MMAEID 17 Bridging the Digital Divide: Analysing the Impact of Quality … · 2013. 8. 1. ·...

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MMAEID_17Learning, Education and Development:

Concepts and Issues (LED)

Bridging the Digital Divide:

Analysing the Impact of Quality Education on

Economic Development in India through

Globalisation and Human Capital Theory

MA Education and International Development

Richard C. C. Davies

[email protected]

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INTRODUCTION

‘Of all the issues facing development economists, none is quite socompelling as the question of economic growth’ (Ray, 1998)

Article 45 of the Indian Constitution obliges the state to provide free and

compulsory education for all children, up to the age of 14, and initially

envisaged that this would be achieved by 1960 (Dréze & Sen, p17, 2003).

Fifty years later, this goal of Universal Primary Education (UPE) has been

incorporated into a rights based approach to education through international

frameworks, such as ‘Education For All’ (EFA) and the ‘Millennium

Development Goals’ (MDG) (UNICEF, 2007). The 2009 ‘Right of Children to

Free and Compulsory Education Bill’ does not, however, fully comply with the

assurances the Indian government made at Jomtien, where it acknowledged

expansion and development of the early years curriculum as an integral part

of the EFA objectives, as it does not cover children under the age of 6 (Singh,

2009). Given that the Bill confers on individual states the responsibility to

provide free and compulsory education in a neighbourhood school within a

period of three years from the commencement of the Bill, it is hard to envisage

that India will fulfil its 2015 MDG commitments concerning access to

education, let alone address inchoate concerns about the abysmal quality of

Indian schools which continues to discourage many parents from sending

their children to school, and yields extremely low average attainment of those

pupils who do attend (Singh, 2009; UNDP, 2011, Dréze & Sen, p10, 2003).

Alexander (p39, 2008) has charted the shift of emphasis, in the context of

EFA, from an almost exclusive focus on access, enrolment and retention

towards, first, outcomes and, more recently, quality. Hanushek and

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Wossmann’s (p1, 2008) research into the effects of the quality of education

suggests that it is the cognitive skills of the population, as opposed to mere

school attainment which has traditionally been used as a misleading proxy for

quality, that is most powerfully related to long-run economic growth. Given

Ray’s (1998) quotation concerning the primacy of achieving economic growth,

it would seem encouraging that the relationship between skills and growth

proves extremely robust in empirical applications (Hanushek & Wossmann,

p1, 2008).

The emergence of the global knowledge economy, however, puts this

relationship in a new light and can have negative ramifications for equality as

the elite Indian executive epitomises with its apparent belief that ‘knowledge is

not important… for members of the lower orders’ (Dréze & Sen, p4, 2003).

Perhaps this is why the Right to Education Bill does not include a schedule of

norms for quality that would allow it to monitor the quality of education and,

therefore, its equitable provision (Singh, 2009). Adopting a policy of expanding

and developing its secondary and tertiary education sectors would ensure

India is not left behind on the wrong side of the ‘digital divide’ but the

opportunity cost could be the failure to achieve UPE as the budget of Primary

education is denied additional funding (DFID, p191, 2007).

Whilst the complex dialectical relationship between the quality and quantity of

education is recognised in this paper, it will focus on the impact of the quality

of education in India and its contribution to economic development. After an

overview of the education system in post-independence India, and its macro-

economic trajectory, the paper will examine the emergence of the Global

knowledge economy and the factors upon which it is predicated. Globalisation

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and Human Capital Theory will then provide the theoretical frameworks

through which to analyse the impact of the quality of India’s education system

on economic growth in the knowledge economy, and to discuss the

public/private education sector dichotomy. In conclusion, the paper will note

that the transition of emphasis from the quantity to quality of education marks

a critical threshold in understanding the role of education in economic

development, but that the Indian Government must act conscientiously in

order to ensure that any growth that is stimulated as a result of increased

participation in the Global knowledge economy is not at the expense of an

increasingly marginalised proletariat.

A quality education can be understood as one that satisfies basic learning

needs, and enriches the lives of learners and their overall experience of living

(UNESCO, Goal 6 Para 42, 2000). For the purposes of this investigation the

notion of the quality of education shall be defined, more specifically as: “two or

more versions of the same thing, arranged in a hierarchical order implying the

relative presence of a valued characteristic” and which is measured by the

Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) in terms of academic

achievement at age 15 and the factors which explain achievement scores

(Kumar, 2004).

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INDIA: CONTEXTUAL BACKGROUND

“Efforts to expand enrolment must be accompanied by attempts toenhance educational quality if children are to be attracted toschool, stay there and achieve meaningful learning outcomes”. (UNESCO, 2000, Goal 6[43], 2000)

Whilst the constitutional goal of providing education for all children up to the

age of 14 has still not been realised, significant progress has been made from

its colonial legacy of large-scale illiteracy and improper provision for education

characterised by the 1951 census in which only 9 per cent of women and 27

per cent of men were literate (Kingdon, p171, 2007). The manifest

commitment to education in post-independence India has recently been

reaffirmed by the Congress led coalition through Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan1

(SSA), which helped to bring 20 million children into school, and through its

plans to quadruple the number of universities to 1,500 in 10 years (Chandran,

2009). Drawing on the earlier definition of quality as ‘two or more versions of

the same thing’, Kumar (p2, 2004) explains that it is not surprising that issues

of quality have come to the forefront of research only recently, because it is

only recently that access to education (i.e. quantity) has increased beyond

95% such that there are at least two different forms of education. As a rule-of-

thumb the product of quality and quantity is a constant so this expansion in

quantity has been mirrored by a decline in quality (Gujral & Pandey, p138,

2008).

With a literacy rate today of 74 per cent India scores poorly compared to other

BRIC2 economies, but with its economy expected to grow by 8.5 per cent this

1Literally ‘Campaign for Universal Education’— India’s flagship programme to universalize

elementary education (Kingdon, p188, 2007)2

Brazil, Russia, India and China

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year, and consultants McKinsey predicting a fivefold growth in the next 20

years such rapid growth in such a populous country is tremendously exciting

(BBC, 2011; Chandran, 2009; The Economist, 2010a, 2010b). There are,

however, a number of key policy areas in which the Indian government needs

to make progress including education: without hundreds of millions of Indians

receiving a better basic (elementary and secondary) education, it will be

virtually impossible for India to achieve its ‘dream’ potential (Goldman Sachs,

p7, 2008). Indeed, the report goes on to say that India could be 40 times

bigger by 2040 but, currently, the quality of education explicitly is one of the

ten factors holding India back from realising such rapid economic growth

(Goldman Sachs, p9, 2008). India’s population growth is also pertinent as it

has yielded a ‘demographic dividend’ whereby more than half of its billion plus

population are less than 25 years old, however to provide this group with the

knowledge to overcome the country’s predicted 200,000 shortfall in engineers

(and 400,000 other graduates) and maximise economic growth, there are just

16 world class universities collectively termed the Indian Institutes of

Technology (Chandran, 2009; BCG cited in The Economist, 2010a).

Naik (cited in Kumar, p2, 2004) depicted the dynamic interplay between

quality, quantity and equality as an ‘elusive triangle’ which represented the

opposing forces influencing education policy. Whilst it is important to

recognise that there are many factors impacting on educational policy, it is

beyond the scope of this paper to investigate their multi-colinearity and

therefore, in the following sections the paper will employ Globalisation and

Human Capital Theory to analyse the impact of the quality of the Indian

education system on economic development.

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GLOBALISATION THEORY: Corporate Government?

Within the literature no single account of globalisation has acquired the status

of orthodoxy, rather competing theories vie for dominance in a ‘clash of

globalizations’ (Held & McGrew, 2002; Hoffman cited in Held & McGrew,

2007). For the purposes of providing a theoretical framework for discussion

however, this paper will draw on Held’s (p1, 2004a) definition of globalisation

as:

“..a shift or transformation in the scale of human organization thatlinks distant communities and expands the reach of power relationsacross the world’s regions [which] can be mapped by examining theexpanding scale, growing magnitude, speeding up and deepeningimpact of transcontinental flows and patterns of social interaction.”

In order to ascertain a better understanding of what this means in practice,

Chandok et al (p300, 2008) list the principle features of globalisation as: the

internationalisation of corporate strategy; the globalisation of financial

markets; the diffusion of technical and related Research and Development

worldwide; the transformation of consumption patterns into cultural products

with worldwide consumer markets, the internationalisation of the regulatory

capabilities of national societies into a global, political and economic system;

and a diminished role for national governments in designing the rules for

global governance. Where states were once masters of the markets, now it is

the market which, on many critical issues, is the master over the government

of states that are now characterised as fragmented policy-making arenas,

permeated by transnational networks and domestic forces (Strange, cited in

Held & McGraw, p16/100, 2002). Analysis of the 100 most powerful global

economic entities reveals 49 are states with the remaining 51 comprised of

multinational corporations (Kuper, p227, 2008).

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The quality of education a country’s citizens receive has a critical role in

determining the extent to which it can benefit from globalisation as this

dictates its ability to participate in the profound technological changes,

technology transfer, product information and information revolution which

characterise it, as Becker (2008) notes by reflecting that new technological

advances are clearly of little value to countries that have very few skilled

workers who know how to use them. Chen and Dahlman (cited in DFID, p117,

2007) assert that the advent of new digital technologies has accelerated the

rate of knowledge creation and that dissemination has increased markedly.

Technology and information dissemination can be thought of as pre-requisites

for a knowledge economy which The World Bank (cited in DFID p117, 2007)

explains is predicated upon four pillars, including an ‘educated and skilled

population to create, share, and use knowledge’. To this end, the changing

infrastructure of global communications, following recent developments in ICT,

is one of the ‘deep drivers’ which Held and McGraw (p4, 2008) cite as having

an enduring impact irrespective of the precise institutional form globalisation

takes. Perhaps, then, it should come as no surprise that knowledge economy

discourses, which underlie this model of globalisation, are synonymous with

competitiveness agendas and the expansion of post-primary education: in

order to create, acquire, disseminate and employ the relevant knowledge for

effective economic growth a knowledge economy must be able to draw on

technical secondary-level education, higher education in engineering and

science, and higher-level teaching and research, in particular (DFID, p117,

2007).

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HUMAN CAPITAL THEORY: Capital gains?

In the aftermath of WWII there was a quantum leap forward in the dismal

science when Schultz (1963) and Becker (1964) submitted their frameworks

for the critical role of human capital in promoting economic growth. Previously,

the production function of a particular country was predicated on physical

capital and labour, yet their inclusion and emphasis on an explicit role for

human capital had tremendous repercussions for economic development as it

suggested that investment in human capital, in regions of stagnant economic

growth, would act as a catalyst for development.

Whilst human capital can be disaggregated into both education and health,

this paper will focus on the role of education in contributing to economic

growth through increased productivity; a theoretical link grounded in the work

of Adam Smith (Psachoropoulos & Patrinos, p1, 2004). Solow’s (1956)

neoclassical model represents this relationship through the introduction of a

constant exogenous rate of technological progress into the production

function. This is indicative of what is termed the standard approach to HCT

and has, subsequently, been augmented by Mankiw et al (1992) to

incorporate a measure of the stock of human capital. It derives from the work

of Schultz (1963) who was investigating the productivity of American

agriculture and attributed an unexplained residual in the regression analysis of

his data to a more educated workforce (as distinct from an increase in labour).

Even with the Augmented Solow model (Mankiw et al, 1992) the rate of

technological progress is determined to be exogenous, so Romer (1990)

pioneered an alternative endogenous approach to HCT which incorporated

technological progress as a function of human capital represented by

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education. By recognising the role of technological progress, Romer is able to

conclude that it is the stock of human capital that determines the rate of

growth and notes that too little human capital is devoted to research (pS71,

1990). It is the low levels of human capital stock in underdeveloped

economies such as India that is, according to this model, responsible for

stagnant growth (Romer, S99, 1990).

The importance of incorporating technological progress into the model is

highlighted by India’s National Task Force on Information Technology which

recognised how IT not only modernises the economy but also expands and

deepens the possibilities in education, accelerates growth, creates large-scale

direct and indirect employment for educated youth and promotes exports

(Singhal, p31, 2008). Whilst IT can be applied across all levels of education to

promote India’s emergence as a key player in IT, HCT could be used to argue

for a revised framework in Higher Education specifically, targeted at moving

away from the old agrarian and industrial economy to one predicated on

emerging areas in biotechnology, nanotechnology and informatics in order to

ameliorate the digital divide (Singhal, p32, 2008).

The World Bank and the OECD suggest that, in conjunction with technologies

and networks, minds should enable countries to leapfrog stages of economic

growth through the modernisation of their production systems which facilitates

an increase in their competitiveness faster than ever before (DFID, p119,

2007). Whilst HCT can explain that increasing the quantity of skilled minds

(Figure 1) would expand the education production function3, the assumption of

homogenous educational quality across countries renders it unable to explain

3Representing achievement determinants (Hanushek & Woessman, p29, 2007)

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this impact of quality on the education production function and, subsequently,

its contribution to economic development.

Figure 1: Growth in university enrolment4

To illustrate the potential impact of education quality on growth, Hanushek

and Kimko (cited in Hanushek & Woessman, p28, 2007) showed that adding

additional quality to a base specification, comprising just initial income and

educational quantity, redoubles the explanatory power of the model to account

for the variance in GDP per capita among 31 countries from 33% to 73%.

Nonetheless, HCT remains the dominant theory that provides justification for

much of the activity of The World Bank in the education sector (DFID, p19,

2007).

4Sharma, 2011

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A QUALITY EDUCATION: Supply and demand?

The 2006 World Development Report (cited in Santos, p1, 2009) notes that

the ‘equalising promise’ of education will only be achieved if children from

different socioeconomic backgrounds have equal access to benefit from

quality education. At present, in India, this is manifestly not the case as there

is a two tier education system characterised by public schools which are

dogged by insufficient resources, absent teachers and an inability to remove

poor teachers, and a burgeoning network of private schools, fuelled by the

middle class, which has arisen in order to address this inadequate provision of

quality education (The Economist, 2010a; Kingdon, p183, 2007).

Table 2: Share of recognised private schools in total enrolment increase, by region, level ofeducation, and time period

5

Whilst collecting accurate data on private school enrolment is notoriously

difficult, what is clear from Table 2 is a trend for increasing rates of private

5Kingdon, p184, 2007

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enrolment (Kingdon, p186, 2007). This is commensurate with more parents

from the increasingly powerful middle class opting out of having their children

educated in the state sector (Lall, 2012). Given the rigid homogenous

assumptions regarding quality of education that predicate HCT its potential to

account for this phenomenon is somewhat diminished; it suggests that an

increase in the quantity of education will stimulate a sufficient increase in skills

at the macro level to promote growth, but it is not able to offer an insight into

inconsistent quality between schools which is initiating this flight to private

education.

Conversely, GT is able to rationalise why middle class parents would eschew

the opportunity of having their children educated freely by the state and

instead opt for private education. GT predicts a decreased role for the state

and asserts that commercial pressures will enter the arena of public service

provision and that, ungoverned by national borders, the market forces will

become paramount (cf. Lall, 2012). This gives rise to the competitiveness

which, alongside choice, formed Friedman’s model of schooling half a century

ago (cited in Hanushek & Woessman, p68, 2007). In theory, a demand-side

pressure will evolve as parents interested in their children’s education elect to

send them to productive schools such that all schools are forced to raise their

standards (by ensuring high quality staff and a robust curriculum) in order to

attract pupils and remain financially viable (Hanushek & Woessman, p68,

2007).

As the recent financial crisis has shown, however, an unquestioning belief in

the ability of markets to yield an appropriate equilibrium (from either an

efficiency or equality perspective) is not always vindicated (cf. Stiglitz, 1998).

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The education system in India, too, could be considered as an illustration of

such market failure whereby middle-class children are opting out of state

education leaving behind only the poorest, challenging children which tend to

have poorer staff and experience a deterioration of standards leading even

more children to seek refuge in the private sector which promotes a vicious

circle (Lall, 2012). Given the significant number of orphaned children which

undermines the assumptions about informed and interested parents, and the

more pressing concerns of survival amongst many of India’s ‘untouchables’, is

it any wonder that those such as Gray (cited in Kumar, p3, 2004) question

whether modernity—with its emphasis on reason, individuality and

democracy—is a viable ideal for more than a small fraction of humanity.

However, any consequent state intervention, through the introduction of

policies such as quotas for poorer students at public school, would jeopardise

the explanatory power of GT.

POLICY PRESCRIPTION

HCT

Given that one of the key criticisms of HCT is its assumption that the quality of

a year in education is constant across countries, there is limited scope for the

extent to which it can be used to establish explicit quality orientated goals

(Hanushek & Woessman, p26, 2007). Endogenous growth models, such as

HCT, suggest that it is the level of years of schooling which most influences

economic returns to education (Hanushek & Woessman, 2008). It could,

therefore, be argued that targeting ‘quality’ from an HCT policy prescription

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perspective would be primarily concerned with maximising attendance and

minimising absenteeism amongst both pupils and staff to ensure that, for a

given school year, a greater proportion of the time is spent in the classroom.

Even if the quality of education was constant (in terms of teaching, resources

etc), a greater number of school hours per school year could be interpreted as

an implicit HCT quality oriented goal as part of the returns to school quality

comes through continuation in school (Hanushek & Woessman, p10, 2007).

The World Bank recognises that India's economic success cannot be

sustained without major investment in education, including higher education,

and notes that public spending on the sector still lags behind other BRIC

economies (Sharma, 2011). Halder and Mallik (2010) reiterate the importance

of investment in human capital as an important policy instrument for realising

social sector development but note that, in spite of the introduction of various

policies and programmes by the Indian government, the progress of human

capital development is very slow.

Globalisation Theory

Globalisation Theory can be applied to policy prescription with greater

precision due to its ability to account for a differential in the levels of

educational quality; in so doing, and concentrating on true policy goals instead

of imperfect proxies, performance can be improved (Hanushek & Woessman,

p4, 2007). Policy prescription aligned to GT is likely to mirror

recommendations made in a recent EU report: defining adequate indicators

for measures of skills and aspects of the quality of education, and investing in

high quality, early education (Theodoropoulou, p27, 2010). Innovation is also

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indicative of the competitive pressures which globalisation fosters and is

illustrated by India’s experimental teaching methods including computer-

based functional literacy (CBFL) programmes to combat widespread illiteracy

which teach an uneducated person to read in a fraction of the time of

traditional techniques (Dahlman & Utz, cited in DFID, p121, 2007). This can

be seen as evidence too of India’s recognition that increasing the quality of its

education through such multi-media platforms is essential if it is to have the

well-educated and skilled population listed as one of the ‘Pillars’ of the

knowledge economy (DFID, 2007).

GT would also be able to accommodate innovative policies such as

performance related pay. Peterson and Woessman (2010) conducted

research into the effects of bonus payments to teachers in the Indian state of

Andhra Pradesh, contingent on an increase in students’ learning gains, and

found that teacher performance pay had a positive impact. In comparison to

the control group, in which teachers received no monetary incentive to

increase students’ learning gains, the quality of education was of a higher

standard based on their students learning gains. Other such innovative

policies under consideration by the Indian government include the introduction

of the ‘Teach for America’ scheme which encourage ambitious young

graduates to teach for several years in deprived schools before embarking on

professional training in other careers (Goldman Sachs, p9, 2008). It should,

however, be noted that the effectiveness of this scheme in the United States

is subject to criticism on the basis that it does not prepare teachers with a

sufficient understanding of teaching and pedagogical approaches to succeed

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in the classroom, in spite of their noticeable intelligence and enthusiasm

(Laczko-Kerr & Berliner, 2002).

Kumar (p3, 2004) notes that competition among states for resources (natural

and human) has exacerbated and asserts that the principles of the market are

increasingly prevalent in dictating policy and practise in education, which

would be supported by Carnoy (cited in DFID, p53, 2007):

“… globalization enters the education sector on an ideologicalhorse, and its effects on education and the production ofknowledge are largely a product of that financially driven, free-market ideology, not of a clear conception for improving [thequality of] education.”

In a Globalisation model, it would be possible for a secondary school to

realise an increase the quality of education by specialising in a particular area

in which it enjoys a comparative advantage (Berstein, cited in Kumar, 2004;

cf. WTO, 2011). This is exactly what is happening in India's private university

sector which, in response to the knowledge economy, is growing rapidly

driven by high demand for professional education in ICT6, engineering,

medicine and management (Sharma, 2011).

CONFRONTING THE RHETORIC GAP: A hybrid model

Contrary to some reports that suggest the Indian proletariat are reluctant to

send their children to school because the opportunity cost in terms of lost

labour is too high, it seems that the value of education is held in high regard

as ‘the most promising means of upward mobility’ and, rather, it is the lack of

quality education that prevents parents from sending their children; a claim

6Information and Communication Technology

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substantiated by an unannounced PROBE survey which found no teaching

activities whatsoever in half of the schools it examined, (UNICEF, 2007;

UNDP, 2011). In many countries, good policy formulations exist on paper but

are not translated into action and India would seem no exception (UNICEF,

p41, 2007). The flagrant inadequacy of the government in the field of Primary

Education has led to both an inadequate number of teachers and physical

facilities including school buildings, books, drinking water and even hygienic

toilets (Gujral & Pandey, p138, 2008). It is this concept of educational quality,

over and above quantitative metrics, which Hanushek and Woessman (p1,

2007) identify as THE key issue.

Kumar (p7, 2004) laments that that the issue of quality is as old as education

itself and draws on the use of the phrase ‘better and more complete

education’ in Plato’s Republic to show how this metric could be used for

comparing the different ways in which education might be given or used. More

recently Foster (cited in Davis et al, pv, 2008) emphasises that quality is never

an accident, rather the result of high intention, sincere effort, intelligent

direction and skilful execution indicative of informed decision-making. With

regard to Higher Education in India specifically, it might be more appropriate

to question if quality is ever possible; although it produces 3 million graduates

(and a further 400,000 from Technical Education) less than 5% are found to

be ‘really good’ by employers (Singhal, p31, 2008). Quality education is the

strongest anchorage to any developing nation and has the potential to decide

its fate as not only does is it impart effective and applicable knowledge to the

most productive age group, but it also helps them to realise effective planning

(Pathak, p37, 2008; Davis et al, pv, 2008). With over 300 universities and

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14,000 colleges India has one of the largest formal systems of higher

education, and provided this is re-orientated to offer quality education, both in

terms of contents and applicability, through for instance recruiting more high

quality teachers and placing an emphasis on ‘certifiable quality’ and quality

assurance, it does have the potential to give a tremendous boost to the

country’s progress (Singhal, p30, 2008; Davis et al, pvi, 2008).

Although beyond the scope of this investigation, it would be interesting to

research the possibility of a hybrid Quality Adjusted School Year (QASY7)

which would augment the level of schooling in terms of years attained (HCT)

by incorporating a composite measure of quality (GT) and adjusting the value

accordingly to yield a more reliable measure to compare across countries and

regions in order to facilitate policy makers. Re-contextualising La Puma and

Lawlor’s (1990) overview of the Quality Adjusted Life Year in health

economics, the parallels are readily identifiable:

The concept of "cost per quality adjusted [school] year" as aguideline for resource allocation is founded on six… assumptions:quality of [education] can be accurately measured and used,utilitarianism is acceptable, equity and efficiency are compatible,projections of community preferences can substitute for individualpreferences, the old have less "capacity to benefit" than the young,and [education professionals] will not use quality-adjusted life-years as [educational] maxims.

Such an approach would support the notion that there is no single route to

economic development and that the most successful recent cases of

development, such as India, have managed to take advantage of

opportunities offered by world markets (GT) such as cheaper products,

exports, technology and capital, whilst simultaneously entrenching domestic

incentives for investments and institutional building (HCT) (Held, p53, 2004a).

7Analogous to the Quality Adjusted Health Year (QALY) used in Health economics

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CONCLUSION

This paper has charted the shift in emphasis from quantity to quality in

research examining the relationship between education and economic

development. This demonstrates the increasing importance attached to the

quality of education in stimulating economic development, and has particular

resonance for less developed countries in which the returns to quality have

the greatest potential. India’s future economic growth is contingent on

synergies with new knowledge and human capital which will dictate its

engagement with the global knowledge economy (Romer, 2008). Such

integration is predicated on quality education but, to date, government

expenditure on education in India has not been sufficient to ensure an

increase in the standards of education necessary for the sub-continent to

realise its full potential and has risked compounding the public/private

dichotomy as the emerging bourgeoisie elect for private education.

The inability of HCT to differentiate education with respect to quality is

problematic so it would seem that globalisation theory is more applicable in

terms of explaining the importance of quality education in India’s

development; a 20 year plan to expand the education production function

forecast could yield a GDP that is 5% greater by 2037 (Hanushek &

Woessman, p45, 2007). Given the tremendous cumulative impact that

compound rates of growth can achieve, and the commensurate impact on the

welfare of Indian citizens, the Indian executive should certainly continue its

efforts to redouble its investment in improving the quality of its education in

technical secondary and tertiary institutions: the central budget for higher

education in the current five year plan (2010-2015) is nine times the amount of

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the previous five years (Sharma, 2011). Such investment should help to

ensure that those at the top of the pyramid are amongst the best in the world

and able to expand India’s participation in the global knowledge economy,

however, in order to avoid the divisive opportunity cost of a forgotten

proletariat, it is paramount that the Indian government simultaneously

continues its pre-existing commitments to achieving Universal Primary

Education.

WORD COUNT: 4, 918

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