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MODERATED POLICY DISCOURSE VS. NON-
MODERATED CROWDSOURCING IN SOCIAL
NETWORKS – A COMPARATIVE APPROACH
Dimitris Koryzis*/Fotis Fitsilis**/Günther Schefbeck***
*Head of department, Hellenic Parliament, European Programs Implementation Service
Amalias 14, 10557 Athens, GR
**Hellenic Parliament, Scientific Service
Amalias 14, 10557 Athens, GR
***Head of department, Austrian Parliamentary Administration, department „Parliamentary Documentation, Archives,
and Statistics“
Dr. Karl Renner-Ring 3, 1017 Vienna, AT
Keywords: Policy making, legislation, participation, e-democracy, crowdsourcing
Abstract: The paper is dealing with moderated and non-moderated policy discussions in Social
Networks and how we can collect the citizens’ opinions and input them to the policy
making process in a proper and efficient way. It also investigates whether recent
technological developments in ‘e-consultation’ and ‘e-democracy’ could be easily
used in the formal legislative procedures of European Parliaments. Do we hear what
the citizens want to say? Do we use fresh, innovative and complementary ideas in the
formal policy making cycle? What is the added value of the recent research projects
in the field? A systematic approach is used, comparing non-moderated
crowdsourcing and moderated debates in virtual spaces.
1. The background: the legislative process in Greece
During the execution of two European Commission funded research projects (+Spaces and
NOMAD), the Greek legislative procedure was used as a case study to approximate major issues
that are directly connected with citizens’ participation in policy through Social Networks. Of
course, policy making is not just a privilege of the central Government or the Legislative power in
EU Member States. Many applications of moderated or non-moderated discussions in Social
Networks can be also found in the local administration environment. This paper focuses on the
exploiting of the possibilities offered by the social media to governmental officials and more
explicitly to parliamentarians in order to listen to the citizens in a more direct and efficient way.
In the following schema, the basic framework of the legislative process in Greece is presented,
starting from the Government initiative, or more precisely from the initiative of a Minister.
Evidently, there are two main stages: the legislative drafting until the draft law is submitted to the
Parliament, and the debate on the proposed piece of legislation until the final vote in the plenary and
the approval of the law. All the possible users and actors in this procedure are highlighted on the
left. This framework is applied to any individual policy cycle.
Figure 1: Legislative procedure in Greece
This schematic diagram also shows a time frame within which the citizens (individually or through
organizations and representatives) may interact with the law makers during the legislative
procedure. First, this is possible in the phase when a ministry is putting a draft bill for the first time
online for public consultation. This phase is already covered by appropriate sites, like the
www.opengov.gr initiative, which uses mainly a moderated blog approach, where comments can be
placed and categorized in the various articles of the draft law. A second phase that was addressed
for the use of social networking in the legislative procedure is the relatively narrow time frame of
15 days after a draft law was submitted to the Committees of the Hellenic Parliament. Finally, the
third phase of citizen participation is after the law has been voted. This third and longer period with
no specific end can be used by citizens and interest groups to express their opinion on the new
legislation, somehow assisting the parliamentarians in controlling the governmental work, and
preparing or starting a new policy cycle.
2. E-democracy: the recent evolution
The European e-Government Action Plan for the period 2011-2015 defines as a strategic priority
the empowerment of citizens, businesses and other organizations through the use of new
technological tools. Such empowerment would aim at giving them access to better services,
designed around their needs and in collaboration with them, while, at the same time, allowing their
effective involvement in the policy making process.
In this context, policy makers face a task of unprecedented complexity and difficulty, as traditional
policy making approaches used so far seem incapable of capturing the society’s increasingly
complex and interconnected nature1 and do not manage to involve in the overall process all
important stakeholders, whose interests are affected by decisions on policies, as well as individuals
in spite of their working environment, financial condition, social presence and consequently their
well-being being dependent on the policies formulated.
In parallel, thanks to the last evolutions in the Web and especially in the Social Networks, we have
witnessed a historical transition to a new era of collaboration, interaction, sharing and networked
intelligence. The advent of social networks provides new avenues for influence2 and eventually
opens up new perspectives for policy makers by using crowdsourcing to enlarge and enhance
policy-advisory processes, policy making, and policy feedback3.
A new age of engagement has thus emerged, leveraging social media for policy making as they
facilitate the requisite level of collaboration both globally and locally to solve complex issues that
would otherwise be impossible to address4.
Taking into account the last Digital Agenda 2020 and Policy Making 3.0, the participatory and
evidence-based model used by Digital Futures5, stakeholders and policy makers form a social
network to co-design policies on the basis of the metaphor of "collective brain" (or emergent
collective intelligence) with two distinct factors:
The scientific evidence stemming from the collective wisdom of stakeholders and policy
makers. This is the collective "rational" contribution of the participants to the policy (or the
"left brain" of the social network). Evidence is often elicited from data and numerical
models of the real world (e.g., statistics, data mining).
The sentiment stemming from the collective aspirations of stakeholders and policy makers,
identifiable or even measurable through the social network. This can be considered the
"emotional" contribution of the network participants to the policy (or the "right brain" of the
social network).
The Digital Futures' model for participatory and evidence based policy making scales up the
metaphor of the "left and right brains" to the social network to make current policy making
processes more participatory, transparent and agile.
3. Moderated or non-moderated discussions in Social Networks
The EC FP7 project +Spaces (Policy Simulation in Virtual Spaces6) uses existing social media
spaces as the societal “sandbox” for modelling real world behaviour. One of the project’s principal
drivers was to engage citizens from different online communities by utilizing these virtual spaces
for assisting policy makers in reaching out and gaining insight from the citizens about their opinions
1 Charalabidis, Yannis/Lampathaki, Fenareti/Misuraca, Gianluca/Osimo, David (2012), ICT for Governance and Policy Modelling:
Research Challenges and Future Prospects in Europe, in: Proceedings of the 45th Hawaii International Conference on System
Sciences (HICSS), Hawaii, pp.2472-2481.
2 Christakis, Nicholas/Fowler, James (2010), Connected: The Amazing Power of Social Networks and How they Shape our Lives,
London.
3 Nam, Taewoo (2012), Suggesting frameworks of citizen-sourcing via Government 2.0, in: Government Information Quarterly,
29(1), pp. 12-20.
4 Bertot, John C./Jaeger, Paul T./Grimes, Justin M. (2010), Using ICTs to create a culture of transparency: E-government and social
media as openness and anti-corruption tools for societies, in: Government Information Quarterly, 27(3), pp. 264-271,
http://www.milthailand.org/phocadownload/2011_Files/11_Nov/transpareny%20government.pdf.
5 https://ec.europa.eu/digital-agenda/en/policy-making-30-0.
6 http://www.positivespaces.eu.
and potential acceptance of new policies. The +Spaces platform creates and deploys applications in
virtual spaces (Facebook, Blogger, Twitter, Open Wonderland), which provide information about
the policy with clear description of the policy topic, pre-defined roles, selected keywords, standard
questions and moderated statements, guiding the public to react to it in various ways with pure
moderated way: well defined and structured Polls and Debates and Role Playing Simulation, in
which the citizens are invited to take upon themselves a role different than their own, and express
thoughts and opinions from the point of view of the respective role, thus reaching new insights and
understanding various aspects of the policy. The following table is to present the added value for
different stages of the legislative procedures in the policy making cycle, the +Spaces tools used and
the actors involved:
Figure 2: The functionalities of the +Spaces tools in the legislative process
The lessons learnt from the +Spaces pilots implemented for the Hellenic Parliament were:
Through the +Spaces platform it was possible to address several public groups, on different
stages of the policy making process
+Spaces was able to support policy makers’ presence in Social Networks
Advanced role-playing simulation creating fresh ideas for policy makers
Data analysis with graphs, sentiment clusters, highlights and citizens’ reputation scores pro-
vides a clear and short overview of the policy discussion
Policy makers were enabled to post simple questions in polls, brief policy descriptions and a
couple of statements for debates to get feedback from citizens
3D & 2D role-playing or 3D debates are something new with a touch of innovation, looking like
a brainstorming game or a place where fresh ideas are born
The +Spaces platform could be used as a policy marketing tool
The EC FP7 project NOMAD (Policy formulation & validation through non-moderated
crowdsourcing7), on the other hand, will provide policy makers with fully automated solutions for
content search, acquisition, categorisation and visualisation that work in a collaborative form in the
policy-making arena. Thereby, the policy makers could monitor social media discourses and listen
to the citizens, gather feedback to the draft policy making agenda as well as the draft policies,
obtain inputs to the policy making process by collecting opinions, arguments, and sentiments,
visualize and analyse the non-moderated “wisdom of crowds”8, while collaborating, if possible,
with the citizens at a later stage.
The NOMAD tools will be capable of crawling the social media for opinions, classifying them as
supporting or opposing the suggested policy and its justification, and presenting the evaluated
opinions via the analysis and visualization interface. This interface will support the quantitative and
qualitative analysis, comparison, and identification of congruence of the proposed policy and the
current buzz in the social media, covering most of their major types (e.g., Twitter, Blogger,
Wordpress, Facebook, MySpace, Flickr, Youtube, Vimeo, news sites, forums).
Thus, the policy maker could examine the citizens’ arguments, positions, comments, opinions and
stakes, and transfer them into a clear and concrete report. NOMAD will provide policy arguments
and the citizens’ opinions plus their demographics (gender/age, geographical location, profession),
as well as surveys of the concepts that most prominently appear in social media. Such information
can prove invaluable for refining the policy agenda. Additionally, NOMAD will provide a
quantitative and qualitative support tool to extract the citizens’ opinions, comments and
suggestions, allowing an assessment of the policy in total.
Figure 3: Schematic view of the NOMAD concept
7 http://www.nomad-project.eu.
8 Surowiecki, James (2004), The Wisdom of Crowds: Why the Many Are Smarter Than the Few and How Collective Wisdom Shapes
Business, Economies, Societies and Nations, London
The NOMAD project started in 2012, with identifying the user requirements. The initial outcomes
are the following:
Policy makers deem it important to get access to the current policy related discussions in the
social media
Currently, it is difficult to receive all reactions to draft policies properly displayed for an effec-
tive use
Feedback to the discourses in the policy making arena, and particularly in Parliament, was to be
obtained in real time, based on citizens’ reactions in the social media
However, policy makers would not be able to initiate a communicative intercourse with the citi-
zens by only using the “wisdom of crowds” from the social media
4. Conclusions
Real-life experience has proved there are many unsolved challenges in policy making, which
restrain policy makers from providing sustainable and inclusive decisions and citizens from getting
engaged in policy discussions. Public policy issues are not always appealing, and citizens fail to
understand the relevance of the issues and to see "what's in it for me", which would be reflected in a
decline in the voters’ turnout and a lack of trust in politicians that is shown by opinion polls. While
the Internet has long promised an opportunity for widespread involvement, e-participation
initiatives often struggle to generate active and regular participation9, and there is a huge gap
between the technological advancements and the everyday active participation of citizens in the
policy-making processes. Previous research projects (like, e.g., LEX-IS or VoiceS) and their pilots
were mostly dedicated to closed groups of users (up to 200 in most cases) but failed to involve the
public at large.
The lack of comprehensible and down-to-earth visualizations for easing out the complexity in
policy decisions, the under-performance of existing policy models in conjunction with simulation
mechanisms, and the insufficient use of the huge amounts of data that are available on the web, are
among the important issues that need to be tackled in order to take the leap forward in policy
making. Therefore, ICT tools still have untapped potential and remain a “novelty” for the majority
of government systems, despite their already acknowledged benefits in their application by
governments related to the quality and speed of policy making, as well as to evidence-based policy
decision making10
.
Having in mind the observed difficulties in not only getting citizens engaged but also sustainably
conserving their readiness to participate in policy making discourses, non-moderated crowdsourcing
seems to be a realistic alternative or supplement to the more formalized policy related discourses
that need to be initiated and moderated, in some way, by some actor of the government system. In
the social media in general, the discussions, of course, will never be as clearly structured as they
can, and should, be in the fora specifically dedicated to policy discourse, or even in environments
established to support formalized consultation procedures on draft legislation. Thus, such focused
crowdsourcing raises a particular challenge to the technical tools applied, and this is just the
challenge accepted by the NOMAD project.
9 Crossover (2012), International Research Roadmap on ICT Tools for Governance and Policy Modelling, Interim Version,
http://crossover-
project.eu/Portals/0/Material/0204F01%20International%20Research%20Roadmap%20on%20ICT%20Tools%20for%20Governance
%20and%20Policy%20Modelling.pdf.
10 Charalabidis, Yannis/Lampathaki, Fenareti/Askounis, Dimitris (eds.) (2010), Paving the Way for Future Research in ICT for
Governance and Policy Modelling, http://crossroad.epu.ntua.gr/files/2010/02/CROSSROAD_Book-vf-allinon.pdf.
When comparing, from the point of view of policy making support, the options of non-moderated
crowdsourcing, on the one hand, and moderated discourse, in the other hand, and their feasibility,
one will have to differentiate between the various stages of the policy cycle:
At the initial stage of political agenda setting, it will be necessary to identify societal
requests for new policies and policy changes as early as possible, and within a scope as
broad as possible. Thus, any kind of moderation might already narrow the scope of debate,
so that this seems to be the stage of the policy cycle most appropriate to be supported by
non-moderated crowdsourcing. The free flow of public discourse within civil society, as
mirrored in the social media, is to be analyzed, and all subjects of pertinence to the policy
making agenda, along with the yet rough opinions of the members of civil society on what
directions to follow in these issues, are to be extracted.
Once the political agenda, in a mid-term range, has been set, it is up to the main actors of the
political system, i.e. the political parties that have the task to aggregate societal positions,
but in some cases also the major interest groups, to prepare concrete policy proposals to
tackle the issues put on the agenda. At this stage, moderated debates already make more
sense, for there is already a limited number of alternative policy options to be put to a debate
that has to be formally initiated by the actors of the political system. Nonetheless, there still
may be some risk that some fundamental option has not yet been identified, so that the
crowdsourcing approach will be a valuable supplement to moderated debate, in particular as
long as the political system has not been successful in engaging larger numbers of the
members of civil society in such moderated debates. One major argument against formalized
public consultation at the policy formulating stage comes from the experience that such a
procedure might be used by small groups of activists, i.e. citizens showing an engagement
far above the ordinary for a particular issue, to dominate the debate, and strain the outcome.
Such effect indeed may be balanced by a complementary crowdsourcing approach.
Once the basic policy decision, i.e. the political (usually not yet normative) decision on the
objectives to be followed and the means to be applied for that purpose, has been made, the
policy regularly is transposed into a draft normative act, mostly a draft bill, which in the
majority of cases is done by the legislative experts in the competent government agencies.
Such draft bills in most normative systems are put to a formal consultation procedure, which
would anyway include the main stakeholders but sometimes also the general public.
Commenting on draft bills would require some expertise in legislative drafting techniques as
well as in the substantive matter to be regulated. Thus, this usually would be a stage of well-
structured expert debate, with the general public continuing to reflect on the general policy
directions, which reflections however would be of decreasing influence, for the basic
directions already having been defined. Non-moderated crowdsourcing therefore will play a
minor role at this stage.
The latter in principle would also apply to the stage of parliamentary decision-making. At
this stage, the finishing is done on the draft legal acts, but because it is done in a transparent
way civil society will reflect on it more intensively again. Thus, even though a major change
in the policy direction is unlikely to happen at this late and final stage in the legislative
process, there is a vivid interest by the political decision-makers in learning about these
public reactions, which would challenge their communicative capacity to be displayed in the
parliamentary arena. Non-moderated crowdsourcing, therefore, is an important option again,
in this concluding phase of law-making, because it would give the MPs important hints
about how to explain the decision made to the public (or, from the point of view of
parliamentary opposition, how to argue against it).
Finally, the adopted and promulgated law is to be implemented. This process will not only
be monitored by the MPs but also, in an informal way, by civil society. Establishing
feedback cycles therefore is an important means to enable the actors of the political system
to analyze the impact of legal measures and distinguish between possible lackings in the
implementation of the regulations adopted and lackings in the regulations themselves.
Identifying lackings of the latter kind will prompt a new policy cycle. Since this monitoring
requires a wide and open focus on a policy field, crowdsourcing seems to be an appropriate
approach again.
Summarizing, one may assume the more thematic openness is required in a discussion, the more
useful seems to be a non-moderated crowdsourcing approach. The more, on the other hand, the
scope of a discussion is narrowed down to a limited set of alternatives, and the better structured a
discourse needs to be, the more efficient seems to be an approach based on the concept of
moderated debate. Since the policy making and law making process comprises stages of both kinds,
one may conclude that a combination of non-moderated crowdsourcing data analysis with well-
defined moderated debate is the key towards better embedding this process in civil society policy
discourses, and thereby contributing to more substantively legitimizing legislation.