing had been done. The' Poor-law and the Union Workhouses in England furnish a striking example. _ Here, on the contrary, when the agricultural colo¬

nies shall be in full action, it will be always possible

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OF PAUPERISM. 21

to extend their territory, to multiply their establish¬ ments, and to create new workmen.

The sole obstacle to this increase will momenta¬ rily spring from th<j demand for labour made by the individual manufacturers, of which they can make a more advantageous use. The cultivated soil will not be abandoned on that account. The excess of workmen will enter the labour market, and remain there until some new stagnation in trade drives them back upon the agricultural colony. Thus, whilst our law of equality divides property more and more, the working-men's association would re¬ construct large estates and stimulate agriculture. Whilst manufacturing industry was attracting the people ceaselessly to the towns, the colonies would recal them to the country. When there was no longer sufficient land at a low enough price in France, the association would estab¬ lish branches in Algiers, or even in America. It might one day invade the world, for wherever there was an acre of land to clear, or poor to nourish, it would be there with its capital, its army of work¬ men, and its incessant activity. Let them not accuse us of dreaming of an impos¬ sibility. We have only to recal to mind the exam¬ ple of the famous English East India Company.

What is it but an association like that which we propose, whose results, although astonishing, are not so favourable to humanity as that which we call for with all our heart and soul.

Before we penetrate so far into the future, let us calculate the probable receipts and expenditure of these colonies.

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CHAPTER IV.

RECEIPTS ANB> EXPENSES.

According to our supposition, the working-men's association would have to claim two-thirds of un¬ cultivated lands, or 6,127,000 acres.

To ascertain how much these acres would yield, if subjected to proper cultivation, without any being left fallow, we have made the following calculation.

The number of acres of cultivated lands in all France, is 19,314,741

The natural and artificial prairies 5,774,745 Total 25,089,486 The rough value of the produce of these lands is, For the arable soil 3,479,583,005 For the prairies 66G,363,4I2 Total 4,145,946,417 The average produce per acre, for seed or prairie

lands, would rise to 165 francs per acre. On the other hand, there are in France 51,568,845, domestic animals of every kind, which give a rough produce of 767,251,851 francs, without comprising the value of njeat consumed. Taking one with the other, each head of cattle produces 15 francs, and as those animals arc fed on 26 millions of acres, it will make two for each acre. We may say that the average produce of each acre is, 195 francs, 165 from land, and 30 from the animals. Our 6,127,000 acres put into cultivation or pasture, would yield from the rough produce of the soil 1,010,955,000 francs, and from the produce of animals 183,810,000, making a total of 1,194,765,000 francs. Deduct from that sum the amount which these lands now produce, viz. 54,709, 364 francs, and the territorial wealth would be aug¬ mented by 1,140,055,636 francs. Let us now estimate the expense. To assist our calculations, let us sup-

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OF PAUPERISM, 23

pose that the lands to be cleared are equally spread over each political division of France.

We would have then to divide the number of acres by 86, which would leave for each department 71,241 acres. *

Fixing 20 years as the time after which all these lands should be cultivated; there would be for each department 3,562 acres to clear annually.

The number of hands required for this work, could be regulated thus; one workman would on an average clear three acres annually, as he can do two of wood¬ land or four of turf. But as we must calculate sick¬ ness, and likewise, that after the second year the workmen would be obliged to attend to the cultiva¬ tion of the soil, and assist the agricultural families, who would ba annually augmenting, we will suppose that only two acres are annually cleared. It would be necessary then, to employ 1781 workmen to accomplish the work in 20 years, and as there would be cleared annually 3,562 acres, the colony would receive every year 120 families to assist in the cul¬ tivation of those cleared lands.

A large landed proprietor informs us, that under the old system of agriculture, of wheat, corn and fallow alternating, it was necessary to employ on a farm of 150 acres, 8 domestics, 6 thrashers, and 20 harvest- men. Under the new system, where the pastures are replaced by green crops requiring weeding, one hand more would be required each year. We have calculated two beasts per acre in France. The colony would then annually purchaso double the number of cattle to the acres, which they had cleared during the preceding year. Thus during the interval of 20 years, the colony would have its receipts and expenses progressively in¬ creasing.

The receipts, without counting the first govern¬ ment advances, would be composed of the periodical augmentation of 3,562 acres, and their annual in¬ creases in value; for admitting that each acre yields

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195 francs, the lands would not produce that amount, except at the end of three years, and after four years of cultivation.

That is to say, each acre after being cleared would yield the first year 65 francs, the second 130, and each succeeding year 195 francs.

As for the expenses independent of the first outlay, the expenditure would be continually renewed, such as for the payment of 1781 workmen and 120familes, the rent due to Boroughs or individuals, seed, out¬ houses, management, and 7,124 beasts to purchase. Besides there would be each year a regular increase in expenses caused by the maintenance of 120 new families, and the erection of barracks to lodge them.

Each workman would receive the pay of a soldier, and each family, that of three workmen. Clothing wouldbe cheaperforthe workmen thanforthesoldier; but we will calculate it at the market price. Each man would annually cost, including everything, 318 francs.

The managers would receive the pay of non¬ commissioned officers; the directors that of officers^ and the governor that of a colonel.

Until the colony yielded profit, all the workmen would be lodged in barracks constructed like mili¬ tary ones. These immense healthy constructions, built on a small scale, would contain ten men and their overseers, or one family. In many departments there are similar barracks near the sugar manufactories. In making the cal¬ culations which we have placed at the end of the book, it will be found that with an advance of 3O0> millions of francs, the receipts and expenses of our colonies would at the end of 23 years be as follows:—

Annual receipts francs 1,194,694,800 Expenses 378,622,278 Profit 816,072,522

296,400 families and 153,166 poor workmen would ba supported. France would be enriched by 12

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millions of cattle. Finally the government might lay on the rough income according to the present rates, about 37 millions of francs.

CHAPTER V. * REVIEW.

In the summary view we have given of the bene¬ fits, we have kept within tho truth; for the cultivation of a fourth part of the uncultivated lands would not only increase by a quarter the rough revenue of France, but this increase of wealth would give to all branches of national industry an immense stimu¬ lus/which it is more easy to understand than explain in all its details.

Not only would these colouies prevent in 20 years, more than a million of human beings from languish¬ ing in misery, not only would they support a host of workmen in connection with agriculture, but the annual exchange of 800 millions of trancs worth of* land products for others would increase consumption and improve the home market. This demand would present an outlet for all the fruits of industry more considerable than the most advatageous commercial treaties could affect, because the 800 millions of francs value, surpass by 156 millions the value of all our exportations, which only amount to 644 millions of francs. To make this reasoning more apparent and to show the vast importance of the home market, let us suppose these agricultural colo¬ nies were not within our territorial boundary, but separated from the continent by an arm of the sea and a line of custom-house officers, and that they were nevertheless compelled to have no commercial dealings except with France.

It is clear that if their agricultural produce rea- C

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lised profits of 800 millions of francs; that sum would be exchanged for various continental pro¬ duce.

We believe, that increased home consumption favoured by the general augmentation of wealth and comfort, would remedy more than anything else, those evils of which certain classes complain, and above all that it would diminish by one half, the sufferings of the vine grower by making their food cheaper.

In fact it may be presumed that these colonies From the nature of the soil, will produce grain and cattle, rather than wine. But by augmenting the quantity of wheat, and of flesh meat, they would lower the price of common necessaries, and increase consumption by putting them within reach of the working classes.

On the other hand, the increased comforts of so¬ ciety would add to the number of those who could drink wine and consequently improve general con¬ sumption.

France produces 36,783,223 hectolitres of wine without counting brandy. It consumes 23,578,248 Exports 1,351,677 Total 24,929,925

Deduct this sum from the production, and there will remain 118,53,298 hectolitres unemployed. These figures demonstrate, not only the mischief but the remedy. They prove the superiority of the home market over the foreign, for if through the means we have pointed out the stimulus given to the home market would only increase consumption, by one-tenth part, which is not improbable, the in¬ crease would be 2,357,824 hectolitres which is double our exportation. On tho other hand, if our government succeeded, and we are far from anticipating it in increasing our

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exportation, one-fifth part of that augmentation would only be 270,334.

Labour which creates easy'circumstances and those again which add to consumption form the real basis of a nation's prosperity. The first duty, then, of a •wise and able minister, is to endeavour by improv¬ ing agriculture and the condition of the masses to increase home consumption which is now very far from its height.

Speaking statistically each inhabitant of France annually consumes 271 hectolitres of wheat and barley which make 328 rations of broad per head per annum; of butchers meat 20 kilogrammes; of wine 70 litres; sugar 3.4 kilogrammes. This means humanly speaking that there are in France millions who eat neither bread, meat, nor sugar, and who drink no wine.

The rich consume 365 rations of bread instead of 328; 180 kilogrammes of meat instead of 20; and 3C5 litres of wine instead of 70; and 50 kilo¬ grammes of sugar instead of 3 and two fifths. *

We do not produce sufficient, we do not con¬ sume enough.

Instead of seeking consumers in China lot us in¬ crease our territorial wealth. Let them employ all the idle arms for the benefit of all the wretched and industrious, and let them not forget that France, which has been so richly endowed by heaven, contains within herself all the elements of pros¬ perity. It is a stigma upon our civilisation to think that in tho nineteenth century the tenth part of our popuktion should be in rags and perishing from want, amidst manufacturing produce which cannot be sold, and agricultural supplies which cannot be consumed.

* A Litre Is 2.1133 pints, English. Hectolitre 26,419 gallons. Kilogramme 21b. 3oz. 5 drachms.

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28 EXTINCriON

To sum up. The system which wo propose is the result of all the ideas which have emanated from the most able political economists of the last half cen¬ tury. In M. Gouin's Statistical and Official Agricultural Report, page xxviii, the minister declares that the greatest progress to be obtained is by reclaiming the waste lands which do not yield more than eight francs per acre. Our project realises that idea.

Everyone animated by a love for his species demands justice for the working classes, who Beem to be disinherited of all the benefits of civilisation. Our project confers upon them all that is calculated to improve the condition of man, comfort, education, order, and the chance which is afforded everyone of elevating himself by his own merit and industry.

Our organisation tends to nothing less than the making, in the course of a few years, the poorer classes the richest association in all France.

Now the reward of labour is left to chance or violence. The master either oppresses, or the work¬ man revolts.

According to our system wages would be fixed, as all human things ought to be regulated, not by force, but according to the just equilibrium established be¬ tween the wants of those who toil and the necessi¬ ties of those who provide work.

In the present day all flock to Paris, which as a centre absorbs all the energies of the country; our system without injuring the centre, would carry life to the furthest extremities by bringing into action 86 new systems, working under the direction of the government.

What is wanted to realise such a project? One year's pay of the army, 15 times the sum given to America, or an expense equal to that employed on the fortifications of Paris.

This advance would after 20 years, bring back to France one thousand millions, to the working classes 800 millions, and a revenue of 37 millions of francs.

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Let the government put our project into execution, modifying it according to the experience of men well versed in such complicated matters, and who may supply useful hints and cast new lights upon them.

Let it take to heart the great national interests. Let it establish the comfort of the masses, on an im¬ movable basis and it will become immoveable itself. Poverty would no longer become seditious, when wealth was no longer oppressive. It is a great and holy mission and worthy of man's highest ambition to strive to subdue human nature, to heal all wounds, to sooth the sufferings of humanity by uniting the people of the same country in one common interest, and by accelerating that futuro which civilisation, will sooner or later usher in.

In the beginning of the last century La Fontaine uttered this sentence which is too often true, but always sad and so destructive of society, order, and hierarchies. "I tell you in plain French our enemy is our master." In the present day the aim of every wise government should be to bring about a time, when it might be said, " the triumph of Christianity has destroyed slavery. The triumph of the French revolution has destroyed servitude, and the triumph of democracy has destroyed pauperism."

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