Mmino Wa Setso; Concepts, Structures and Dinaka as Representation of The

Southern African Journal for Folklore Studies Vol. 20 (2) October 2010

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MMINO WA SETŠO: CONCEPTS, STRUCTURES AND DINAKA AS REPRESENTATION OF THE TONAL SYSTEM OF THE INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC OF BAHANANWA Madimabe Mapaya MER Mathivha Centre for African Languages, Arts and Culture University of Venda Email: [email protected] Abstract

This paper presents an exposition to Mmino wa Setšo (indigenous music) as practiced by the Bahananwa of Kgoši Mmalebogo. It does so by briefly describing the major concepts, compositional structure and tonal system peculiar to the music of Bahananwa. Research reveals that this music encodes an indigenous system, which, if understood, will contribute to the broader understanding of world cultures, and provide more insight into processes such as policy formulation and culturally sensitive curriculum designs, particularly in music education.

Introduction In discussing Mmino wa Setšo it is important to bring to the fore the rationale of such an exercise. There are elements of music, which, although not mutually exclusive, can accurately be attributed to the five continents of the world. For example, it is generally accepted that Africa is more sensible to rhythmic complexities, while Europe is more advanced harmonically, owing to the long established study of theory through notation. Within the African continent, cascading down to individual countries, through to individual ethnic groups there are nuances and tonal inflections that contribute to the music of the world. Bahananwa are a people occupying the north-western part of Limpopo province. They are found across and around the Blouberg Mountains, which include Makgabeng. This habitat; namely Hananwa (a place of Bahananwa), is also known as Ga-Malebogo (Kgoši1 Malebogo’s land). Their cultural practices, including music, are loosely referred to as Sehananwa. Discussing the music of Limpopo, the country, the continent and indeed the world would not be complete without a mention of the music of Bahananwa, like any other ethnic group for that matter. Mmino wa setšo comprises both vocal and instrumental music. In this paper, I will present major concepts and features against the backdrop of two major genres, namely dinaka and dipela. Concepts of the music of Bahananwa In Sehananwa2 the term that refers to music is 'mmino'. The same term describes dance, and it also refers to song. Go bina is to dance. The dance itself is referred to as mmino. Go opela is to sing, and a song is referred to as koša. The total activity of go bina and go opela result in a performance. That which is performed in the form of a song is referred to as mmino, irrespective of whether there is dancing or not. From this, one may assume that the word 'music' does not have its equivalent in African terms. According to Keil:

mailto:[email protected]


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"The problem of our biases hit me rather forcefully when it became clear that a word corresponding to our term '"music" could not be found in one of African languages after another - Tiv, Yoruba, Igbo, Efik, Biron, Hausa, assorted Jarawa dialects, Idoma, Eggon, and dozen other languages from Nigeria - Cameroon area do not yield a word for "music" gracefully." (Keil, 1979:27)

Also featured in a musical performance of Sehananwa, is go reta (to sing poetry) and go letša mogolokwane (to make a high-pitched shrill sound by way of tongue tremolo), also known as ululation. Mogolokwane usually marks a point of excitement in a performance. Men would sound letsiye (a small wind instrument made out of an antelope horn) for the same purpose. There is no distinction between dance, song and the music in general. Bahananwa mimic and produce animal sounds and use props including animal skins, bird feathers and horns to dramatise their performance:

"In fact, African music which is an "impure" art form in that it is nearly always coupled with some other art, such as poetry or dance, is without doubt one of most revealing forms of expression of the black soul," (Bebey: 1975:16).

Music being one of the most powerful forms of expression for many peoples of the world, Bahananwa see music as an expression of life, and as such all that goes in life should be represented in its performance. Elements of nature such as the sound of wind or thunderstorm may be mimicked on instruments and forms part of the concept of Sehananwa musical performance. Concept of Musician The concept of a 'musician' is not explicitly held among the elders in Ga-Malebogo. Every member of a society is, in essence and according to commonly held belief, a performer. This assumption is based on the fact that all are participants in song and dance, although to a varying degree. Arom (1991:12) observes a similar phenomenon with central African societies. Even if most of Bahananwa performers are members of kgotho (a dance/musical group for women) or dinaka, or just participants in a social gathering performance, they hardly think of themselves as musicians. They do, however, recognise anybody with exceptional abilities as a dancer, drummer or to a limited degree, a singer. Such a person is regarded as sekgwari (a person of great artistic abilities). This term may not be exclusive to artistry. It could also be used in reference to somebody who upholds cleanliness and orderliness. Because of the fact that the concept of a musician is not explicit among traditional Bahananwa, there is no dedicated training in order to impart such performing skills to an individual. According to Bahananwa, people with outstanding artistic, athletic or any abilities are born as such. Their special gifts are inherited from their parents or relatives. Merriam (1982: 334) found the same understanding among the Bala; that ‘music ability is inherited at birth and is dependent on the parents a child is fortunate or unfortunate enough to have’. In other parts of Africa, there are established categories of specialised performers who qualify as musicians. Akuno (2000) notes that a group of individuals renowned for their skill and ability in song could be distinguished in most African communities. Knight (1984), has worked in West Africa where he came across ‘professional’ performers in the form of Jali. Jali may be instrumentalists, but generally not drummers. In Southern Africa, Tracey (1970)


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worked with mbira players in Zimbabwe, who fit the description of ‘musicians’ because they possess the skill that is not bestowed upon ordinary villagers, but talented individuals. Vhavenda, according to Lufuno Mutele (personal interview, 12/06/2002), have what they call tshilombe. Tshilombe is a person who is deeply and spiritually involved in music. He is not trained. It is believed that he or she acquires the musical skills from vhadzimu (ancestors). He does not perform music to make money. In fact, he is a servant of society. Society does him a favour by patronising his performances and providing him with a platform to perform. In mmino wa setšo, song leaders lead out of their own volition. Anybody who thinks that he or she is capable of leading a song leads. However, in most African Apostolic Churches, most priests display some exceptional song-leading abilities. Oosthuizen (1999), in his description of Yoyo, a leader of one of the African Indigenous/Independent Churches (AIC)'s, he firstly describes his voice. '…a person with a deep strong voice. We could hear his voice very clearly when his group was singing. He had a beautiful voice'. Talent and the 'beautiful voice' are some of the characters that helped people such as Yoyo to ascend to positions of priesthood. The ability to lead in song and dance performances seems to feature prominently in African apostolic churches and traditional singing groups, since most of the priests and traditional group leaders are good song leaders. They are the ones who are emulated most by aspirant priests, initiates and children. Most young people are attracted to these churches by music. If the song leader is good, then the music is good and people tend to come back for more. The music goes a long way towards blessing those who take part in the entire sermon, which is characteristically interrupted several times by song. If there is a person who is an instrumentalist other than the ordinary traditional drummer, he or she is set apart from the rest by way of attaching the name of his or her instrument to his personal name. There used to be a prolific dipela (the term referred to thumb piano, and later to the lap harp) player in a village called Ga-Rammutla, about 7 kilometres west of Ga-Mmamoleka, named Ernest Rammutla. He was referred to as "Rammutla wa dipela" (Rammutla who plays dipela). Once again this is not exclusive to artistry. Even a man with many dogs would be identified as such. An example is “Mapaya wa dimpša (Mapaya who is always in the company of dogs). Performers and Audiences Bahananwa, like many African societies, do not perceive music as something you can sit and listen to. Everybody is expected to be part of the performance. During performances the reaction of a woman ululating is spontaneous, and is regarded as a mark of a period of excitement and an addition to the totality of a performance. Normally there is no clapping after a song. The clapping, if it happens, occurs within, and as performance. In this instance, group members would be clapping an important rhythm that propels the performance. In general, signs of appreciation, particularly go thekela3, occur within the performance. As such they form part of that performance. In Sehananwa, the distinction between the audience and the performer is not rigid. The same point is echoed by Stone (1982) in her study of the music of the Kpelle people of Liberia. An average African, it seems, has gone through many musical situations where musical structures and forms are absorbed. Chernoff observes:

"Facility with rhythms is something people learn as they grow up in an African culture, one of the many cultural acquisitions that make someone seem familiar


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to people who have also learned the same things. Rhythms are built into the way people relate to each other." (Chernoff: 1979:94)

In presenting their performances, especially dinaka4, Bahananwa don Scottish kilts, tennis caps (white caps that leave the scalp of the head uncovered) and other decorative items such as white gloves to add colour to their performance. Some wear police-like uniforms and other such dramatic props. This makes their performances spectacular, and provides talking points long after the performance. Bahananwa’s strong emphasis on props for performance is captured by the idiomatic expression that says 'koša e botse ka diala', meaning that a performance of music is much more splendid if there are decorative items of attire and other such props as mention above. Clearly, there is no Scottish influence in the music itself, why? Also, why are they fascinated by police uniforms, whereas there is no tinge of police music in their performances? The answer to these questions lies in the nature of the performance itself. In the past, performances were mostly to celebrate the successes of hunting expeditions and the victories of war. On their way back home hunters would brandish the skin or the head of the beast that they had killed as a way of sharing with the community their celebration of their victory or hunting success. As a sign of bravery a person would don the skin of the beast he had killed, hence all Magoši, don the leopard skins. Similarly, the use of these uniforms signifies the symbolic, spiritual and/or physical triumphs over the powers they represent. Most music performances of Bahananwa are choreographed. However, in spiritual performance there is evidence of a greater freedom among singers and dancers. It is in these situations where unexpected behavioural patterns that accompany high level of spirituality such as possession and trance manifest themselves. A typical scenario would be the church services of most African Independent churches, or traditional ceremonies where during the service the presence of the spirits is desirable. When members of the congregation are in high spirits, they are allowed the freedom to give expression to such a state. Small (1987:102) notes that ' …elements from the ancestral religions, such as spirit possession, dance, trance and chanted sermons, became incorporated into the Christian observances…' of African Americans performances. They seem to have retained their African instincts for reacting to music. Concept of Beat Both the Grove Concise Dictionary of music and Harvard Dictionary of Music describe the beat as the temporal unit of a composition, as indicating the up and down movement of the conductor’s hand. Bahananwa performers have a different perception of the beat. They do not base their music on the beat, as it happens in conventional western influenced music. Even when kiba5 (a big drum that beats regular pulse) is dominant in the drum section, the singing and the dance rhythms cut across it. Kiba dancers use their feet for dancing rather than stomping in regular time to the beat. The dance displays two aspects 1) the beauty of body movements, and 2) the rhythmic embellishment of one of the many rhythms that are inherent in the song. For men the dance movements, more or less, emulate the trampling as if they are punishing the earth, with acrobatic solo improvisations. Also, and particularly to Bahananwa, a dancer/performer may mimic the movements of a feeding or a fighting baboon. Bahananwa dance the rhythms with their feet, and wear matšhoo (rattles) around their ankles to enhance this aspect. This contributes to the polyrhythmic nature of the


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music. Waterman (1990: 22) writes that ‘from the African tradition of taking for granted the presence of a basic beat in the mind of the performer and the auditor alike has stemmed not only the elaboration of meters just discussed, but also a quite different artistic technique completely dependent for its effect on the metronome sense’. Perceived Song Structures The music of Bahananwa, as part of the larger African traditional music, is strictly an orally transmitted practice and may seem improvisational. Improvisation usually happens within a basic structure. George (1976:41) observed that '…African music, even when performed spontaneously, is highly organised. What seems to be improvisation is done within a pre-selected structure with basic standard of performance … but the average member of an African society participates in a musical activity to a much greater degree than is done in the Western culture'. Broadly speaking the concept of 'structure' in Bahananwa is well established. It starts with social structures such as age grading, which inform how things ought to be done according to age relations; as equally important, is the structure of language. Societies have norms, which guide the acceptable use of language, behaviour, and other such matters. The music of Bahananwa seems to take most of its structural attributes from these general tendencies found within social structures. It goes further to include other structures that are found in movements and games, among other things. Language as Structural Basis Almost all songs are vocally based even though some may be performed as instrumental pieces; they emanate from a spoken language. It is therefore arguable that language, the spoken word, forms the basic structure of the music. The melodic and rhythmic characters of a song will, more often than not, correspond with the tone associated with the text of that particular song, and thus the language tone used in composing it: “There is no doubt that the African, in melodising his speech feels that the tune does all along conform to the speech outline. That he is able, in approaching vocal music from this standpoint, to create such strong, well-balanced, and musically satisfying tunes is surely a remarkable tribute to his musical aesthetic”. (Jones 1959:246) Tracey (1948:55) makes a similar point and goes on to observe that many of the songs sung by minstrels are about conveying messages. As such, the tone used in the songs correlates with the spoken language, lest the meaning is misconstrued. Blacking (1967:167) also observes that ‘…the melody and the metrical pattern of the first word-pattern of a song is as far as possible reproduced in all subsequent word-patterns. Lately Feld (1990: 197-8), has examined linguistic models as related to musical structures. He observes that ‘… if the speech-tone rises or falls before or after the beat on which the melody usually moves, the melody is adjusted to suit the speech-tone, and hence the original effect of the beat is changed by the agogic accent’. Nketia (1992:179) concludes that 'the internal divisions that mark off the musical phrasing within a song tend to correspond closely to grammatical units of ‘structure'. Blacking supports the rhythmic attributes of basic musical form by talking about metrical patterns, which are dictated by language. Feld (1990) confirms the close relationship between the spoken language, the intonation and the melodic contour when he dealt with speech tone. However, Agawu (1995:34) says that 'it would be unacceptable


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to say that the pattern of speech tones determines the structure of a musical melody'. On the contrary he concludes that because language generates what he calls resultant patterns, such as two-syllable words with long-short relationship, two syllable words with short-long relationship and three syllable words marked by identical syllabic quantity, which translate to triplet patterns, it therefore generates vocal and instrumental music. In Sehananwa speech. Most of the phrases seem rushed towards the end, and more often spot on tone that sounds unresolved, or evoke exclamations. This gives a sense of interrupted phrasing. I guess this explains the irregular phrasing which stops and starts as the song progresses. A typical example in Selaelo Selota’s singing on a song called Matome where he sings: A ........................................................................................B ba mpoooona, ba mpona ba mpona ba ntšupa ka menwana, Bantšhupa ka menwana bare nkabe sehwe re ikhutše. Assuming that a musical phrase starts at point A and ends at point B, then the example above is an anomaly. In this example the start of a phrase which is ‘ba mpona’, sounds erratic because it starts and stops three times as if there was a mistake. This is possible because the end of ‘mpona’ sound interrupted. It does not sound like a natural full stop. To compensate for this ‘delay’ in the start, ‘bantshipa ka memnwana’ is rushed, and still does not give a sense of perfect resolution. Sehananwa language has such feature, with sentence ends that are amenable to exclamation marks. For example Ke a go bidja mo[n]na [rushed]! The phrase could still continue because there is no sense of a full stop. Movement as structural basis There is a strong relationship between movement and music. Bailey (1985) asserts that music is the sonic product of action. When elders encourage a child to learn to walk, they sing and clap short phrases with a particular rhythmic feel. The child will attempt walking. The clapping, as done by the elders, seems to take into consideration the erratic steps a child is making in its attempt to walk. This relationship is also evident in many children’s games that involve movement and song. A song may be based on the movement patterns mainly attributed to the physical layout of the instrument played. Baily (1985:23) writes that ‘music making involves patterned movement in relationship to the active surface of a musical instrument’ regardless of the construction of such instrument. Most of the music of Bahananwa seems to invite dance. In dinaka6, kgotho7 and social gathering performances there is a relationship between the drum and the dance movements and vice versa. It is not obvious as to which between the drum rhythm and the dance pattern dictate the musical performance. I have also observed that some dance movements suggested certain types of songs. Kofie (1994:21) maintains that ‘there is a complementary element between the body movement of a dance and the drum rhythm, which together go to make up “understanding’’. Therefore, it is logical that some songs are composed based on the type of dance or the movement desired. The movement, either in a game or in dance, forms the basis for some Bahananwa song structures. This phenomenon


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is not unique to the music of Bahananwa, but occurs in other dance-movements such as the Latin American Cha-cha-cha, which are descriptive of the movement involved. Nketia (1992:177) concurs that ‘form may be influenced by not only the roles assumed by various members of a performing group or by the context of a performance, but also by the nature of the movements and expression with which such music is integrated’. Main Genres Much as this is not a musicological article, a brief description of the two instrumental music genres of Bahananwa, namely dinaka and dipela, will provide insight into the system that is mmino wa setšo. Dinaka Dinaka is a music genre, which forms the basis of Bahananwa’s concept of tonality. It is in this genre that there is a conscious development of a tuning system where the succession of notes is thought of actively and crystallised. Mmatlou Molele, (personal interview: 04/01/2003), an elder with ties with the ruling dynasty asserts that the music of dinaka is one of the oldest forms of Sehananwa8 performance. According to his understanding, almost all Sehananwa inspired and traditional performances are derivatives of dinaka. To support this he mentioned kgotho9, which is a musical group for women. Kgotho which in turn provides the basis for other musics such as setlhako10 and the social gathering performances. The largest group performance of music in Sehananwa happens in social functions such as weddings and funerals, and in certain rituals such as koma (initiation schools). For dedicated vocal music ensembles, mokhukhu (St. Barnabas (Zion Christian Church) ZCC male singing/dancing group) and church choirs are the most popular. The largest instrumental performance occurs in the form of dinaka. Apart from dinaka, Bahananwa do not have instrumental ensembles. Description of Dinaka Dinaka – a music genre - has so far formed the blue print of the Sehananwa instrumental ‘music’. A typical dinaka ensemble is made up of a drum section comprising three drummers and dinaka section which comprises a group of about twenty men. The general understanding had been that dinaka is a male song and dance performance genre, even though female master drummers feature consistently in the drum section. Drum Section The drum section is made up of four drums: a big and deep sounding drum namely dinaka also known as sekgokolo, kaedišo affectionately known as phoesene (poison in English) in some quarters - a medium sized drum which accentuates or correlates with dance patterns and a pair of ditudutudu also known as matidikwane – two tiny drums, one pitched higher than the other. Dinaka provides constant beat as in four pulses per measure, or in more innovative composition, a regular rhythmic pattern that yields an ostinato effect. Kaedišo is the epitome of the performance in the sense that other than accentuating dance patterns it also creates the greatest sense of tension and release – an aesthetics feature for any musical performance. By deviating from dance patterns, and providing cross-cutting


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rhythmic interjections or double-timed-pianissimo pulses the master drummer becomes a spectacle to watch. Matidikwane’s function is to ‘lock’ the performance to hypnotic levels. The drummer responsible for matidikwane should have the highest level of concentration and rhythmic independence because nothing less is expected.

Figure 1; A modern version of a dinaka drum set

Pipe Section The next section comprises pipes (dinaka). Mokgadi Meso (Personal interview: 11/06/2001), who is an elder in the tradition, a founder and a leader of a dinaka group in the village of Makgari, arranges his dinaka in a scalar fashion. From his explanation, it seems that Bahananwa largely make use of a minor pentatonic scale. This scale is the basis for the tuning system of dinaka. One naka produces only one note, therefore, several dinaka are tuned and arranged in such a way that together they form a scale. The following are two minor pentatonic scales starting on G and F# respectively. Mokgadi Meso presented them as one scale over two octaves. The first ascending scale begins on phalola (the note G), while the descending scale starts on kgomo (the note F#): Figure 1 Notes of a Pentatonic Scale Figure 2 Notes of Descending Pentatonic Scale

Lower set

Phalola Sereku Kgongwana

Tateledi Fefera Phalolana

Upper set


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Pitch Description Many Africans, including the Yoruba of Nigeria as Welch (1985:157) observes, use the concept of 'high', 'medium' and 'low' when describing pitch. Bahananwa utilise a three naming systems. Terms Relating to Size For Bahananwa, pitch is related to size. The lower the pitch, the bigger the sound. They also have three degrees of size (big, bigger, biggest) for which they use the analogy of a kgonwana (small cow), kgomo (cow) and mmamolo was kgomo (the biggest cow). There is however, some inconsistency regarding the note F. It seems that note F is supposed to be referred to as kgomo instead of F# because it sounds lower. This could be a mistake on the part of the informer. Nevertheless, the following analysis is strictly based on Mokgadi Meso's description. The pitches as discussed in this section were tested against tempered tuning and were found to be approximated;

The term kgomo means a normal sized cow and is assigned to the note F#. Paradoxically the note F natural, which is a semitone lower than F# is referred to as kgongwana (a diminutive of kgomo). One would have thought of the note F as kgomo because it sounds lower than the note F#. The note E, which is a tone below the note F, is referred to as mamogolo wa kgomo (a term denoting a bigger form of kgomo). Notes E, F and F# are aurally, rather than visually perceived, hence the three-degree of size, as in mamogolo wa kgomo, kgomo and kgongwana: all with reference to kgomo (the cow). Succession Terms Besides size, Bahananwa use names denoting function or succession of notes. The note G, is referred to as phalola (the starter). In this case the name of the note and the pitch remain consistent, except that they are an octave apart. The G, which is an octave higher, is regarded smaller and therefore referred to as phalolana (small phalola) Phalola e kgolo, which means the big phalola is assigned to the note A, which is a tone below G, denoting the aural perception of notes A and G and not their visual aspects. The note Bb is named tateledi, which means the follower. It follows phalola in the sequence. The same term is assigned to the note B although the two are a semitone apart. Other The following two names have nothing to do with the previous two categories. It would seem that they are just names with reference to either size or function. Sereku is the term assigned to both C and C# notes. The other common feature of these two notes is that they occupy the 3rd place in the sequence of the pentatonic scale. Fefera is the only term that is assigned to the note D. The foregoing discussion; the naming of notes is in no way an attempt to explain musicologically, so to speak, the scales used in dinaka, but to illustrate the inference of what could be the three systems employed by dinaka practitioners in making sense of the arrangement of pitch: pretty much the same as referring to the tone of a word being high or low, without considering the meaning of the word.


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Dipela Dipela, particularly the harp version, comes second to dinaka a sonic identity of Sehananwa music. Dipela as a genre has brought into the performance practice of mmino wa setšo crucial elements which links to the modern concept of music. Firstly, the practitioner sings and accompanies himself on the instrument (normally they are males) producing double the effect of dinaka ensemble. Secondly, the amplification, especially the use of electrified amplifiers, has enabled dipela practitioners to significantly boost the volume and the tone quality of their instruments. Thirdly, the concept of a passive audience, foreign to African performance tradition, took root. Fourthly, individual dipela practitioners such as Ernest Rammutla have produced records, and therefore became known as ‘recording artists’. It is after this development that the concept of a musician among Bahananwa became clearer. Before this development all were, and in a way still are, participants to a performance, al be it to differing degrees. Singing Style The beauty of Sehananwa singing style lies in the aesthetic values that are, somewhat, contradictory to those of the western tradition. Whereas the westerns emphasises the smooth legato phrasing, Africans employ irregular, often diminished or augmented fragments of interrupted phrases. Where there is beat one in a musical measure an African might feel that the offbeat is rather more appropriate or of noticeable aesthetic value. Whereas a westerner places value on diaphragm-supported voice production, the African opts for chest voice. Clearly, there is a connection between the rough voice and the singing prowess. Singers with rougher than normal voices are more appreciated, and are usually regarded as capable public speakers. Sehananwa style of singing features interrupted phasing, with tuning that is slightly carefree. Generally, singers have to be forceful and assertive in order to establish themselves as leaders in song. Conclusion Besides contributing certain elements to the practice of music world wide, it becomes more fascinating to also learn that the world could become richer if this music were to be understood for what it represents. That music of the continent is laden with sociological, political, mathematical, religious and information to many other aspects of the existence of humanity, is the rationale for wanting to gain the deepest understanding and perceptions of its practitioners. The behavioural pattern of any given African society is, largely, influenced by the musical concepts of the people. Musical concepts lead to musical behaviour; and musical values are reflective of general values'. The graceful dancing of mature women differs from young girls' dances, which are more energetic and involve parts of the body such as hips, hands, feet and facial expressions. An elderly person who dances like a young girl would be reprimanded or scorned. Similarly, a girl who dances as if she is an old woman presents herself as a laughing stock to her peers.


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This ability of music to inform action, condition moods, communicate messages effectively, inform behaviour, as well as its ability to reflect values, makes music a strong tool for perpetuating cultural practices. Arguably, all musics, and certainly in the case of the music of Bahananwa, perform these functions. Note 1 Kgoši is a concept common amongst most African communities that refer to the indigenous royal leader, Similar to the King of the western world. 2 Sehananwa refers to the totality of the culture of Bahananwa. It could also mean “in the style of Bahananwa. 3 Go thekela –a graceful, impromptu slow-walk-across-dance by, an attractive woman during, and as part of performance. 4 Dinaka are horns or pipes used as musical instruments by Bahananwa in the place of reeds. The music and dance known as kiba is also referred to as dinaka 5 Kiba is the name of the big drum that provides the pulse of the music. The same term is used to refer to a genre of music where such a drum has historically been a feature. 6 Dinaka is a music and dance genre, also known as Kiba. 7 Kgotho is a music genre which is predominantly for women. The drum section is configured in a similar fashion as that of Kiba or dinaka. 8 Sehananwa – the term here is used to refer to a cultural practice of Bahananwa. 9 Kgotho is a female musical group. The drum configuration used is similar to the one used in dinaka. 10 Sehlako is the second initiation that prepares adult females for sexual life. References Agawu, K. 1995. African Rhtyhm: A North EWe Perspective. New York: Cambridge University

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