MS3 - TAUdassaf/articles/Hasidism, Historical... · 2008-09-20 · tices of the movement known as...

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the time, however, he suffered from ill health, and though he moved to Vienna, he was too weak to dedicate himself fully to this position. With his wife and young son, Ludo (later a well-known historian), he was largely supported by Jewish phi- lanthropists. Hartmann was distressed by the Prussian victory of 1866 and even more by the unification of Germany that was engineered by Bismarck in 1871. Although Hartmann was the grandson of the famous Prague rabbi El‘azar Fleck- eles, and despite the fact that many of his friends were Jews, he was alienated from his religion. It is said that at the age of 13 he threw his tefillin into a field of grain by the side of the road. In his youth, he was one of a small group of German- speaking literati, both Jewish and gentile, who idealized the Czech past and identi- fied with Czech culture. The question for him remained whether he was Czech or German. It is not known if Hartmann converted to Christianity. He was married in a Christian church but was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Vienna. Hartmann’s writings included lyric and satirical poetry, novels, journalistic re- ports, and lively descriptions of the regions and inhabitants he visited, most notably expressed in his Tagebuch aus Languedoc und Provence (Diary from Languedoc and Provence; 1858). The volume Kelch und Schwert (Chalice and Sword) glorifies the Hussites and expresses regret over their downfall. Published in Leipzig in 1845, it was banned in Austria. The brilliant satire Reimchronik des Pfaffen Mauritius (Rhymed Chronicle of the Priest Mauritius)—Mauritius being the Latin form of Hartmann’s own first name—was published anonymously in 1849; it deals with the failure of the Frankfurt parliament and that of the Hungarian revolution. Bruchstücke revo- lutionärer Erinnerungen (Fragments of Rev- olutionary Memories), concerned with the 1848 revolution, appeared in 1861. Hart- mann also used his fictional works to highlight the fight for freedom from po- litical oppression and economic injustice; for example, his Erzählungen eines Unsteten (Tales of a Restless Man; 1858) concerns the fates of refugees and exiles. He also wrote lyric poetry in the tradition of the Austrian poet Nikolaus Lenau. Hillel J. Kieval, Languages of Community: The Jewish Experience in the Czech Lands (Berkeley, 2000), pp. 65–94; Margarita Pazi, “Der Reim- chronist des Frankfurter Parlaments,” Jahrbuch des Instituts für deutsche Geschichte 3 (1973): 239–266; Hans Schleier, Geschichte der deuts- chen Kulturgeschichtsschreibung (Waltrop, Ger., 2003), vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 879–892; Otto Wittner, Moritz Hartmanns Leben und Werke, 2 vols. (Prague, 1906–1907). —Wilma Iggers HASIDISM [To treat the historical rise, beliefs, and prac- tices of the movement known as Hasidism, this entry includes five articles. The first is a historical overview that describes the devel- opment of the movement and its geographic expansion from the late eighteenth century to the present. The second article surveys Ha- sidic teachings and literature. It is followed by a description of the distinctive features of everyday life among Hasidim and successive articles on music and dance in Hasidism. For further and related discussion, see also en- tries on specific Hasdic dynasties and leaders; Misnagdim; Mysticism and Mystical Lit- erature; and Piety.] Historical Overview Hasidism is a movement of religious re- vival with a distinctive social profile. Orig- inating in the second quarter of the eigh- teenth century, it has continued to exist without interruption up to the present day. Its ideological and historical origins are generally associated with the figure and unique teachings of Yisra’el ben Eli‘ezer (1698/1700–1760), known as the Ba‘al Shem Tov (Master of the Good Name; abbreviated Besht), his self-aware- ness as a leader of his people, and his ac- tivities as the purveyor of a new reli- gious message. The emergence and rapid expansion of Hasidism, coupled with the feelings of identification it continues to arouse, have helped it to withstand per- sistent opposition and become a central phenomenon of Jewish history in the modern era—one of the most prominent features in the religious, social, and expe- riential world of East European Jewry. The beginnings of Hasidism may be traced to spontaneously formed, elitist groups of Torah scholars and kabbalists in the southeastern region of the Polish– Lithuanian Commonwealth, particularly in the province of Podolia. In the genera- tion following the death of the Besht, his admirers called themselves Hasidim (Heb., more properly Ôasidim)—a highly charged term applied previously to individuals recognized in the community as excep- tionally pious or as kabbalists, who were as such allowed to adopt certain distinc- tive ritual practices. Members of the Besht’s circle of Hasidim and their disci- ples became charismatic leaders in numerous communities in the regions of Ukraine, Subcarpathian Rus’, and Belo- russia, attracting admirers and curious in- dividuals, particularly young Torah schol- ars unable to satisfy their spiritual needs by traditional methods of scholarship. Poland experienced dramatic political changes during the 1700s, culminating in the last quarter of the century with that country’s partition among the surround- ing absolutist states; at the same time, the autonomous Jewish community began to weaken, making way for new sources of religious inspiration and authority. Hasidism prospered and spread against the background of the collapse of the old social order, a collapse that saw the aboli- tion of the Council of Four Lands in 1764; the loss of faith in traditional insti- tutions of community leadership, includ- ing the rabbinate, which were increas- ingly identified with the interests of the Polish nobility; and many manifestations of social and interclass tensions. These were further compounded by a religious– ethical crisis due to the remnants of Sabbatian messianism and Frankism, as well as the weakened position of the rab- bis, many of whom were suspected of ow- ing their posts largely to their wealth and contacts with authorities. Despite attempts by Misnagdim (oppo- nents) to vilify Hasidism and describe its leaders as ignorant and corrupt, most or- dinary people rejected these charges and considered Hasidic leaders, the tsadikim (lit., “righteous ones”), to be superior spir- itual figures. The weakening of the au- thority of communal institutions pro- vided an opportunity for the leaders of Hasidism, thanks to their personal pres- tige and moral position. While originally they had intended not to replace the old institutions but only to reinforce and be- come part of them, they essentially ap- propriated powers that had previously been held by the community. Beginning in the late eighteenth cen- tury, Hasidism experienced processes of transformation and institutionalization that changed its historical character. As it penetrated all corners of Eastern Europe and split into numerous subdivisions, it grew into a popular movement that ap- pealed to the masses and not only to the elite. It garnered supporters in all classes of traditional society, whatever their edu- cation or socioeconomic positions. Each such group was headed by a tsadik (also HASIDISM: Historical Overview 659 S R L MS3

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the time, however, he suffered from illhealth, and though he moved to Vienna,he was too weak to dedicate himself fullyto this position. With his wife and youngson, Ludo (later a well-known historian),he was largely supported by Jewish phi-lanthropists. Hartmann was distressed bythe Prussian victory of 1866 and evenmore by the unification of Germany thatwas engineered by Bismarck in 1871.

Although Hartmann was the grandsonof the famous Prague rabbi El‘azar Fleck-eles, and despite the fact that many of hisfriends were Jews, he was alienated fromhis religion. It is said that at the age of 13he threw his tefillin into a field of grainby the side of the road. In his youth,he was one of a small group of German-speaking literati, both Jewish and gentile,who idealized the Czech past and identi-fied with Czech culture. The question forhim remained whether he was Czech orGerman. It is not known if Hartmannconverted to Christianity. He was marriedin a Christian church but was buried inthe Jewish cemetery in Vienna.

Hartmann’s writings included lyric andsatirical poetry, novels, journalistic re-ports, and lively descriptions of the regionsand inhabitants he visited, most notablyexpressed in his Tagebuch aus Languedocund Provence (Diary from Languedoc andProvence; 1858). The volume Kelch undSchwert (Chalice and Sword) glorifies theHussites and expresses regret over theirdownfall. Published in Leipzig in 1845, itwas banned in Austria.

The brilliant satire Reimchronik desPfaffen Mauritius (Rhymed Chronicle ofthe Priest Mauritius)—Mauritius beingthe Latin form of Hartmann’s own firstname—was published anonymously in1849; it deals with the failure of theFrankfurt parliament and that of theHungarian revolution. Bruchstücke revo-lutionärer Erinnerungen (Fragments of Rev-olutionary Memories), concerned with the1848 revolution, appeared in 1861. Hart-mann also used his fictional works tohighlight the fight for freedom from po-litical oppression and economic injustice;for example, his Erzählungen eines Unsteten(Tales of a Restless Man; 1858) concernsthe fates of refugees and exiles. He alsowrote lyric poetry in the tradition of theAustrian poet Nikolaus Lenau.

• Hillel J. Kieval, Languages of Community: TheJewish Experience in the Czech Lands (Berkeley,2000), pp. 65–94; Margarita Pazi, “Der Reim-chronist des Frankfurter Parlaments,” Jahrbuchdes Instituts für deutsche Geschichte 3 (1973):

239–266; Hans Schleier, Geschichte der deuts-chen Kulturgeschichtsschreibung (Waltrop, Ger.,2003), vol. 1, pt. 2, pp. 879–892; Otto Wittner,Moritz Hartmanns Leben und Werke, 2 vols.(Prague, 1906–1907).

—Wilma Iggers

HASIDISM[To treat the historical rise, beliefs, and prac-tices of the movement known as Hasidism,this entry includes five articles. The first is ahistorical overview that describes the devel-opment of the movement and its geographicexpansion from the late eighteenth centuryto the present. The second article surveys Ha-sidic teachings and literature. It is followedby a description of the distinctive features ofeveryday life among Hasidim and successivearticles on music and dance in Hasidism. Forfurther and related discussion, see also en-tries on specific Hasdic dynasties and leaders;Misnagdim; Mysticism and Mystical Lit-erature; and Piety.]

Historical Overview

Hasidism is a movement of religious re-vival with a distinctive social profile. Orig-inating in the second quarter of the eigh-teenth century, it has continued to existwithout interruption up to the presentday. Its ideological and historical originsare generally associated with the figureand unique teachings of Yisra’el benEli‘ezer (1698/1700–1760), known as theBa‘al Shem Tov (Master of the GoodName; abbreviated Besht), his self-aware-ness as a leader of his people, and his ac-tivities as the purveyor of a new reli-gious message. The emergence and rapidexpansion of Hasidism, coupled with thefeelings of identification it continues toarouse, have helped it to withstand per-sistent opposition and become a centralphenomenon of Jewish history in themodern era—one of the most prominentfeatures in the religious, social, and expe-riential world of East European Jewry.

The beginnings of Hasidism may betraced to spontaneously formed, elitistgroups of Torah scholars and kabbalists inthe southeastern region of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, particularlyin the province of Podolia. In the genera-tion following the death of the Besht, hisadmirers called themselves Hasidim (Heb.,more properly Ôasidim)—a highly chargedterm applied previously to individualsrecognized in the community as excep-tionally pious or as kabbalists, who wereas such allowed to adopt certain distinc-tive ritual practices. Members of the

Besht’s circle of Hasidim and their disci-ples became charismatic leaders innumerous communities in the regions ofUkraine, Subcarpathian Rus’, and Belo-russia, attracting admirers and curious in-dividuals, particularly young Torah schol-ars unable to satisfy their spiritual needsby traditional methods of scholarship.

Poland experienced dramatic politicalchanges during the 1700s, culminating inthe last quarter of the century with thatcountry’s partition among the surround-ing absolutist states; at the same time, theautonomous Jewish community beganto weaken, making way for new sourcesof religious inspiration and authority.Hasidism prospered and spread againstthe background of the collapse of the oldsocial order, a collapse that saw the aboli-tion of the Council of Four Lands in1764; the loss of faith in traditional insti-tutions of community leadership, includ-ing the rabbinate, which were increas-ingly identified with the interests of thePolish nobility; and many manifestationsof social and interclass tensions. Thesewere further compounded by a religious–ethical crisis due to the remnants ofSabbatian messianism and Frankism, aswell as the weakened position of the rab-bis, many of whom were suspected of ow-ing their posts largely to their wealth andcontacts with authorities.

Despite attempts by Misnagdim (oppo-nents) to vilify Hasidism and describe itsleaders as ignorant and corrupt, most or-dinary people rejected these charges andconsidered Hasidic leaders, the tsadikim(lit., “righteous ones”), to be superior spir-itual figures. The weakening of the au-thority of communal institutions pro-vided an opportunity for the leaders ofHasidism, thanks to their personal pres-tige and moral position. While originallythey had intended not to replace the oldinstitutions but only to reinforce and be-come part of them, they essentially ap-propriated powers that had previouslybeen held by the community.

Beginning in the late eighteenth cen-tury, Hasidism experienced processes oftransformation and institutionalizationthat changed its historical character. As itpenetrated all corners of Eastern Europeand split into numerous subdivisions, itgrew into a popular movement that ap-pealed to the masses and not only to theelite. It garnered supporters in all classesof traditional society, whatever their edu-cation or socioeconomic positions. Eachsuch group was headed by a tsadik (also

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known as rebbe or admor [Hebrew acro-nym for “our master, our teacher, and ourrabbi”]), who represented a new type ofreligious leadership. They enjoyed a sta-tus, prestige, and authority different fromthose of the rabbis or elders who hadbeen the traditional leaders of the com-munity. The tsadik was not formally ap-pointed or elected to his post; nor was heexpected to prove his mettle in Torahscholarship. He was accepted as leader byhis followers (including those not livingin his own community) by virtue of hischarismatic personality or spiritual emi-nence, and, from the nineteenth century,by dint of his descent from a dynastyof previous tsadikim. Membership in aHasidic community was voluntary andinformal, depending on experience; onejoined by merely expressing one’s alle-giance to the tsadik. The literature of Ha-sidism, which elaborated the special mys-tical and social status of the tsadik asdivinely elected to his post, also ultimatelyupheld the dynastic principle as the solebasis of legitimacy in Hasidic leadershiponce this custom had taken hold near theend of the eighteenth century. The lead-ership of the dynastic tsadik is still the sa-lient characteristic of all Hasidic groupsand communities (with the exception ofBratslav Hasidism).

Hasidism has never been a “movement”in the modern sense of having a central-ized organization. Hasidism is essentiallya collective term for a great variety ofgroups and subgroups that took shapeover the centuries, whether owing to dif-ferent approaches or ideological and so-cial emphases, or because of personalconflict within the leadership. Since thenineteenth century, Hasidic groups havebeen identified with the dynasties towhich their leaders belong, and are gener-ally designated by the names of the EastEuropean towns and villages where the“courts” of those dynasties were estab-lished or first became known.

The organized struggle against Hasi-dism, beginning in Vilna in 1772 whenHasidim in the community were excom-municated, reflected the perception ofthe movement as a threat to traditionalstructure and order partly because it pro-claimed new sources of authority andleadership. The struggle of the Misnag-dim against Hasidism, whatever its mo-tives, failed utterly after only one stormygeneration, but it left its mark on the gen-eral social and spiritual features of the tra-ditional Jewish community, namely, thepersisting distinction between the two

main groups comprising ultra-Orthodoxsociety: Hasidim and Misnagdim or, asthe latter are often called today, Litvaks(Heb., Lita’im; Lithuanians).

Since the first quarter of the nineteenthcentury, hostility has given way to coexis-tence. Nonetheless, Hasidism soon founditself facing a new, far more determinedand sophisticated enemy—the Haskalah.The clash between Hasidim and maskilim(followers of the Haskalah or Jewish En-lightenment) was not just a dispute be-tween different groups in Jewish societyover the correct way to worship God. Norwas it motivated by competition overeconomic interests and positions of influ-ence. It also represented a peak in the ba-sic tension that has characterized Jewishhistory throughout the modern era: thisill feeling results from the conflictingviews of “innovators” and “conservatives”with respect to the religious and culturalidentity of Jewish society, as well as fromthe significance of “modern times” andtheir spirit in shaping the future of theJewish people. [See Haskalah.]

Hasidism’s followers generally led theconservative front and waged a deter-mined, uncompromising struggle againstthe Haskalah, as well as against secular-ization, nationalism, and Zionism. In itsearly days, Hasidism played a radical, in-novative role in Jewish society but re-mained confined within the bounds oftraditional norms (halakhah). When themovement found itself confronting mo-dernity and a dichotomized Jewish soci-ety, conservative tendencies came to thefore. Hasidism was thus not only a reli-gious and social movement but also a ri-val and competitor to other religious andsocial currents that shook East EuropeanJewry in the nineteenth and twentiethcenturies. These currents, Hasidism in-cluded, sought to shape the identity ofJewish society in the present and the fu-ture, not only through innovation andinner creation, but also through delegiti-mizing the opposing camp and posing anunyielding struggle against its influence.

Emergence and Growth (1700–1760)Hasidism was rooted in the milieu of

the “old” world of Polish Jewry. When themovement emerged at the time of theBesht, it rose on the one hand from a co-herent, traditional society with an an-cient tradition of communal organiza-tion, a well-defined economic and legalprofile, a characteristic spoken and writ-ten language (Yiddish), and a lifestyleshaped by halakhah and its authoritativeinterpreters. On the other hand, it was

bred by a popular ethos that was reflectedin a literature of customs, ethics, andhomiletics, profoundly shaped by kabba-listic ideas.

The social and ideological substratafrom which the leaders of both Hasidismand its opposition emerged were circles ofpietists and kabbalists known as Hasidim.They were active in the southeastern dis-tricts of Poland (now Ukraine) as individ-uals and as Õavurot (Heb., groups), butthey lacked unifying links. They operatedin a variety of ways. Some individuals, re-puted to be privy to the “holy spirit,” de-voted themselves to religious and mysti-cal activities of an ascetic, reclusive nature;others studied Torah and Kabbalah, en-gaging in prayer and religious observancewith an emphasis on such values as ec-stasy, joy, and religious devotion.

The main scene of the Besht’s activitieswas the province of Podolia. After a pe-riod of “concealment” and religious prep-aration, he revealed himself to the public(probably in 1733) as a ba‘al shem (profes-sional healer), proficient in the use of“holy names,” and as a mystic possessingmagical powers and bearing a new reli-gious message.

The Besht directed his first efforts atmembers of the aforementioned pietistelites, hoping they would recognize bothhis exceptional spiritual powers (whichwere particularly obvious in his ecstaticprayer) and the legitimacy of his charis-matic leadership. After achieving somerecognition, he began to propound hisunique teachings in these circles. Admirerswere attracted to him mainly in the last20 years of his life (1740–1760), whenhe lived in the town of Mezhbizh (Pol.,Mi×dzyboÛ; often spelled Medzhibozh orvariants) and was recognized and re-spected by the whole community.

The Besht and his group formed an elit-ist nucleus that followed the distinctivereligious lifestyle and customs of similargroups of kabbalists and mystics in theeighteenth century. For example, theyadopted the Sephardic version of theprayer book with added kabbalistic kava-not (intentions) attributed to YitsÕak Luriaand his disciples, purified themselves reg-ularly by immersion in a mikveh (ritualbath), and used highly polished knivesfor ritual slaughter.

The Besht’s disciples and colleagues,some of whom were associated with otherpietist groups, included community rab-bis and Torah scholars (such as Ya‘akovYosef of Polnoye or Me’ir Margoliot ofOstróg), preachers (itinerant and other-

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wise, such as MenaÕem Mendel of Bar,Dov Ber of Mezritsh, or Aryeh Leib ofPolnoye), ritual slaughterers, cantors, andteachers of young children. While theBesht was also active among the lowerclasses and was heedful of their troublesand needs, they were not members of hisclosest circle and his new religious doc-trines were not meant for them.

Despite the concurrent activities of un-dercover Sabbatians in the region, there isno convincing evidence of a link betweenthem and the Besht’s circle, or of theirideological influence. In any case, Has-idism vehemently denied this accusationby its opponents, though it has been ac-cepted by some scholars of the history ofHasidism. In addition, there is no proof ofa relationship between early Hasidismand non-Jewish pietist groups that werethen active in Eastern Europe.

The Besht’s associates were not contentmerely to share their religious values andideas, but also tried to exert spiritual andscholarly influence on their communitiesand leaders. Criticizing existing prioritiesin the area of religious worship, they pro-posed new directions of religious revivaland innovation, and advocated ecstaticfervor in religious observance, especiallyin prayer. They expanded the concept ofTorah study to other areas of knowledge,such as kabbalistic ethical literature, andfavored a new mode of religious leader-ship that was committed to the commu-nity in which it was operating. At thisstage, opposition to Hasidism was not or-ganized and systematic but was confinedto sporadic criticism of a local nature.This chapter in the history of Hasidismends with the Besht’s death in 1760.

Consolidation and Dissemination(1760–1815)At the center of the second period—the

transitional stage from an intimate circleof Hasidim to a mass movement—stoodDov Ber of Mezritsh (d. 1772), known asthe Magid, and his disciples, who were ac-tive mainly in Volhynia and Belorussia.Many of the Magid’s followers becameleaders of Hasidic communities while hewas still alive (including Aharon ha-Gadol[“the Great”] in Karlin and MenaÕemMendel [of Vitebsk] in Minsk) and to aneven greater extent after his death. TheMagid was not seen as the Besht’s formalsuccessor, but only as one of his majordisciples. Other leaders who were activearound the same time, such as Ya‘akovYosef of Polnoye (d. 1783) and PinÕasShapira of Korets (d. 1790), also consid-ered the Besht as their spiritual mentor,

but did not accept the Magid’s leadershipand were in fact critical of his ideas.

The partitions of Poland (in 1772,1793, and 1795) and the collapse of thekingdom that had hitherto combined allof East European Jewry into one politicalunit provided the backdrop to the firstformation of Hasidic “courts” on a perma-nent basis—a phenomenon that becameparticularly widespread in the nineteenthcentury. Emissaries and propagandists rep-resenting the tsadikim (or operating ontheir own) spread Hasidism and its doc-trines beyond its original homelands, en-abling it to reach communities in westernGalicia, central Poland, Belorussia, andLithuania.

The new Hasidic communities, thanksto their predominantly young member-ship and pioneering fervor, adopted pat-terns of activity appropriate to a vibrantyouth culture, and achieved coherenceon the basis of unique shared religious,social, and economic experiences. Youngmen began to travel to their rebbe’s courtand to stay with him on Sabbaths and fes-tivals. These visits frequently led to theirbecoming Hasidim. Some, in fact, re-mained for long periods and were knownas yoshvim (Heb., residents). The “court”became the main unifying center for thedevotees. It was filled not only with Hasi-dim coming there to bask in the rebbe’steaching and guidance, but also with out-siders motivated by curiosity or a hope offinding solace for their troubles.

With the consolidation of the Hasidiccommunity and an ensuing demand forthe teachings of the tsadikim, Hasidismdeveloped a dynastic style of leadership,regular institutions, and organized chan-nels of dissemination. Different types ofleaders emerged. Among its heads were“theoretical” tsadikim devoted mostly tospiritual matters and worship; these con-trasted with “practical” leaders whose ma-jor activity was to give advice and help toall seekers. Separate prayer groups incommunities distant from the “mother”courts were established. Demand arosefor Hasidim to ensure the economic wel-fare of the tsadik, his family, and his court.The tsadik and his followers were increas-ingly involved in the community at large,attempting to gain power in the corridorsof community government by influenc-ing the dismissals and appointments ofcommunal officials and clergy.

As devotees gathered around differ-ent charismatic tsadikim and establishedthemselves around their courts, theoreti-cal schools also began to emerge, inter-

preting the principles of the Hasidic sys-tem of worship and stressing the new,unique role of the tsadik as religious leader.The 1780s saw the publication of the firstHasidic books. In particular, three classicworks on Hasidic doctrine were issued:Toldot Ya‘akov Yosef by Ya‘akov Yosef ofPolnoye (first published in Korets, 1780);Magid devarav le-Ya‘akov, by Dov Ber ofMezritsh (Korets, 1781); and No‘am Eli-melekh by Elimelekh of Lizhensk (Lwów,1788).

A systematic, organized campaignagainst Hasidism began in 1772 in severalcommunities, notably Shklov, Vilna, andBrody. It was inspired and driven by theoutspoken opposition to Hasidism of Eli-yahu ben Shelomoh Zalman, the Gaon ofVilna, then considered a supreme reli-gious authority and a venerated figure.The struggle itself was waged by rabbis,preachers, community officials, and layleaders. Moreover, communal authoritiesused the sanctions at their disposal to en-force their opposition. These opponentsobjected to the popularization of the Ha-sidic mode of worship and other practicesand doctrines. Opponents feared thesewould undermine the existing religiousand social order in which only a few ex-ceptional personalities (that is, Hasidimin the old sense of the term) were entitledto adopt uniquely pietistic modes of be-havior. These elite included groups ofpietists and kabbalists (such as the groupin the kloyz of Brody). Opponents of Hasi-dism were also anxious to avert a new out-break of heresy and quasi-Sabbatian incli-nations.

Anti-Hasidic bans and agitation contin-ued even after the Gaon’s death in 1797,but they gradually diminished, whetherbecause of ineffectiveness, the lack of acentral authority to oversee the struggleand arouse popular zeal, or the growingrealization that Hasidic doctrines werenot so heretical after all. The death of thepreachers Yisra’el Leibel of Slutsk (ca.1800) and David of Makeve (Maków; d.1814), who had considered themselvesto be the Gaon’s personal emissaries intheir vigorous anti-Hasidic activities, alsoadded to the decline of the campaign.

An important turning point in the his-tory of Hasidism occurred when the Rus-sian authorities agreed to allow the Ha-sidim to establish separate minyanim(prayer groups) and elect their own spiri-tual leadership. Such minyanim had al-ready been recognized in Galicia, then apart of the Austrian Empire, by theToleranzpatent of 1789, but in Russia rec-

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ognition came later, with the Jewish Stat-ute of 1804. This official recognition ofthe legitimacy of the religious dichotomyin Jewish society dealt a further blow tothe traditional community, ultimatelyenabling not only Hasidism but alsoother groups (such as maskilim) to breakfree of their previously enforced affilia-tion with the traditional community.During this period, some of the most im-

portant Hasidic dynasties took shape, andnew types of tsadikim (representing themany faces of the phenomenon) ap-peared in various areas of Eastern Europe.

Southwestern Provinces of Russia(Kiev, Podolia, Volhynia). Though sev-eral disciples of the Magid of Mezritsh didnot themselves lead large groups of devo-tees, they still had considerable spiritualimpact. Among these were the preachers

MenaÕem NaÕum of Chernobil (ca. 1730–1797), who founded the Twersky (orChernobil) dynasty, and Ze’ev Volf ofZhitomir (d. 1798), whose book Or ha-Me’ir is considered a basic work of Hasidicliterature. Another remarkable figure fromthis region was Levi YitsÕak of Barditshev(Rus., Berdichev; ca. 1740–1809), a rabbiand Torah scholar of Pinsk who was ex-pelled from his town through pressure

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Major Hasidic Centers, 1740–1815. Based on a map prepared for the exhibition “Time of the Hasidim,” by ElÛbieta DËugosz, The Historical Museumof Kraków—Old Synagogue.

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from the Misnagdim and from 1785 tohis death was active in Barditshev as avenerated Hasidic rabbi and leader. Alsonoteworthy were the Besht’s grandsons—the brothers Mosheh Ôayim Efrayim ofSudilkov (ca. 1740–1800) and Barukh benYeÕi’el of Mezhbizh (ca. 1756–1811); andthe Besht’s great-grandson NaÕman ofBratslav (1772–1810), whose unique spiri-tual approach shook the Hasidic world.Descendants of the Magid were notable aswell; among them were his only son, Av-raham, known as the “Angel” (ca. 1740–1776), who never served as a Hasidicleader; and his grandson Shalom Shakh-nah of Pohorbishch (1769–1802), fatherof Yisra’el of Ruzhin and one of the firsttsadikim to adopt the “regal way,” whichrejected ascetisicm in favor of a display ofwealth.

Northern Provinces of Russia. Farthernorth, in Grodno and Minsk provinces,Aharon “the Great” of Karlin (1736–1772)and his disciples were so active and prom-inent that Misnagdim referred to Hasidimin general as Karliners. He was succeededby his disciple Shelomoh of Karlin (1738–1792), who was exiled from his home-town in 1786 to Ludmir, Volhynia (mod.Ukr., Volodymyr-Volyns’kyi). The nextadmor was Asher Perlov of Stolin, son ofAharon (1765–1826), under whom Karlin-Stolin Hasidism prospered until it becamethe largest dynasty in Polesye. Other im-portant groups formed under ÔayimÔaykl of Amdur (d. 1787) and Mordekhaiof Lakhovits (1742–1810).

In the northeast provinces of Vitebskand Mohilev, the most prominent Ha-sidic leaders were disciples of the Magidof Mezritsh: MenaÕem Mendel of Vitebsk(1730–1788), who moved to Vitebsk fromMinsk; Avraham of Kalisk (1741–1810);and, after the latter two had immigratedto the Land of Israel (1777), Shneur Zal-man (1745–1812), who founded the in-tellectually leaning Ôabad (an acronymfor Hebrew words meaning wisdom, un-derstanding, and knowledge), known asLubavitch Hasidism, first in Liozno andlater (from 1804) in Liady.

Central Poland. Several small groups ofHasidim associated with the Magid ofMezritsh and his disciples were active incentral Poland, mainly in small commu-nities. Up until the 1780s, there was a Ha-sidic presence in Ritshvol (RyczywóË),Ostrevtse (Ostrowiec), Apt (Opatów), Zhe-likhov (Úelechów), and Novidvor (NowyDwór), as well as Kraków and the Pragasuburb of Warsaw. From 1754 to 1776, ayeshiva of Hasidic character in Ritshvolwas headed by Shemu’el Shmelke Horo-

vitz (later of Nikolsburg; 1726–1778);among his disciples were Levi YitsÕak(later of Barditshev), ‘Uzi’el Meisels (1744–1785), Yisra’el Hapstein (later of Kozhe-nits; 1737–1814), Eli‘ezer of Tarnogrod (d.1806), and others. These were not fullydeveloped Hasidic centers, but early nu-clei that foreshadowed the great expan-sion of Hasidism in nineteenth-centuryPoland.

Western Galicia. The largest and mostimportant court in this region, at thattime a part of the Austrian Empire, formedaround the figure of Elimelekh of Li-zhensk (1717–1787), brother of Zusya ofHanipoli and disciple of the Magid. Eli-melekh is considered the archetypal “prac-tical” tsadik, who saw himself (and wasseen by his Hasidim) as a kind of “chan-nel” through which divine abundancecould be brought down from the supernalworlds to our own. As such, he devotedmost of his time and spiritual activity tothe material welfare of his followers (inHasidic parlance, helping their quest forbane Õaye u-mezone [descendants, health,and livelihood]; at the same time, how-ever, he expected them to support him,his family, and his court with monetarycontributions.

Even before Elimelekh’s death, some ofhis disciples founded new centers. Themost prominent of these was Ya‘akovYitsÕak Horowitz of Lantset (Êaácut; ca.1745–1815), known as the Seer of Lublin.He was a charismatic personality who ex-plored mystical Hasidism and also hadthe qualities necessary for leading a largecommunity. His study house in Lublinwas the first Hasidic court located in anurban milieu (rather than a small villageor town). Nearly all leaders of Hasidism inPoland and Galicia, in his generation andlater, considered themselves to be his dis-ciples. Other important followers of Eli-melekh of Lizhensk who headed largecommunities were the magid Yisra’el Hap-stein of Kozhenits in Poland; MenaÕemMendel of Rimanov in Galicia (d. 1815),whose court, which attracted many schol-ars, had previously been in Prishtik (Przy-tyk); and Avraham Yehoshu‘a Heshel ofApt (1748–1825), who after much wan-dering finally settled in Mezhbizh, andwas considered in the last decade of hislife to be the oldest living tsadik.

A unique and later highly influentialfigure in Polish Hasidism was a discipleof the Seer, Ya‘akov YitsÕak of Pshiskhe(Przysucha; 1766–1813), generally knownas Ha-Yehudi ha-Kadosh (the Holy Jew).His relationship with his teacher, whohad from the start singled him out as a

successor, was marred by tension andjealousy. An elite group of admirers gath-ered around Ya‘akov YitsÕak and chal-lenged the Seer’s leadership. The new trailblazed by Ya‘akov YitsÕak’s followers—who combined Hasidic and scholarly val-ues with intense criticism of “practical”Hasidism, which they saw as a vulgariza-tion—as well as their custom to beginprayers at a late hour, aroused consider-able opposition. One of these opponentswas Me’ir ha-Levi of Apt (d. 1827), authorof the work Or la-shamayim, who had con-sidered himself a worthy successor of theSeer. After the Holy Jew’s death, many ofhis devotees flocked to his disciple Sim-Õah Bunem of Pshiskhe, who organizedthem as a distinct Hasidic communityand defied the leaders of Lublin’s Hasidiccenter.

Eastern Galicia. Known especially forits centers at Lizhensk and Rimanov, east-ern Galicia was home to other Hasidicleaders as well. The most important tsadikof the region was YeÕi’el Mikhl of Zlotshev(now Ukr., Zolochiv; 1726–1781), a disci-ple of the Besht and the Magid. Con-sidered the teacher of many futuretsadikim, his descendants established aramified dynasty in Galicia and Volhynia(Zvil [Ukr., Novohrad Volyns’kyi], Stepin,Brezna). Another important figure inGalicia was Meshulam Fayvush Heller ofZbarezh (ca. 1740–1794), disciple of theMagid of Zlotshev and author of majorliterary works, including Derekh emet andYosher divre emet. Finally, Mosheh Leib ofSasov (ca. 1745–1807) was famed for hisreligious ecstasy and intense devotion tocharitable acts and the ransoming of pris-oners.

By the end of the eighteenth century,a small Hasidic presence existed withinthe borders of the main areas of Jewishsettlement in Eastern Europe includingBessarabia (Russia), Moldavia, and Buco-vina (Austria). While various tsadikim vis-ited these districts, none of them settledfor any length of time, and local disciplesaffiliated themselves with far-off Hasidiccenters in Ukraine, Galicia, or Poland.One influential figure who helped tospread Hasidism in these parts was ÔayimTyrer (1760–1816/17), a rabbi in Czerno-witz and Kishinev who later immigratedto the Land of Israel, and an importantHasidic thinker (author of Be’er mayimÕayim and Siduro shel Shabat).

Hungary. Hasidic influence was con-fined to the rural northeastern districts(referred to by the Jews as Unterland), bor-dering on Galicia and Bucovina wherethe Jewish presence was sparse. In the

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1780s, YitsÕak Isaak Taub (d. 1821) estab-lished a Hasidic center in Nagykálló, andsmall groups of Hasidim were activemainly in the Máramaros (now Rom.,Maramureã) district. Here, too, Hasidismgained strength only in the mid-nine-teenth century.

Land of Israel. Hasidism was bent onpreserving traditional Jewish life in theDiaspora and on finding solutions forthe difficulties of everyday life among theJewish masses of “old” Eastern Europe.Despite the centrality of the Holy Landin religious consciousness and DiasporaJews’ recognition of the need to extendmaterial help to those who lived there,the Land of Israel occupied a marginalplace in the world of most tsadikim andHasidim.

As had been the custom for genera-tions, individual Jews including Hasidimimmigrated to the Land of Israel—it wassaid that even the Besht had made anabortive attempt to do so. In 1777, a largegroup of Hasidim—not just a few individ-uals—led by MenaÕem Mendel of Vitebskand Avraham of Kalisk, immigrated toPalestine. This wave of immigration, mo-tivated, according to some, by messianicexpectations, created a sizable Hasidicpresence in the Holy Land, mainly inTiberias and Safed, and laid the organiza-tional foundation for the collection offunds in the Diaspora for members of theHasidic community in the Holy Land.While Hasidic immigration never actuallyceased, most leaders of the movementpreferred to preserve Jewish life in EasternEurope, rather than settle either in Pales-tine or in Western countries.

The Problem of Succession. Toward theend of the eighteenth century, the estab-lished Hasidic communities in Ukraine,eastern Galicia, and Belorussia began toface the problem of succession (the prob-lem arose somewhat later in other areassuch as Poland). The belief that the tsadikcould bequeath his religious charisma tohis offspring eventually became the guid-ing principle behind leadership of themovement, but not without difficulty.

Lubavitch Hasidism, for example, ex-perienced a bitter struggle after the deathof its founder, Shneur Zalman of Liadyin late 1812. The rivals were his son, DovBer, known later as the Middle Rebbe(1773–1827) and a disciple, Aharon ha-Levi Horowitz of Starosielce (1766–1828).Their struggle, which was both personaland theoretical, centered over who wasauthorized to interpret the founder’steachings and what ways represented the

proper mode of worship. The disputeended in the victory of the genetic heir,but the movement split, and from thatpoint on, “outsiders” not descended fromprevious tsadikim (or married into theirfamilies) had very little chance of assum-ing Hasidic leadership.

The years 1810–1815 witnessed thedeaths not only of Hasidism’s most vehe-ment opponents, but also of many found-ing figures of Hasidic leadership. Theirplaces were now taken by a new genera-tion of tsadikim, members of dynasties ordisciples who had reached maturity andearned fame on their own merits.

The year 1815 was also of literary sig-nificance. Two of the most importantworks of Hasidic narrative were publishedthen in Hebrew and Yiddish: ShivÕe ha-Besht (In Praise of the Ba‘al Shem Tov)—an anthology of hagiographic stories aboutthe lives of the Besht and his disciples,compiled and edited by Dov Ber of Linits,whose father-in-law, Aleksander, had beenone of the Besht’s close companions; andSipure ma‘asiyot (Tales)—a collection of 13stories, replete with a profound symbol-ism, that NaÕman of Bratslav had told tohis followers. Reacting to these books, aprominent maskil, Yosef Perl, published abrilliant satire titled Megaleh temirin (Re-vealer of Secrets; written in 1816, withpublication delayed by censorship until1819). These three books, each of whichalso had a Yiddish version, were highlyinfluential in shaping the ethos of Ha-sidism and the Haskalah and helped tosharpen the messages and positions ofthe warring factions; to this day, they pro-vide an invaluable key to the historicaland ideological worlds of Hasidim andtheir opponents.

Expansion and Atomization(1815–1880)Following the Congress of Vienna

(1815), Jews in “Congress” Poland and inthe Russian Pale of Settlement again wereunder the rule of the same government,despite differences in legal status that stilleffectively separated the two communi-ties.

The acceptance of Hasidism in mostEast European Jewish communities, andits new status as a multigenerational massmovement, led to the formation of insti-tutionalized social mechanisms. One wasnot just a “Hasid,” with no further affilia-tion; one had to be associated with a spe-cific tsadik or Hasidic court. As a result,the tsadik, his family, and the attendantcourt establishment became a major fo-cus of identification and social cohesion.

The fact that all parts of the traditionalJewish community, including Misnag-dim, accepted the existence of Hasidismand recognized it as a religious move-ment, reflecting legitimate, though differ-ent, norms of behavior and religious life-style, contributed to the continuingspread of Hasidism. Hostility gave way tocoexistence, generally enabling the twogroups to live harmoniously, each culti-vating its own specific culture. Still, theincrease in the strength of the “Lithua-nian” yeshiva world, as well as the rise ofthe Musar movement, were spiritual phe-nomena that must be understood notonly in terms of their inner logic, but alsoas responses to the Hasidic challenge.

During this period—the last in whichmajor new dynasties were established—Hasidism spread rapidly into the prov-inces of Congress Poland, and was gener-ally accepted there without particularfriction. In spite of many communal ten-sions in that region and period—some ofthem so acute that they reached the earsof government authorities—issues mainlyconcerned economic or personal conflictrather than ideology. Hasidism also ex-panded its influence in the southernprovinces of the Russian Empire (NewRussia, Moldavia, and Bessarabia) and theeastern parts of the Austrian Empire (Bu-covina, western Galicia, and northeasternHungary). In fact, Hasidism’s reach al-most completely matched the distribu-tion of Yiddish as a living, spoken lan-guage, and was blocked only where Jewshad adopted the local language—Hungar-ian in Budapest, German or Czech inPrague, and German in Poznaá.

The expansion of the number of Ha-sidic courts in this period and their in-creasing diversity arose partly as a resultof significant improvements in commu-nication networks, particularly due to therailroad, beginning in the 1860s. The rail-roads facilitated mobility, which resultedin considerable change in everyday life,making the courts more accessible aswell.

Ukraine. Hasidism became exception-ally popular in Ukraine, where it appealedto the majority of the traditional Jewishcommunity. In the first two decades ofthe nineteenth century, the best-knowncourts were those of Mordekhai Twerskyof Chernobil (Czernobyl; 1770–1837), Mo-sheh Tsevi of Savran (d. 1838), and Yis-ra’el Friedman of Ruzhin (1796–1850),great-grandson of the Magid of Mezritsh.The young and popular tsadik Friedmanbegan his “reign” in 1815, ostentatiously

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displaying his wealth like a Polish mag-nate. Accused of complicity in the mur-der of two Jewish informers, he was im-prisoned and interrogated, subsequently(in the early 1840s) escaping from Russiato Austria. Eventually, he reestablishedhis sumptuous court at Sadagora in Bu-covina, attracting thousands of Hasidimfrom both sides of the border.

Almost all the descendants of these dy-nasties set up courts of their own: Mor-dekhai of Chernobil’s eight sons were ac-tive in Ukraine, the best known of thembeing David of Talnoye (the “TalnerRebbe”; 1808–1882) and YitsÕak of Skvira(1812–1885). The most renowned ofYisra’el of Ruzhin’s six sons, active in Gali-cia, Moldavia, and Bessarabia, were Avra-

ham Ya‘akov of Sadagora (1819–1883)and David Mosheh of Tshortkev (Pol.,Czortków; Ukr., Chortkiv; 1827–1903).These two dynasties and their offshootswere the dominant Hasidic groups oftheir respective districts.

Despite attempts by Russian authori-ties, in the 1860s, to restrain the activitiesof the tsadikim in Ukraine and curtail

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Major Hasidic Courts, 1815–1939. Based on a map prepared for the exhibition “Time of the Hasidim,” by ElÛbieta DËugosz, The Historical Museum ofKraków—Old Synagogue.

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their freedom of movement, these restric-tions could not stem the expansion ofHasidism. Another well-known Hasidicgroup was made up of Bratslav Hasidism,whose devotees were led after the deathof NaÕman by his faithful disciple andscribe, Natan Sternhartz of Nemirov(1780–1844). This small, lively, and rest-less Hasidic community attracted consid-erable attention—but also sharp opposi-tion, and was constantly persecuted byother Hasidim.

Belorussia and Lithuania. The mostprominent Hasidic community in Belo-russia was that of the Lubavitch Hasidim.From 1813 its center was in Lubavitch,but it had many distant offshoots inUkraine, New Russia, and Bessarabia. Af-ter the death of MenaÕem Mendel Shneer-son (or Schneersohn; 1789–1866), knownas the TsemaÕ Tsedek, there was a disputeover the inheritance of leadership amonghis five sons, and a dissenting court wasestablished in Kopust.

In Lithuanian Polesye, Karlin-Stolin Ha-sidism had become an important groupunder Aharon Perlov (the Second) of Kar-lin (1802–1872), grandson of the founder.Because of a dispute with members of apowerful Pinsk family, Aharon and hiscourt were expelled from Karlin (probablyin 1864) and resettled in Stolin. Karlin-Stolin Hasidism had four main offshootsthat developed into independent dynas-ties. These were headed by NoaÕ ofLakhovits (1774–1832), Mosheh Polier ofKobrin (1784–1858), Shelomoh ÔayimPerlov of Koidanov (1797–1862), and

Avraham Weinberg of Slonim (1804–1883).

Galicia. In Austrian-ruled Galicia, Ha-sidism spread rapidly, establishing largecenters that attracted thousands of devo-tees. Most of the dynasties originatedin the generation of the Seer of Lublin,the Magid of Kozhnits, and MenaÕemMendel of Rimanov, and some of theirdisciples. Naftali Horowitz of Ropshits(Ropczyce; 1760–1827), known for hisacerbic tongue, founded a dynasty whosemost famous offshoots were in Dzikev(Tarnobrzeg-Dzików) and Rozvedev (Roz-wadów). Shalom RokeaÕ (1783–1855)founded the Belz dynasty, later a majorbranch of Hasidism whose leaders weredeeply involved in Jewish public life, es-pecially in the time of his son Yehoshu‘a(1825–1894).

Members of the Eichenstein familyheaded dynasties representing a specialaspect of kabbalistic Hasidism; the mostprominent tsadikim in this dynasty wereTsevi Hirsh of Zhidachov (or Zhidetshoyv;1763–1831) and his nephew YitsÕak Yehu-dah YeÕi’el Safrin of Komarno (1806–1874). Both were prolific authors, pro-found mystics, and venerated leaders.

The most important Galician tsadikwas Ôayim Halberstam (1797–1876), wholived from 1830 on in Sandz (often Zanzor Tsanz; Pol., Nowy SÙcz), where heserved as rabbi and gained recognition asa distinguished halakhic authority, whoserulings were also accepted by non-Hasidiccircles. His best known book is the collec-tion of his responsa, Divre Ôayim. Thou-

sands of Hasidim flocked to his court,which he ruled with a conservative, zeal-ous hand, exemplified in his excommuni-cation in 1869 of the Sadagora dynastyand their followers. His descendants es-tablished courts in Shinyeve (Sieniawa),Gorlits (Gorlice), Tsheshenev (Cieszanów),and Bobov (Bobowa).

Other important figures in GalicianHasidism were Kalonymos Kalman Ep-stein of Kraków (ca. 1751–1823), whosework Ma’or va-shemesh is one of the fun-damental works of Hasidism, and his sonYosef Barukh (1792–1867), a renownedmiracle worker known as the Guter Yid(tsadik) of Neustadt (Nowe Miasto). Uriben PinÕas of Strelisk (1757–1826), knownas the Seraph because of his ecstatic styleof prayer, headed a group known for theirpoverty and asceticism. His disciple andsuccessor was Yehudah Tsevi Brandweinof Stratin (1780–1844), who had been aritual slaughterer before he became atsadik. Tsevi Elimelekh of Dinov (1785–1841) was a rabbi and kabbalist, a proli-fic author (among his texts were BeneYisakhar and Derekh pikudekha), and a fa-natical foe of Haskalah. His descendantsheaded the Munkatsh dynasty (Hun.,Munkács; now Ukr., Mukacheve).

Other leaders included Me’ir of Premish-lan (Peremysh’lany; 1780–1850), knownas a miracle worker whose court attractedadmirers seeking his blessing for welfareand livelihood. His descendants headedthe dynasties of Nadvorne and Kret-shniv (Rom., Crçciuneãti). Tsevi Hirsh ofRimanov (1778–1846), nicknamed Mesha-ret (Attendant), was recognized as a tsadikby his own mentor, MenaÕem Mendel ofRimanov, but began to lead his flock onlyafter the death of Naftali of Ropshits(1827). Famed for his religious fervor,Tsevi Hirsh was not known for his schol-arship, and for that reason, as well as his“lowly” social origins (he had been a tai-lor’s apprentice in his youth), othertsadikim were critical of him.

Congress Poland. After 1815 the dy-namic center of Polish Hasidism shiftedfrom Lublin to Pshiskhe and its environs.A circle of scholarly Hasidim around Sim-Õah Bunem of Pshiskhe (1765–1827), adisciple of the Holy Jew and a licensedapothecary, shook the Hasidic world withits radically critical, anarchistic doctrinesand scholarly tendencies, and producedsome of the most important leaders ofPolish Hasidism. After SimÕah Bunem’sdeath, some of his Hasidim pledged alle-giance to his charismatic disciple Mena-Õem Mendel Morgenstern of Kotsk (1787–

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Court of the Tshortkever Rebbe, David Mosheh, Czortków, Poland (now Chortkiv, Ukr.). (YIVO)

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1859), who further reinforced the schol-arly trend and set radical standards ofethical perfection and self-denial for him-self and his followers.

Toward the end of 1839, a kind of rebel-lion shook the Kotsk court: MordekhaiYosef Leiner (1801–1854), one of Morgen-stern’s favorite pupils, left him, takingwith him a group of leading Hasidim. Fol-lowing and perhaps even before theseevents, the Rebbe of Kotsk began to ex-hibit strange behavior, effectively becom-ing a recluse in his own house. This self-imposed seclusion lasted some 20 yearsuntil his death; over those years, the in-ner cohesion of his Hasidim was under-mined.

Mordekhai Yosef Leiner founded a dy-nasty in Izhbits (Izbica) and adopted adoctrine of radical determinism with dis-tinct antinomian overtones, as reflectedin his book Me ha-ShiloaÕ. He was suc-ceeded by his son Ya‘akov (d. 1878), whomoved the court shortly before his owndeath to Radzin (Radzyn), and then by hisgrandson Gershon Henikh (1839–1891),an imperious, stormy, innovative person-ality. Gershon Henikh was known for writ-ing a “New Talmud” to the order Tohorotof the Mishnah (to which there is no realTalmud), and even more for his claim tohave rediscovered the secret of producingthe blue dye (Heb., tekhelet) for the tsitsit(fringes of the prayer shawl)—his Ha-sidim zealously observed this command-ment but most others did not accept hisclaim.

Another important dissenting discipleof the Kotsk court who moved to Izhbitswas Yehudah Leib Eger of Lublin (1816–1888), scion of a well-known rabbinicfamily of Poznaá, who had been attractedto Hasidism in his youth. In 1854, afterthe death of his mentor Mordekhai Yosef,he returned to Lublin, where he headed aHasidic community committed to theIzhbits school of Hasidism.

Some disciples of the rebbe of Kotskkept faith with him during his years of se-clusion. Among these were his brother-in-law, YitsÕak [Itche] Me’ir Alter of War-saw (1799–1866), an astute Torah scholarand halakhist (author of Ôidushe ha-Rim),and Ze’ev Volf Landau of Strikov (1807–1891). In 1859, after the rebbe’s death,YitsÕak Me’ir led a large group of Hasidimand settled in the town of Góra Kalwaria,near Warsaw, where he founded the Gerschool of Hasidism, which grew into thelargest Hasidic dynasty in pre-HolocaustPoland. David, son of MenaÕem Mendelof Kotsk (1809–1873), continued to lead

Hasidim in Kotsk, and his descendants es-tablished small courts in Pileve (PiËawa)and Sokelove (SokoËów).

Other branches of Pshiskhe Hasidismare represented by the Vurke and Alek-sander schools. Vurke-Amshinov (Mszczo-nów) Hasidism was established by YitsÕakKalish of Vurke (1779–1848), disciple ofSimÕah Bunem of Pshiskhe, a close friendof the rebbe of Kotsk, as well as a well-known intercessor for the interests ofPolish Jewry. Aleksander Hasidism, an off-shoot of Vurke, was established after Yits-Õak’s death by his disciple Shraga FeivelDanziger of Gritsa (Grójec), who officiatedas tsadik for a very brief period (he died in1848). He was succeeded by his sonYeÕi’el (1828–1894), who established acourt at Aleksander (Aleksandrów, nearÊódß), ultimately making it the secondlargest Hasidic dynasty in Poland (afterGer).

Among other tsadikim identified withPshiskhe-Kotsk were David Biederman ofLelov (1746–1814) and his son Mosheh(1777–1850), who immigrated to Pales-tine in his last years. YeÕezkel Taub ofKuzmir (Kazimierz Dolny; 1772–1856),known for his musical talent, was a fore-runner of Modzits Hasidism, celebratedfor its melodies. Ôanokh Henikh Levin ofAleksander (1798–1870) was consideredthe major disciple of YitsÕak-Me’ir of Ger.After the latter’s death in 1866, many ofhis disciples went to Ôanokh Henikh’scourt in Aleksander, but returned after hisdeath to the courts of Ger and Sokhachev(Sochaczew). Ya‘akov Aryeh Guterman ofRadzymin (1792–1874) was a disciple ofYitsÕak of Vurke; after the latter’s death,Guterman led thousands of Hasidim andwas famed for writing amulets and work-ing miracles. Some descendants of theHoly Jew who rejected the doctrines ofSimÕah Bunem of Pshiskhe headed Ha-sidic courts at Purisev (Parysów), Bekhev(Bychawa), Shidlovtse (SzydËowiec), andKaleshin (KaËuszyn).

Confronting the Pshiskhe school ofHasidism was another school of the Seer’sdisciples, which placed emphasis on ma-terial well-being as a basis for religiouslife. This school considered the tsadik amajor channel for reception of divineabundance and responsible for the subsis-tence of his Hasidim. Among its mostprominent advocates were Me’ir of Apt,who assumed the leadership of opponentsto Pshiskhe; Yesha‘yah of Pshedborzh(Przedbórz; 1758–1831); Yisakhar Ber ofRadeshits (Radoszyce; 1765–1843), famedfor working miracles and known as Ha-

Saba’ ha-Kadosh (Holy Old Man); Shelo-moh Rabinovich of Radomsk (1803–1866), leader of an important dynastyof tsadikim that attracted many follow-ers; and Avraham Landau of Chekhanov(1784–1875), father of Ze’ev Volf ofStrikov and the only tsadik in the historyof Hasidism who insisted on using thetraditional Ashkenazic prayer rite. The de-scendants of the Magid Yisra’el of Kozhe-nits, who headed courts in that town,Moglnitse (Mogielnica), Blendev (BË×dów),and Grodzisk, formed another distinctgroup that rejected the doctrines ofPshiskhe.

Bessarabia and Hungary. Two smallHasidic dynasties were active in Bessa-rabia. One was headed by Aryeh LeibWertheim of Bendery (d. 1854), the otherby Yosef of Rashkov (died ca. 1837).

The first to spread Hasidism in Hungarywas Mosheh Teitelbaum (1759–1841), adisciple of the Seer of Lublin and a scholarand kabbalist also known for his amulets.In 1808, he left Sieniawa in Galicia andsettled in Uyhel (Sátoraljaújhely), Hun-gary. Hasidism gained strength in thoseregions, especially in Transylvania andSubcarpathian Rus’, only in the 1850s, es-pecially in Munkács (Yid., Munkatsh), Má-ramarossziget (Sighet Marmaíiei), andSatu Mare (Satmar).

The influence of the Sadagora and Sandzdynasties and their offshoots in theseparts was considerable, but even more sowas that of the tsadikim of Vizhnits(Rom., Vijniía; Ukr., Vyzhnyts’a) in Buco-vina. The leader of the Vizhnits Hasidimwas MenaÕem Mendel Hager (1830–1884), younger son of the Galician tsadikÔayim of Kosov (ca. 1795–1854) and son-in-law of Yisra’el of Ruzhin.

Land of Israel. The small Hasidic com-munity in Palestine was defined by affilia-tion with kolels, reflecting their geograph-ical association with, and economicdependence on, the “mother” courts inEastern Europe: Hasidim from Volhyniaand Galicia congregated in Safed underthe leadership of Avraham Dov of Ovritsh(Ovruch; ca. 1765–1840), who had cometo the Holy Land in 1833, while Hasidimhailing from Belorussia settled mainly inTiberias. In 1819, a small Hasidic commu-nity had been established in Hebron, laterbecoming a center for Lubavitch Ha-sidim. An organized Hasidic communityin Jerusalem was established in the early1840s on the initiative of two printers,Yisra’el Bak of Berdichev and his sonNisan, who were Sadagora Hasidim.

Splinters and Controversies. In the his-

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tory of Hasidism, the period from 1815 to1880 saw a transition from a single move-ment with numerous communities, eachrepresenting its own spiritual tendencies,to extreme atomization, with communi-ties splintering into tiny subcommuni-ties. Almost every son of a tsadik (andsometimes grandsons and sons-in-law)saw fit to set up his own court. Atomiza-tion led to disintegrative, unstable trends:bitter disputes between tsadikim, compe-tition for loyalty, and the formation of aninternal, popular hierarchy of prestigethat measured the merits of the numer-ous tsadikim, whether as individuals orrelative to their rivals.

These splintering processes also reflec-ted contradictory spiritual and social cur-rents, contributing to the extreme diversi-fication of the Hasidic mosaic. Flankinginnovative trends, sometimes approach-ing the radical and even the anarchic, onealso finds a nostalgic longing for the pre-Hasidic values of pietism and asceticism,an emphasis on the value of traditionalTorah study, and a preference for halakhicstringency. Numerous personal powerstruggles, often presented as ideologicalarguments, also reflected elements of de-cline and decay. Attempts to excommuni-cate Pshiskhe Hasidism (between 1815and 1825); the persecution of BratslavHasidim in the 1830s by Savran Hasidimand in the 1860s by Talnoye and Skvira

Hasidim; and the stormy controversy in1869 between the tsadik Ôayim of Sandzand the Sadagora dynasty are just exam-ples of the internal friction that agitatedand split Hasidic communities for severaldecades.

Stagnation and Struggle (1880–1918)The period of pogroms and the waves

of emigration in the last decades of thenineteenth century had their effects onHasidism, but the secularizing trends inJewish society were its greatest enemy.Dozens of tsadikim, major and minoralike, were active at the time in hundredsof Hasidic communities all over EasternEurope, but the history of Hasidism atthe turn of the twentieth century has re-ceived little if any scholarly attention.Nevertheless, there is little doubt that theHasidic court was severely shaken by thestorms pounding its walls from without.It was generally felt that modern life andthe secular-revolutionary atmospheresweeping over the Jews of Eastern Europewould do much more damage to Ha-sidism than the distribution of satires andpolemical tracts or attempts to enlist thehelp of the authorities.

Secularization derived its strength notonly from modern Jewish ideologies ofnationalism and socialism, but also fromincreasing acculturation, decline of theshtetl (life in which was identified withthe stagnation of the tradition), changes

in traditional economic patterns, acceler-ated industrialization and urbanization,crowded living conditions, the tremen-dous increase in the Jewish population ofthe Pale of Settlement, and numbing pov-erty—all of which created an entirely newspiritual and social climate. Though newforms of literature and journalism, in He-brew and in Yiddish, became major fac-tors in Jewish public discourse, there wasalmost no representation of Orthodoxy,including Hasidism, in that medium. TheOrthodox struggle against these new cur-rents only heightened their inclination toclose ranks in defense, painting theirleaders with a conservative, even fanati-cal color.

Hasidism gradually lost its attractive-ness. Wealthy courts found themselves infinancial straits; the old, traditional edu-cational system, incapable of giving itsgraduates a general education or voca-tional training, was undermined; and To-rah scholarship and piety lost their pri-macy in the internal hierarchy of theJewish community. Hasidic leaders, notblind to this unprecedented spiritual cri-sis, took various steps in an attempt tohalt the erosion.

As early as 1878, several Galician admo-rim, headed by Yehoshu‘a RokeaÕ of Belz,established Makhzikey ha-Das (Defendersof Faith), to oppose the maskilim of Lwówand promote the interests of Hasidic Or-

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Purim painting, untitled. Safed, Israel, 19th century. Hasidic Jews celebrating Purim with a Sephardic Jew (left). The inscription is part of a passagefrom the Talmud urging Jews to imbibe enough alcohol so that they will not know the difference between the phrases “cursed is Haman” and“blessed is Mordechai.” Collection of Isaac Einhorn, Tel Aviv. (Erich Lessing/Art Resource NY)

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thodoxy using modern, political tools.They published a newspaper and par-ticipated in Austrian parliamentary elec-tions. The most significant turning point,however, came at the end of the period.Building on contacts that had already be-gun in 1909, in 1916 a group of Germanrabbis joined forces with the tsadikim ofthe Ger dynasty to establish, in Warsaw,the political arm of Agudas Yisroel. Whilethe movement considered itself to bethe guardian of ultra-Orthodox Jewry asa whole (seeking to unite Polish Ha-sidim, Lithuanian Misnagdim, and Ger-man Neo-Orthodox), it was largely domi-nated by the Polish Hasidic element, andits leadership generally reflected thisdomination.

Another innovation of this period wasthe foundation of Hasidic yeshivas. Untilthen, yeshivas had been identified withthe Misnagdim or the Musar movementin Lithuania; their adoption by Hasidiccourts may be attributed not only to a re-turn to the conservative values of classicTorah study, but also to the realizationthat the yeshiva study method was afitting response to the threat and seduc-tive power of secularization. The first Ha-sidic yeshivas were founded in the early1880s, in Vishnitsa, Galicia (Pol., WiÓnicz),by Shelomoh Halberstam (1847–1905),grandson of Ôayim of Sandz and founderof the Bobov dynasty; and in Sokhachev,Congress Poland, by the rebbe of Kotsk’sson-in-law Avraham Bornstein (1839–1910), known as a Torah scholar whosebooks (Avne nezer; Egle tal) were also stud-ied in the non-Hasidic yeshiva world.

Subsequently, yeshivas, large or small,were established in almost every Hasidiccourt. Among the best known is TomkheTemimim, founded in Lubavitch (1897)on the initiative of the fifth admor Sha-lom Dov (Ber) Shneerson (1860–1920).The emergence of the Hasidic yeshivaexemplified the processes of Orthodoxi-zation that gradually blurred religious dif-ferences between Hasidim, non-Hasidim,and Misnagdim, combining them intowhat would later be known as Ôaredi so-ciety—a loose coalition of diverse, some-times conflicting groups that waged acommon war against all manifestationsof Haskalah, modernization, and secular-ization.

At this time, the admorim of the threemajor Polish dynasties—Ger, Sokhachev,and Aleksander—emphasized the tradi-tional values of Torah scholarship andhalakhic stringency, thus giving PolishHasidim a more scholarly coloring. The

leaders of the Ger Hasidim were the sec-ond admor Yehudah Leib Alter (1847–1905), grandson of the founder of the dy-nasty, and known for his multivolumework Sefat emet, and his son and suc-cessor, Avraham Mordekhai Alter (1866–1948), one of the founders of AgudasYisroel and its driving force. SokhachevHasidism, founded in 1870, was led byAvraham Bornstein and, after his death in1910, by his son Shemu’el (1855–1926).The leader of the Aleksander dynastyfrom 1894 was YeraÕmi’el Yisra’el YitsÕakDantsiger (1854–1910), later succeededby his brother Shemu’el Tsevi (d. 1923).

A unique figure in the world of lateHasidism was Tsadok ha-Kohen of Lublin(1823–1900), a disciple of the Izhbitsschool, who became a leader of Hasidimonly after the death of his mentor, Yehu-dah Leib Eger. He was known as a prolificauthor who wrote several works of origi-nal Hasidic-kabbalistic thought (includ-ing Tsidkat ha-tsadik, Peri tsadik, andResise lailah) that aroused considerable in-terest outside the Hasidic world as well.

Upheaval and Destruction(1918–1945)World War I and the disintegration of

the multinational empires of Austria andRussia resulted in the physical destruc-tion of some of the greatest Hasidic cen-ters in Ukraine, Poland, and Galicia (in-cluding the courts of Sadagora, Chortkiv,and Belz). The tsadikim, their families,and associates were forced to relocate, de-parting for other countries or large citiessuch as Vienna. The shift of Hasidiccourts from the small town to the greatcity was one of the signs of the times.

Civil wars in Ukraine and the creationof the Soviet regime, which sealed its bor-ders, all but liquidated Hasidic activitieswithin the Soviet Union. Only Lubavitchmanaged to maintain an undergroundpresence under the iron fist of the anti-clerical regime. Hundreds of Bratslav Ha-sidim in Poland, unable to assemble atthe grave of NaÕman in Uman, movedthe location of their “Holy Gathering”during the High Holy Days to Lublin.They lodged and prayed in the spacioushalls of the Ôakhme Lublin Yeshiva, en-joying the hospitality of its principal,Me’ir Shapira, himself a Hasidic rabbi.

Even in independent Poland, however,Hasidism could not recoup its losses, al-though a few of its centers seemed toenjoy some quantitative and qualitativesuccess, particularly in the larger cities(Warsaw and Êódß) and medium-sizedtowns. Typically “Polish” branches of Ha-

sidism, such as Ger or Aleksander, whichfavored a combination of Hasidic pietywith a tradition of deep political involve-ment in Jewish community affairs, stillattracted thousands of followers and ad-mirers, but even these successes could notstem the tide of secularization, socialism,and Zionism (including religious Zion-ism) that swept over large numbers ofJewish youth in Eastern Europe.

In reaction to the threat of secular her-esy and Zionism, ultra-Orthodox society(including Hasidism), especially in Galiciaand Hungary, closed its ranks, adoptingever more stringent and conservative po-sitions. Leading Hasidism at this time,and largely dictating the fanatical tone,were the rebbes of Belz, Sandz, and Sat-mar and their offshoots, who opposednot only Zionism but even Agudas Yis-roel. Most prominent were the veneratedleader of Belz Hasidism, Yisakhar Dov Ro-keaÕ (1854–1926), and his rival, ÔayimEl‘azar Shapira of Munkatsh (1872–1937),leader of the Carpatho-Rusyn Hasidimfrom 1914, who was known for his schol-arship but also for his belligerent person-ality.

One particularly outspoken figure wasYo’el Teitelbaum (1887–1979). In 1934,he settled in Satmar where, thanks to hisvigorous activities as rabbi, principal ofthe yeshiva, and tsadik, he became a re-vered Hasidic figure throughout Transyl-vania. In 1944, he escaped the Germansin the “Zionist” rescue train organized byRezsë Kasztner, reaching Switzerland andgoing from there to Palestine. After a briefstay, he left for the United States, wherehe reestablished his court, making it thelargest Hasidic community in existenceafter the Holocaust, and continuing to bean indefatigable foe of the State of Israel.Another fierce opponent of Zionism andAgudas Yisroel was Yosef YitsÕak Shneer-son (1880–1950), leader of the LubavitchHasidim in Soviet Russia. Imprisoned in1927 and then released, he wanderedthrough Russian, Latvian, and Polish cit-ies, finally reaching New York in 1940,where he reestablished his court.

One of the most colorful Hasidic lead-ers was Aharon Roth of Beregsas (Hun.,Beregszász; now Ukr., Berchove; 1894–1947), who founded a new, extreme, Ha-sidic community known as Shomre Emu-nim, with centers in Satmar, Beregsas,and Jerusalem. His Hasidim followedstrict rules of simplicity and modesty, andwere known for their fierce stance againstZionism.

The terrors of the Holocaust and the di-

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abolical implementation of the Final So-lution dealt a mortal blow to ultra-Ortho-dox Jewry in general and to Hasidim inparticular. Besides the physical threat,Hasidim had to grapple with grave theo-logical misgivings, a desperate quest fordivine providence, profound guilt feel-ings, and attempts to explain the catas-trophe as a divine punishment. Impas-sioned faith was mingled with bitternessand doubt about the wisdom of Hasidicleaders who had despised Zionism beforethe Holocaust, some of whom had urgedtheir followers to remain in the Diasporabut had unhesitatingly taken the oppor-tunity to escape to safety in their owntime of need.

Unique Hasidic voices could be heardeven during the Holocaust. One suchvoice was Esh kodesh (Holy Fire), an an-thology of sermons delivered by Kalony-mus Kalmish Shapira of Pisetsne (Pia-seczno; 1889–1943) to his Hasidim inthe Warsaw ghetto, reflecting on the hor-rors of the Holocaust from a sober, an-guished, Hasidic perspective. Anothertext, Em ha-banim semeÕah (Happy Motherof Children), by Slovakian rabbi YisakharShelomoh Teichthal (1885–1945), is arare expression of personal and commu-nal self-reckoning written in Budapest inthe midst of the war (1943). Teichthal,formerly a foe of Zionism, did not hesi-tate to castigate contemporary tsadikimfor their fanatical opposition to the na-tional movement, and for their loss of theopportunity to save the Jewish peoplefrom extermination.

Rehabilitation and Revival(since 1945)The destruction of the centers of Ha-

sidism during the Holocaust, especially inPoland and Hungary, signaled the histor-ical end of Hasidism as a Jewish experi-ence on East European soil. From thenon, its history has belonged to thosecountries where remnants of the move-ment, having escaped or survived theEuropean inferno, managed to reconsti-tute their communities—in particular,the eastern regions of North America andthe State of Israel. Despite the inherentlyEast European character of Hasidism, lead-ers and devotees were able to adjust to en-tirely new political and economic condi-tions, in fact taking advantage of them toconsolidate their communities anew.

In the course of the 1950s, thanks to animpressive series of charismatic leaderswith organizational talents who knewhow to instill their followers with faithand self-confidence, the world of Ha-

sidism began successfully to rebuild itself.Within a single generation, it has againestablished itself on spiritual, social, anddemographic planes. In so doing it hasonce more proved its unbelievable powerof survival and its inherent vitality andcreativity.

Despite sea changes in Hasidism in thisperiod, its East European features are stillevident, whether in the names of the var-ious courts (which preserve the names ofthe East European towns or villages thatwere once their centers), in their customsof everyday clothing, culinary traditions,and religious lifestyle, but particularlywith the survival of Yiddish as the mainspoken language among most Hasidiccommunities.

Since the collapse of Communist rule,Hasidim have been expressing their EastEuropean roots through ritual pilgrim-ages to the tombs of tsadikim and otherhistorical sites associated with Hasidism,and through vigorous activities aimed atrepairing tombstones and memorials offamous rebbes. These developments areespecially evident in the Ukrainian townsof Mezhibezh, where the Besht and someof his disciples and successors are buried,and Uman, site of NaÕman of Bratslav’sgrave, which has become—especially dur-ing the High Holy Days—a favorite pil-grimage site for thousands of visitors,many of whom are not Bratslav Hasidimthemselves. Hasidic hotels have in factbeen built in these towns to accommo-date the many visitors.

Hasidic emissaries are active today inRussia, Ukraine, and the Baltic states, par-ticularly members of the Lubavitch andKarlin dynasties, but their activities areaimed primarily at reinforcing religionand traditional education among the Jew-ish community at large and not at creat-ing new Hasidic communities.

• Aaron Zeev Aescoly, Ha-Ôasidut be-Polin(Jerusalem, 1998); YitsÕak Alfasi, Ha-Ôasidutmi-dor le-dor, 2 vols. (Jerusalem, 1995–1998);David Assaf, ed., Breslav: Bibliografyah mu’eret(Jerusalem, 2000); David Assaf, ed., Tsadik ve-‘edah: Hebetim historiyim ve-Õevratiyim be-Õekerha-Õasidut (Jerusalem, 2001); David Assaf, TheRegal Way: The Life and Times of Rabbi Israel ofRuzhin (Stanford, Calif., 2002); Israel Bartal,Rachel Elior, and Chone Shmeruk, eds., Tsadi-kim ve-anshe ma‘aseh: MeÕkarim be-ÕasidutPolin (Jerusalem, 1994); Martin Buber, Tales ofthe Hasidim (New York, 1991); Joseph Dan,Ha-Sipur ha-Õasidi (Jerusalem, 1975); SimonDubnow, Toldot ha-Õasidut (Tel Aviv, 1930–1931); Glenn Dynner, Men of Silk: The HasidicConquest of Polish Jewish Society (Oxford,2006); Immanuel Etkes, The Besht: Magician,

Mystic, and Leader, trans. Saadya Sternberg(Waltham, Mass. and Hanover, N.H., 2005);Arthur Green, Tormented Master: A Life ofRabbi Nahman of Bratslav (Tuscaloosa, Ala.,1979); Abraham Joshua Heschel, The Circle ofthe Baal Shem Tov: Studies in Hasidism (Chi-cago, 1985); Gershon D. Hundert, ed., Essen-tial Papers on Hasidism: Origins to Present (NewYork, 1991); Ôayim Liberman, Ohel RaÕel,vols. 1–3 (New York, 1980–1984); RaphaelMahler, Hasidism and the Jewish Enlightenment:Their Confrontation in Galicia and Poland in theFirst Half of the Nineteenth Century (Philadel-phia, 1985); Allan Nadler, The Faith of theMithnagdim: Rabbinic Responses to Hasidic Rap-ture (Baltimore, 1997); Mendel Piekarz, Bi-Yeme tsemiÕat ha-Õasidut: Megamot ra‘yoniyotbe-sifre derush u-musar (Jerusalem, 1978); Men-del Piekarz, Ôasidut Polin: Megamot ra‘yoniyotben shete ha-milÕamot uvi-gezerot tav-shin–tav-shin-he (“ha-sho’ah”) (Jerusalem, 1990); TzviM. Rabinowicz, ed., The Encyclopedia of Hasi-dism (Northvale, N.J., 1996); Wolf Zeev Rabi-nowitsch, Lithuanian Hasidism from its Begin-ning to the Present Day (London, 1970); AdaRapoport-Albert, ed., Hasidism Reappraised(London and Portland, Ore., 1996); MosheRosman, Founder of Hasidism: A Quest for theHistorical Ba‘al Shem Tov (Berkeley, 1996);Avraham Rubinstein, ed., Perakim be-torat ha-Õasidut uve-toldoteha (Jerusalem, 1978); JosephWeiss, Studies in Eastern European Jewish Mysti-cism, ed. David Goldstein (Oxford and NewYork, 1985); Joseph Weiss, MeÕkarim ba-Õasidut Braslav, ed. Mendel Piekarz (Jerusalem,1974); Aaron Wertheim, Law and Custom inHasidism, trans. Shmuel Himelstein (Hobo-ken, N.J., 1992); Mordecai Wilensky, Ôasidimu-mitnagdim, 2 vols., 2nd rev. ed. (Jerusalem,1990); Marcin Wodziáski, Haskalah and Ha-sidism in the Kingdom of Poland: A History ofConflict (Oxford, 2005).

—David Assaf

Translated from Hebrew by David Louvish

Teachings and Literature

The term Hasidic theology should refer to abody of ideas that have characterized Ha-sidic thought from its beginnings in themid-eighteenth century to the present,and may be distinguished in a meaning-ful way from the thought of non-Hasidicteachers, both before and during this pe-riod and since. Every attempt by modernscholars to present such a body of ideas,however, has failed. The conceptions andideas that dominate Hasidic literature canbe found in kabbalistic and ethical litera-ture before the eighteenth century, andplay a prominent role in modern non-Ha-sidic and anti-Hasidic writings as well. Itis very easy to distinguish between a Hasidand a non-Hasid by their dress, customs,manner of prayer, loyalty to a rebbe, andmany other obvious aspects of daily life

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