Michael Parenti   _   Making the World Safe for Hypocrisy_    Information Clearing House_ ICH

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    Making the World Safe for

    Hypocrisy

    By Michael Parenti

    June 28, 2011 "Information Clearing House" --Why has

    the United States government supported counterinsurgency in

    Colombia, Guatemala, El Salvador, and many other places

    around the world, at such a loss of human life to the

    populations of those nations? Why did it invade tiny Grenada

    and then Panama? Why did it support mercenary wars agains

    progressive governments in Nicaragua, Mozambique, Angola

    Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Indonesia, East Timor, Western Sahar

    South Yemen, and elsewhere?

    Is it because our leaders want to save democracy? Are they

    concerned about the well-being of these defenseless peoples?

    Is our national security threatened? I shall try to show that the

    arguments given to justify U.S. policies are false ones.

    http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?v=250&username=xa-4b75742d76f1531dhttp://www.informationclearinghouse.info/
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    But this does not mean the policies themselves are senseless.

    American intervention may seem "wrongheaded" but, in fact,

    it is fairly consistent and horribly successful.

    The history of the United States has been one of territorial aneconomic expansionism, with the benefits going mostly to the

    U.S. business class in the form of growing investments and

    markets, access to rich natural resources and cheap labor, and

    the accumulation of enormous profits.

    The American people have had to pay the costs of empire,supporting a huge military establishment with their taxes,

    while suffering the loss of jobs, the neglect of domestic

    services, and the loss of tens of thousands of American lives

    overseas military ventures.

    The greatest costs, of course, have been borne by the peoplesof the Third World who have endured poverty, pillage,

    disease, dispossession, exploitation, illiteracy, and the

    widespread destruction of their lands, cultures, and lives.

    As a relative latecomer to the practice of colonialism, the

    United States could not match the older European powers inthe acquisition of overseas territories. But the United States

    was the earliest and most consummate practitioner of

    neoimperialism or neocolonialism, the process of dominating

    the politico-economic life of a nation without benefit of direc

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    possession.

    Almost half a century before the British thought to give a

    colonized land its nominal independence, as in India-while

    continuing to exploit its labor and resources, and dominate itsmarkets and trade-the United States had perfected this practic

    in Cuba and elsewhere.

    In places like the Philippines, Haiti, and Nicaragua, and when

    dealing with Native American nations, U.S. imperialism

    proved itself as brutal as the French in Indochina, the Belgianin the Congo, the Spaniards in South America, the Portuguese

    in Angola, the Italians in Libya, the Germans in Southwest

    Africa, and the British almost everywhere else. Not long ago,

    U.S. military forces delivered a destruction upon Vietnam,

    Laos, and Cambodia that surpassed anything perpetuated by

    the older colonizers. And today, the U.S. counterinsurgencyapparatus and surrogate security forces in Latin America and

    elsewhere sustain a system of political assassination, torture,

    and repression unequaled in technological sophistication and

    ruthlessness.

    All this is common knowledge to progressive critics of U.Spolicy, but most Americans would be astonished to hear of it.

    They have been taught that, unlike other nations, their country

    has escaped the sins of empire and has been a champion of

    peace and justice among nations. This enormous gap between

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    what the United States does in the world and what Americans

    think their nation is doing is one of the great propaganda

    accomplishments of the dominant political mythology.

    It should be noted, though, that despite the endless propagandbarrage emanating from official sources and the corporate-

    owned major media, large sectors of the public have

    throughout U.S. history displayed an anti-interventionist

    sentiment, an unwillingness to commit U.S. troops to oversea

    actions-a sentiment facilely labeled "isolationism" by the

    interventionists.

    The Rational Function of Policy Myths

    Within U.S. ruling circles there are differences of opinion

    regarding interventionist policy. There are conservatives who

    complain that U.S. policy is plagued by weakness and lackstoughness and guts and all the other John Wayne virtues. And

    there are liberals who say U.S. policy is foolish and relies too

    heavily on military solutions and should be more flexible and

    co-optive when protecting and advancing the interests of the

    United States (with such interests usually left unspecified).

    A closer look reveals that U.S. foreign policy is neither weak

    nor foolish, but on the contrary is rational and remarkably

    successful in reproducing the conditions for the continued

    international expropriation of wealth, and that while it has

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    suffered occasional setbacks, the people who run the foreign

    policy establishment in Washington know what they are doin

    and why they are doing it.

    If the mythology they offer as justification for their policiesseems irrational, this does not mean that the policies

    themselves are irrational from the standpoint of the class

    interests of those who pursue such policies. This is true of

    domestic myths and policies as well as those pertaining to

    foreign policy.

    Once we grasp this, we can see how notions and arrangement

    that are harmful, wasteful, indeed, destructive of human and

    social values-and irrational from a human and social

    viewpoint-are not irrational for global finance capital because

    the latter has no dedication to human and social values.

    Capitalism has no loyalty to anything but itself, to theaccumulation of wealth. Once we understand that, we can see

    the cruel rationality of the seemingly irrational myths that

    Washington policy makers peddle. Some times what we see a

    irrational is really the discrepancy between what the myth

    wants us to believe and what is true.

    But again this does not mean the interests served are stupid o

    irrational, as the liberals like to complain. There is a differenc

    between confusion and deception, a difference between

    stupidity and subterfuge. Once we understand the underlying

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    class interests of the ruling circles, we will be less mystified

    by their myths.

    A myth is not an idle tale or a fanciful story but a powerful

    cultural force used to legitimate existing social relations. Theinterventionist mythology does just that, by emphasizing a

    community of interests between interventionists in

    Washington and the American people when in fact there is

    none, and by blurring over the question of who pays and who

    profits from U.S. global interventionism.

    The mythology has been with us for so long and much of it

    sufficiently internalized by the public as to be considered part

    of the political culture. The interventionist mythology, like all

    other cultural beliefs, does not just float about in space. It

    must be mediated through a social structure. The national

    media play a crucial role in making sure that no fundamentallcritical views of the rationales underlying and justifying U.S.

    policy gain national exposure. A similar role is played by the

    various institutes and policy centers linked to academia and, o

    course, by political lead ers themselves.

    Saving Democracy with Tyranny

    Our leaders would have us believe we intervened in

    Nicaragua, for instance, because the Sandinista government

    was opposed to democracy. The U.S.-supported invasion by

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    right-wing Nicaraguan mercenaries was an "effort to bring

    them to elections." Putting aside the fact that the Sandinistas

    had already conducted fair and open elections in 1984, we

    might wonder why U.S. leaders voiced no such urgent deman

    for free elections and Western-style parliamentarism duringthe fifty years that the Somoza dictatorship-installed and

    supported by the United States-plundered and brutalized the

    Nicaraguan nation.

    Nor today does Washington show any great concern for

    democracy in any of the U.S.-backed dictatorships around theworld (unless one believes that the electoral charade in a

    country like El Salvador qualifies as "democracy").

    If anything, successive U.S. administrations have worked har

    to subvert constitutional and popularly accepted governments

    that pursued policies of social reform favorable to thedowntrodden and working poor. Thus the U.S. national

    security state was instrumental in the overthrow of popular

    reformist leaders such as Arbenz in Guatemala, Jagan in

    Guyana, Mossadegh in Iran, Bosch in the Dominican

    Republic, Sukarno in Indonesia, Goulart in Brazil, and

    Allende in Chile.

    And let us not forget how the United States assisted the

    militarists in overthrowing democratic governments in Greece

    Uruguay, Bolivia, Pakistan, Thailand, and Turkey. Given this

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    record, it is hard to believe that the CIA trained, armed, and

    financed an expeditionary force of Somocista thugs and

    mercenaries out of a newly acquired concern for Western-sty

    electoral politics in Nicaragua.

    In defense of the undemocratic way U.S. leaders go about

    "saving democracy," our policy makers offer this kind of

    sophistry: "We cannot always pick and choose our allies.

    Sometimes we must support unsavory right-wing authoritaria

    regimes in order to prevent the spread of far more repressive

    totalitarian communist ones."

    But surely, the degree of repression cannot be the criterion

    guiding White House policy, for the United States has

    supported some of the worst butchers in the world: Batista in

    Cuba, Somoza in Nicaragua, the Shah in Iran, Salazar in

    Portugal, Marcos in the Philippines, Pinochet in Chile, Zia inPakistan, Evren in Turkey, and even Pol Pot in Cambodia.

    In the 1965 Indonesian coup, the military slaughtered 500,00

    people, according to the Indonesian chief of security (New

    York Times, 12/21/77; some estimates run twice as high), but

    this did not deter U.S. leaders from assisting in that takeoveror from maintaining cozy relations with the same Jakarta

    regime that subsequently perpetuated a campaign of repressio

    and mass extermination in East Timor.

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    U.S. leaders and the business-owned mainstream press

    describe "Marxist rebels" in countries like El Salvador as

    motivated by a lust for conquest. Our leaders would have us

    believe that revolutionaries do not seek power in order to

    eliminate hunger; they simply hunger for power. But even ifthis were true, why would that be cause for opposing them?

    Washington policy makers have never been bothered by the

    power appetites of the "moderate" right-wing authoritarian

    executionists, torturers, and militarists.

    In any case, it is not true that leftist governments are more

    repressive than fascist ones. The political repression under the

    Sandinistas in Nicaragua was far less than what went on unde

    Somoza. The political repression in Castro's Cuba is mild

    compared to the butchery perpetrated by the free-market

    Batista regime. And the revolutionary government in Angolatreats its people much more gently than did the Portuguese

    colonizers.

    Furthermore, in a number of countries successful social

    revolutionary movements have brought a net increase in

    individual freedom and well-being by advancing theconditions for health and human life, by providing jobs and

    education for the unemployed and illiterate, by using

    economic resources for social development rather than for

    corporate profit, and by overthrowing brutal reactionary

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    regimes, ending foreign exploitation, and involving large

    sectors of the populace in the task of rebuilding their

    countries. Revolutions can extend a number of real freedoms

    without destroying those freedoms that never existed under

    prior reactionary regimes.

    Who Threatens Whom?

    Our policy makers also argue that right-wing governments, fo

    all their deficiencies, are friendly toward the United States,

    while communist ones are belligerent and therefore a threat toU.S. security. But, in truth, every Marxist or left-leaning

    country, from a great power like the Soviet Union to a small

    power like Vietnam or Nicaragua to a minipower like Grenad

    under the New Jewel Movement, sought friendly diplomatic

    and economic relations with the United States.

    These governments did so not necessarily out of love and

    affection for the United States, but because of something

    firmer-their own self-interest. As they themselves admitted,

    their economic development and political security would have

    been much better served if they could have enjoyed good

    relations with Washington.

    If U.S. Ieaders justify their hostility toward leftist governmen

    on the grounds that such nations are hostile toward us, what

    becomes the justification when these countries try to be

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    friendly? When a newly established revolutionary or

    otherwise dissident regime threatens U.S. hegemonic

    globalists with friendly relations, this does pose a problem.

    The solution is to (1) launch a well-orchestrated campaign ofdisinformation that heaps criticism on the new government fo

    imprisoning the butchers, assassins, and torturers of the old

    regime and for failing to institute Western electoral party

    politics; (2) denounce the new government as a threat to our

    peace and security; (3) harass and destabilize it and impose

    economic sanctions; and (4) attack it withcounterrevolutionary surrogate forces or, if necessary, U.S.

    troops. Long before the invasion, the targeted country

    responds with angry denunciations of U.S. policy.

    It moves closer to other "outlawed" nations and attempts to

    build up its military defenses in anticipation of a U.S.-sponsored attack. These moves are eagerly seized upon by

    U.S. officials and media as evidence of the other country's

    antagonism toward the United States, and as justification for

    the policies that evoked such responses.

    Yet it is difficult to demonstrate that small countries likeGrenada and Nicaragua are a threat to U.S. security. We

    remember the cry of the hawk during the Vietnam war: "If w

    don't fight the Vietcong in the jungles of Indochina, we will

    have to fight them on the beaches of California."

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    The image of the Vietnamese getting into their PT boats and

    crossing the Pacific to invade California was, as Walter

    Lippmann noted at the time, a grievous insult to the U.S.

    Navy. The image of a tiny ill-equipped Nicaraguan armydriving up through Mexico and across the Rio Grande in orde

    to lay waste to our land is equally ludicrous.

    The truth is, the Vietnamese, Cubans, Grenadians, and

    Nicaraguans have never invaded the United States; it is the

    United States that has invaded Vietnam, Cuba, Grenada, andNicaragua, and it is our government that continues to try to

    isolate, destabilize, and in other ways threaten any country th

    tries to drop out of the global capitalist system or even assert

    an economic nationalism within it.

    Remember the Red Menace

    For many decades of cold war, when all other arguments

    failed, there was always the Russian bear. According to our

    cold warriors, small leftist countries and insurgencies

    threatened our security because they were extensions of Sovi

    power. Behind the little Reds there supposedly stood the Gian

    Red Menace.

    Evidence to support this global menace thesis was sometimes

    farfetched. President Carter and National Security Advisor

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    Brezinski suddenly discovered a "Soviet combat brigade" in

    Cuba in 1979- which turned out to be a noncombat unit that

    had been there since 1962. This did not stop President Reagan

    from announcing to a joint session of Congress several years

    later: "Cuba is host to a Soviet combat brigade...."

    In 1983, in a nationally televised speech, Reagan pointed to

    satellite photos that revealed the menace of three Soviet

    helicopters in Nicaragua. Sandinista officials subsequently

    noted that the helicopters could be seen by anyone arriving at

    Managua airport and, in any case, posed no military threat tothe United States. Equally ingenious was the way Reagan

    transformed a Grenadian airport, built to accommodate direct

    tourist flights, into a killer-attack Soviet forward base, and a

    twenty-foot-deep Grenadian inlet into a potential Soviet

    submarine base.

    In 1967 Secretary of State Dean Rusk argued that U.S.

    national security was at stake in Vietnam because the

    Vietnamese were puppets of "Red China" and if China won in

    Vietnam, it would overrun all of Asia and this supposedly

    would be the beginning of the end for all of us. Later we wer

    told that the Salvadoran rebels were puppets of the Sandinistain Nicaragua who were puppets of the Cubans who were

    puppets of the Russians.

    In truth, there was no evidence that Third World peoples took

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    up arms and embarked upon costly revolutionary struggles

    because some sinister ringmaster in Moscow or Peking

    cracked the whip. Revolutions are not push-button affairs;

    rather, they evolve only if there exits a reservoir of hope and

    grievance that can be galvanized into popular action.Revolutions are made when large segments of the population

    take courage from each other and stand up to an insufferable

    social order.

    People are inclined to endure great abuses before risking thei

    lives in confrontations with vastly superior armed forces.There is no such thing as a frivolous revolution, or a

    revolution initiated and orchestrated by a manipulative cabal

    residing in a foreign capital.

    Nor is there evidence that once the revolution succeeded, the

    new leaders placed the interests of their country at the disposof Peking or Moscow. Instead of becoming the willing

    puppets of "Red China," as our policy makers predicted,

    Vietnam found itself locked in combat with its neighbor to th

    north. And, as noted earlier, almost every Third World

    revolutionary country has tried to keep its options open and

    has sought friendly diplomatic and economic relations withthe United States.

    Why then do U.S. Ieaders intervene in every region and

    almost every nation in the world, either overtly with U.S.

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    military force or covertly with surrogate mercenary forces,

    death squads, aid, bribes, manipulated media, and rigged

    elections? Is all this intervention just an outgrowth of a deepl

    conditioned anticommunist ideology? Are U.S. Ieaders

    responding to the public's longstanding phobia about the RedMenace?

    Certainly many Americans are anticommunist, but this

    sentiment does not translate into a demand for overseas

    interventionism. Quite the contrary. Opinion polls over the la

    half-century have shown repeatedly that the U.S. public is nousually supportive of com mitting U.S. forces in overseas

    engagements and prefers friendly relations with other nations

    including communist ones. Far from galvanizing our leaders

    into interventionist actions, popular opinion has been one of

    the few restraining influences.

    There is no denying, however, that opinion can sometimes be

    successfully manipulated by jingoist ventures. The invasion o

    Grenada and the slaughter perpetrated against Iraq are cases i

    point. The quick, easy, low-cost wins reaffirmed for some

    Americans the feeling that we were not weak and indecisive,

    not sitting ducks to some foreign prey.

    But even in these cases, it took an intensive and sustained

    propaganda barrage of half-truths and lies by the national

    security state and its faithful lackeys in the national media to

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    muster some public support for military actions against

    Grenada and Iraq.

    In sum, various leftist states do not pose a military threat to

    U.S. security; instead, they want to trade and live in peacewith us, and are much less abusive and more helpful toward

    their people than the reactionary regimes they replaced.

    In addition, U.S. Ieaders have shown little concern for

    freedom in the Third World and have helped subvert

    democracy in a number of nations. And popular opiniongenerally opposes interventionism by lopsided majorities.

    What then motivates U.S. policy and how can we think it is

    not confused and contradictory?

    The answer is that Marxist and other leftist or revolutionary

    states do pose a real threat, not to the United States as anational entity and not to the American people as such, but to

    the corporate and financial interests of our country, to Exxon

    and Mobil, Chase Manhattan and First National, Ford and

    General Motors, Anaconda and U.S. Steel, and to capitalism

    as a world system.

    The problem is not that revolutionaries accumulate power but

    that they use power to pursue substantive policies that are

    unacceptable to U.S. ruling circles. What bothers our politica

    leaders (and generals, investment bankers, and corporate

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    heads) is not the supposed lack of political democracy in thes

    countries but their attempts to construct economic democracy

    to depart from the impoverishing rigors of the international

    free market, to use capital and labor in a way that is inimical

    to the interests of multinational corporatism.

    A New York Times editorial (3/30183) referred to "the

    undesirable and offensive Managua regime" and the danger o

    seeing "Marxist power ensconced in Managua." But what

    specifically is so dangerous about "Marxist power ?"

    What was undesirable and offensive about the Sandinista

    government in Managua? What did it do to us? What did it do

    to its own people? Was it the literacy campaign?

    The health care and housing programs? The land reform and

    development of farm cooperatives? The attempt at rebuildingManagua, at increasing production or achieving a more

    equitable distribution of taxes, services, and food?

    In large part, yes. Such reforms, even if not openly denounced

    by our government, do make a country suspect because they

    are symptomatic of an effort to erect a new and competingeconomic order in which the prerogatives of wealth and

    corporate investment are no longer secure, and the land, labor

    and resources are no longer used primarily for the

    accumulation of corporate profits.

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    U.S. Ieaders and the corporate-owned press would have us

    believe they opposed revolutionary governments because the

    latter do not have an opposition press or have not thrown thei

    country open to Western style (and Western-financed)elections. U.S. Ieaders come closer to their true complaint

    when they condemn such governments for interfering with th

    prerogatives of the "free market."

    Similarly, Henry Kissinger came close to the truth when he

    defended the fascist overthrow of the democratic government

    in Chile by noting that when obliged to choose between savin

    the economy or saving democracy, we must save the

    economy. Had Kissinger said, we must save the capitalist

    economy, it would have been the whole truth. For under

    Allende, the danger was not that the economy was collapsing

    (although the U.S. was doing its utmost to destabilize it); the

    real threat was that the economy was moving away from free-

    market capitalism and toward a more equitable social

    democracy, albeit in limited ways.

    U.S. officials say they are for change just as long as it is

    peaceful and not violently imposed. Indeed, economic elites

    may some times tolerate very limited reforms, learning to giv

    a little in order to keep a lot. But judging from Chile,

    Guatemala, Indonesia, and a number of other places, they hav

    a low tolerance for changes, even peaceful ones, that tamper

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    with the existing class structure and threaten the prerogatives

    of corporate and landed wealth.

    To the rich and powerful it makes little difference if their

    interests are undone by a peaceful transformation rather than violent upheaval. The means concern them much less than the

    end results. It is not the "violent" in violent revolution they

    hate; it is the "revolution." (Third World elites seldom perish

    in revolutions. The worst of them usually manage to make it t

    Miami, Madrid, Paris, or New York.)

    They dread socialism the way the rest of us might dread

    poverty and hunger. So, when push comes to shove, the

    wealthy classes of Third World countries, with a great deal of

    help from the corporate-military-political elites in our country

    will use fascism to preserve capitalism while claiming they ar

    saving democracy from communism.

    A socialist Cuba or a socialist North Korea, as such, are not a

    threat to the survival of world capitalism. The danger is not

    socialism in any one country but a socialism that might spread

    to many countries. Multinational corporations, as their name

    implies, need the entire world, or a very large part of it, toexploit and to invest and expand in. There can be no such

    thing as "capitalism in one country."

    The domino theory-the view that if one country falls to the

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    revolutionaries, others will follow in quick succession-may n

    work as automatically as its more fearful proponents claim,

    but there usually is a contagion, a power of example and

    inspiration, and sometimes even direct encouragement and

    assistance from one revolution to another.

    Support the Good Guys?

    If revolutions arise from the sincere aspirations of the

    populace, then it is time the United States identify itself with

    these aspi rations, so liberal critics keep urging. They ask:"Why do we always find ourselves on the wrong side in the

    Third World? Why are we always on the side of the

    oppressor?"

    Too bad the question is treated as a rhetorical one, for it is

    deserving of a response. The answer is that right-wingoppressors, however heinous they be, do not tamper with, and

    give full support to, private investment and profit, while the

    leftists pose a challenge to that system.

    There are those who used to say that we had to learn from the

    communists, copy their techniques, and thus win the battle fothe hearts and minds of the people. Can we imagine the rulin

    interests of the United States abiding by this? The goal is not

    to copy communist reforms but to prevent them.

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    How would U.S. interventionists try to learn from and outdo

    the revolutionaries? Drive out the latifundio owners and

    sweatshop bosses? Kick out the plundering corporations and

    nationalize their holdings? Imprison the militarists and

    torturers? Redistribute the land, use capital investment forhome consumption or hard currency exchange instead of cash

    crop exports that profit a rich few?

    Install a national health insurance program and construct

    hospitals and clinics at public expense? Mobilize the

    population for literacy campaigns and for work in publiclyowned enterprises? If U.S. rulers did all this, they would have

    done more than defeat the communists and other

    revolutionaries, they would have carried out the communists'

    programs. They would have prevented revolution only by

    bringing about its effects-thereby defeating their own goals.

    U.S. policy makers say they cannot afford to pick and choose

    the governments they support, but that is exactly what they do

    And the pattern of choice is consistent through each

    successive administration regardless of the party or personalit

    in office. U.S. Ieaders support those governments, be they

    autocratic or democratic in form, that are friendly towardcapitalism and oppose those governments, be they autocratic

    or democratic, that seek to develop a noncapitalist social

    order.

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    stupidity about it. It is incorrect to say, "We have no foreign

    policy" or "We have a stupid and confused foreign policy."

    Again, it is necessary not to confuse subterfuge with stupidity

    The policy is remarkably rational. Its central organizingprinciple is to make the world safe for the multinational

    corporations and the free-market capital-accumulation system

    However, our rulers cannot ask the U.S. public to sacrifice

    their tax dollars and the lives of their sons for Exxon and

    Chase Manhattan, for the profit system as such, so they tell u

    that the interventions are for freedom and national securityand the protection of unspecified "U.S. interests."

    Whether policy makers believe their own arguments is not th

    key question. Sometimes they do, sometimes they don't.

    Sometimes presidents Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Georg

    Bush, and Bill Clinton were doing their hypocritical best whetheir voices quavered with staged compassion for this or that

    oppressed people who had to be rescued from the communist

    or terrorists with U.S. missiles and troops, and sometimes the

    were sincere, as when they spoke of their fear and loathing of

    communism and revolution and their desire to protect U.S.

    investments abroad.

    We need not ponder the question of whether our leaders are

    motivated by their class interests or by a commitment to anti-

    communist ideology, as if these two things were in

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    competition with each other instead of mutually reinforcing.

    The arguments our leaders proffer may be self-serving and

    fabricated, yet also sincerely embraced. It is a creed's

    congruity with one's material self-interest that often makes it

    so compelling.

    In any case, so much of politics is the rational use of irrationa

    symbols. The arguments in support of interventionism may

    sound and may actually be irrational and nonsensical, but the

    serve a rational purpose.

    Once we grasp the central consistency of U.S. foreign policy,

    we can move from a liberal complaint to a radical analysis,

    from criticizing the "foolishness" of our government's

    behavior to understanding why the "foolishness" is not random

    but persists over time against all contrary arguments and

    evidence, always moving in the same elitist, repressivedirection.

    With the collapse of the Soviet Union and other Eastern

    European communist governments, U.S. Ieaders now have a

    freer hand in their interventions. A number of left reformist

    governments that had relied on the Soviets for economicassistance and political protection against U.S. interference

    now have nowhere to turn. The willingness of U.S. Ieaders to

    tolerate economic deviations does not grow with their sense o

    their growing power.

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    David Grayling +6

    Quite the contrary. Now even the palest economic

    nationalism, as displayed in Iraq by Saddam Hussein over oil

    prices, invites the destructive might of the U.S. military. The

    goal now, as always, is to obliterate every trace of analternative system, to make it clear that there is no road to tak

    except that of the free market, in a world in which the many a

    home and abroad will work still harder for less so that the

    favored few will accumulate more and more wealth.

    That is the vision of the future to which most U.S. Ieaders areimplicitly dedicated. It is a vision taken from the past and

    never forgotten by them, a matter of putting the masses of

    people at home and abroad back in their place, divested of an

    aspirations for a better world because they are struggling too

    hard to survive in this one.

    by Michael Parenti - from the book Dirty Truths

    Comments (27)

    Sort by: Date Rating Last Activity

    1 week ago

    http://intensedebate.com/postRSS/98678102http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/article28423.htm#IDComment167449306http://www.addtoany.com/share_save#url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.informationclearinghouse.info%2Farticle28423.htm%23IDCommentIDComment167449306&title=Michael%20Parenti%C2%A0%C2%A0%20%3A%C2%A0%C2%A0%20Making%20the%20World%20Safe%20for%20Hypocrisy%3A%C2%A0%C2%A0%C2%A0%20Information%20Clearing%20House%3A%20ICH&description=http://dangerouscreation.com/http://%20votecomment%28167449306%2C%200%29/http://%20votecomment%28167449306%2C%201%29/http://dangerouscreation.com/
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    Manchego 0

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    Jeff +1

    There is only one thing that drives American foreign policy: what's in it

    for us?

    America is surely the most self-centered nation in the world. It does

    nothing unless there's a dollar in it or some way to gain more power or

    strategic economic and military advantage.

    America hides behind a smokescreen of idealist slogans none of which

    it believes in. It is seeking domination of the world purely for its own

    benefit. It has become the Evil Empire and, as such, must be fought by

    all means.

    My recent post Reaping Our Whirlwind!

    1 reply active 104960 weeks ago

    1 week ago

    The sins of 'Empire' may or may not initially be altruistic, but whether or

    not they start that way, they pretty soon become the simple furtherance

    of commerce in one form or another.

    Whether it be to enforce the import or export of drugs, or the use of the

    local labour as virtual slave to produce cheap commodity for expensive

    exploitation, or the extraction of hitherto unappreciated raw materials,

    that is what becomes its raison d'etre.

    And if they contain gold or diamonds or, now, oil . . . Well, it goes

    without saying. And again, now, if they permit the expansion of aterritory particularly precious in the minds of . . . Well, of whom?

    2 replies active 1 week ago

    1 week ago

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    Grandom 0

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    RICHARD_R_ROEHL +5

    It would have been helpful if Parenti had explained why the "Soviet

    Union and other Eastern European communist governments" collapsed

    like so many houses of cards. He speaks about North Korea as if was a

    socialist state that any other country would try and emulate. While much

    of what Parenti writes about the history of US counter-insurgency is

    true, it is a bit more complicated than how he makes it appear to be.

    For many foreign observers, for example, Reagan did not invade

    Grenada in 1983 because it was seen as a threat to US interests in the

    region but because he had to do something to take the minds of

    Americans off the blowing up of the US Marine barracks in Beirut and

    his beating a hasty retreat just before that.

    3 replies active 104960 weeks ago

    1 week ago

    Once we grasp the central consistency of U.S. foreign policy we will not

    be surprised at what is happening to the United States of America--the

    richest pot of workers and infrastructure to exploit in the world. They

    live off human life -- remember The Matrix?

    1 week ago

    Let me state a well known adage here. "You can fool SOME of the

    people ALL of the time... and ALL of the people SOME of the time... but

    not ALL of the people ALL of the time." Sooner (rather than later) the

    violent war mongering Amerikan 'plutocrazy' will implode. When thishappens... the capitalist/fascist ruling class in faster poo-food Amerika

    will need to bring all the troop-dupes home... to shoot and kill members

    of their own families. The foreign policy of the United $tates of

    Perpetual War Profiteering is delusional... extremely violent... and

    CRIMINALLY INSANE. It is why 9-11 happened. It is why so many

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    PAUX +1

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    fascistslovetorture +3

    Amerikans are homeless and hungry. Oh say can you see?

    2 replies active 1 week ago

    1 week ago

    He wrote"there is no ..revolution initiated and orchestrated by amanipulative cabal residing in a foreign capital", yet his discription of US

    foreign policy is exactly this. Subterfuge, repressive anti democracy

    actions for the coffers of the eletists.

    1 week ago

    "They dread socialism the way the rest of us might dread poverty andhunger. So when push comes to shove, the wealthy classes of Third

    World countries, with a great deal of help from the corporate-military-

    political elites in our country, will use fascism to preserve capitalism

    while claiming they are saving democracy from communism."

    So now it's the same here where the well-off and wealthy blindly (or

    maybe not) do use fascism to preserve their corrupt and profitable free-market heartless capitalism. Now they give us, right here at home, our

    so-called Patriot act, this time to save us from the NEW useful enemy,

    terrorism.

    They will torture and kill, help steal elections, use disgusting

    propaganda and subversion, and stack the country with militarized

    police force, privatize our public resources, destabilize our communities,and generally ruin life for most everyone. Just like Libya, Iraq,

    Philippines, Nicaraqua, etc etc etc. We are colonized, too, and

    democracy and justice and decency are sacrificed for the economy -

    THEIR economic heyday is OUR captivity.

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    Larry Carney +3

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    decision's valley -1

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    Kevin +2

    1 week ago

    Michael always offers such a sucinct analysis of the situation. If only we

    could put all the pieces together and act against what he describes so

    well.

    1 week ago

    Is it possible that rogue tribalism (my tribe is going to beat up your tribe)

    is a simple explanation for human history up to this point -- that rogue

    tribalism is simply a collective of individuals who have agreed to unite

    their individual aspirations to be king/queen of the mountain -- thatchaos will always be the result of failing to recognize the futility of trying

    to enthrone ourselves as masters of the universe -- that the potential for

    rogue tribalism exists in all human hearts -- that more rogue tribalism

    can never cure rogue tribalism?

    "And then shall appear the sign of the son of man in heaven: and then

    shall all the tribes of the earth mourn, and they shall see the son of mancoming on the clouds of heaven with power and great glory." (Matt

    24:30)

    2 replies active 1 week ago

    1 week ago

    Parenti reminds me of the late Howard Zinn in that he doesn't feel it

    necessary to use pompous language and obscure references to prove

    his point; he simply tells it as is.

    That being said, I think it needs to be stressed that countries like North

    Korea are about as "socialist" as America is "free market". If the latter is

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    described as the free exchange of goods and services, and the former

    as the people being in control of the means of production, then we have

    only seen glimpses of these theoretical systems, at least outside of

    hunter-gatherer and other "primitive" societies.

    Ironically, sincere "libertarians" and sincere "socialists" may have morein common with each other than with the liberals/conservatives with

    whom they most often identify. The problem seems to be confusion over

    the concepts of "individualism" and "community"; it is argued that each

    is antithetical to the other; only the anarchists seem to have figured out

    that community reinforces individual freedom and vice versa.

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