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Transcript of Michael Parenti _ Making the World Safe for Hypocrisy_ Information Clearing House_ ICH
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Making the World Safe for
Hypocrisy
By Michael Parenti
June 28, 2011 "Information Clearing House" --Why has
the United States government supported counterinsurgency in
Colombia, Guatemala, El Salvador, and many other places
around the world, at such a loss of human life to the
populations of those nations? Why did it invade tiny Grenada
and then Panama? Why did it support mercenary wars agains
progressive governments in Nicaragua, Mozambique, Angola
Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Indonesia, East Timor, Western Sahar
South Yemen, and elsewhere?
Is it because our leaders want to save democracy? Are they
concerned about the well-being of these defenseless peoples?
Is our national security threatened? I shall try to show that the
arguments given to justify U.S. policies are false ones.
http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.informationclearinghouse.info/http://www.addthis.com/bookmark.php?v=250&username=xa-4b75742d76f1531dhttp://www.informationclearinghouse.info/ -
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But this does not mean the policies themselves are senseless.
American intervention may seem "wrongheaded" but, in fact,
it is fairly consistent and horribly successful.
The history of the United States has been one of territorial aneconomic expansionism, with the benefits going mostly to the
U.S. business class in the form of growing investments and
markets, access to rich natural resources and cheap labor, and
the accumulation of enormous profits.
The American people have had to pay the costs of empire,supporting a huge military establishment with their taxes,
while suffering the loss of jobs, the neglect of domestic
services, and the loss of tens of thousands of American lives
overseas military ventures.
The greatest costs, of course, have been borne by the peoplesof the Third World who have endured poverty, pillage,
disease, dispossession, exploitation, illiteracy, and the
widespread destruction of their lands, cultures, and lives.
As a relative latecomer to the practice of colonialism, the
United States could not match the older European powers inthe acquisition of overseas territories. But the United States
was the earliest and most consummate practitioner of
neoimperialism or neocolonialism, the process of dominating
the politico-economic life of a nation without benefit of direc
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possession.
Almost half a century before the British thought to give a
colonized land its nominal independence, as in India-while
continuing to exploit its labor and resources, and dominate itsmarkets and trade-the United States had perfected this practic
in Cuba and elsewhere.
In places like the Philippines, Haiti, and Nicaragua, and when
dealing with Native American nations, U.S. imperialism
proved itself as brutal as the French in Indochina, the Belgianin the Congo, the Spaniards in South America, the Portuguese
in Angola, the Italians in Libya, the Germans in Southwest
Africa, and the British almost everywhere else. Not long ago,
U.S. military forces delivered a destruction upon Vietnam,
Laos, and Cambodia that surpassed anything perpetuated by
the older colonizers. And today, the U.S. counterinsurgencyapparatus and surrogate security forces in Latin America and
elsewhere sustain a system of political assassination, torture,
and repression unequaled in technological sophistication and
ruthlessness.
All this is common knowledge to progressive critics of U.Spolicy, but most Americans would be astonished to hear of it.
They have been taught that, unlike other nations, their country
has escaped the sins of empire and has been a champion of
peace and justice among nations. This enormous gap between
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what the United States does in the world and what Americans
think their nation is doing is one of the great propaganda
accomplishments of the dominant political mythology.
It should be noted, though, that despite the endless propagandbarrage emanating from official sources and the corporate-
owned major media, large sectors of the public have
throughout U.S. history displayed an anti-interventionist
sentiment, an unwillingness to commit U.S. troops to oversea
actions-a sentiment facilely labeled "isolationism" by the
interventionists.
The Rational Function of Policy Myths
Within U.S. ruling circles there are differences of opinion
regarding interventionist policy. There are conservatives who
complain that U.S. policy is plagued by weakness and lackstoughness and guts and all the other John Wayne virtues. And
there are liberals who say U.S. policy is foolish and relies too
heavily on military solutions and should be more flexible and
co-optive when protecting and advancing the interests of the
United States (with such interests usually left unspecified).
A closer look reveals that U.S. foreign policy is neither weak
nor foolish, but on the contrary is rational and remarkably
successful in reproducing the conditions for the continued
international expropriation of wealth, and that while it has
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suffered occasional setbacks, the people who run the foreign
policy establishment in Washington know what they are doin
and why they are doing it.
If the mythology they offer as justification for their policiesseems irrational, this does not mean that the policies
themselves are irrational from the standpoint of the class
interests of those who pursue such policies. This is true of
domestic myths and policies as well as those pertaining to
foreign policy.
Once we grasp this, we can see how notions and arrangement
that are harmful, wasteful, indeed, destructive of human and
social values-and irrational from a human and social
viewpoint-are not irrational for global finance capital because
the latter has no dedication to human and social values.
Capitalism has no loyalty to anything but itself, to theaccumulation of wealth. Once we understand that, we can see
the cruel rationality of the seemingly irrational myths that
Washington policy makers peddle. Some times what we see a
irrational is really the discrepancy between what the myth
wants us to believe and what is true.
But again this does not mean the interests served are stupid o
irrational, as the liberals like to complain. There is a differenc
between confusion and deception, a difference between
stupidity and subterfuge. Once we understand the underlying
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class interests of the ruling circles, we will be less mystified
by their myths.
A myth is not an idle tale or a fanciful story but a powerful
cultural force used to legitimate existing social relations. Theinterventionist mythology does just that, by emphasizing a
community of interests between interventionists in
Washington and the American people when in fact there is
none, and by blurring over the question of who pays and who
profits from U.S. global interventionism.
The mythology has been with us for so long and much of it
sufficiently internalized by the public as to be considered part
of the political culture. The interventionist mythology, like all
other cultural beliefs, does not just float about in space. It
must be mediated through a social structure. The national
media play a crucial role in making sure that no fundamentallcritical views of the rationales underlying and justifying U.S.
policy gain national exposure. A similar role is played by the
various institutes and policy centers linked to academia and, o
course, by political lead ers themselves.
Saving Democracy with Tyranny
Our leaders would have us believe we intervened in
Nicaragua, for instance, because the Sandinista government
was opposed to democracy. The U.S.-supported invasion by
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right-wing Nicaraguan mercenaries was an "effort to bring
them to elections." Putting aside the fact that the Sandinistas
had already conducted fair and open elections in 1984, we
might wonder why U.S. leaders voiced no such urgent deman
for free elections and Western-style parliamentarism duringthe fifty years that the Somoza dictatorship-installed and
supported by the United States-plundered and brutalized the
Nicaraguan nation.
Nor today does Washington show any great concern for
democracy in any of the U.S.-backed dictatorships around theworld (unless one believes that the electoral charade in a
country like El Salvador qualifies as "democracy").
If anything, successive U.S. administrations have worked har
to subvert constitutional and popularly accepted governments
that pursued policies of social reform favorable to thedowntrodden and working poor. Thus the U.S. national
security state was instrumental in the overthrow of popular
reformist leaders such as Arbenz in Guatemala, Jagan in
Guyana, Mossadegh in Iran, Bosch in the Dominican
Republic, Sukarno in Indonesia, Goulart in Brazil, and
Allende in Chile.
And let us not forget how the United States assisted the
militarists in overthrowing democratic governments in Greece
Uruguay, Bolivia, Pakistan, Thailand, and Turkey. Given this
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record, it is hard to believe that the CIA trained, armed, and
financed an expeditionary force of Somocista thugs and
mercenaries out of a newly acquired concern for Western-sty
electoral politics in Nicaragua.
In defense of the undemocratic way U.S. leaders go about
"saving democracy," our policy makers offer this kind of
sophistry: "We cannot always pick and choose our allies.
Sometimes we must support unsavory right-wing authoritaria
regimes in order to prevent the spread of far more repressive
totalitarian communist ones."
But surely, the degree of repression cannot be the criterion
guiding White House policy, for the United States has
supported some of the worst butchers in the world: Batista in
Cuba, Somoza in Nicaragua, the Shah in Iran, Salazar in
Portugal, Marcos in the Philippines, Pinochet in Chile, Zia inPakistan, Evren in Turkey, and even Pol Pot in Cambodia.
In the 1965 Indonesian coup, the military slaughtered 500,00
people, according to the Indonesian chief of security (New
York Times, 12/21/77; some estimates run twice as high), but
this did not deter U.S. leaders from assisting in that takeoveror from maintaining cozy relations with the same Jakarta
regime that subsequently perpetuated a campaign of repressio
and mass extermination in East Timor.
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U.S. leaders and the business-owned mainstream press
describe "Marxist rebels" in countries like El Salvador as
motivated by a lust for conquest. Our leaders would have us
believe that revolutionaries do not seek power in order to
eliminate hunger; they simply hunger for power. But even ifthis were true, why would that be cause for opposing them?
Washington policy makers have never been bothered by the
power appetites of the "moderate" right-wing authoritarian
executionists, torturers, and militarists.
In any case, it is not true that leftist governments are more
repressive than fascist ones. The political repression under the
Sandinistas in Nicaragua was far less than what went on unde
Somoza. The political repression in Castro's Cuba is mild
compared to the butchery perpetrated by the free-market
Batista regime. And the revolutionary government in Angolatreats its people much more gently than did the Portuguese
colonizers.
Furthermore, in a number of countries successful social
revolutionary movements have brought a net increase in
individual freedom and well-being by advancing theconditions for health and human life, by providing jobs and
education for the unemployed and illiterate, by using
economic resources for social development rather than for
corporate profit, and by overthrowing brutal reactionary
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regimes, ending foreign exploitation, and involving large
sectors of the populace in the task of rebuilding their
countries. Revolutions can extend a number of real freedoms
without destroying those freedoms that never existed under
prior reactionary regimes.
Who Threatens Whom?
Our policy makers also argue that right-wing governments, fo
all their deficiencies, are friendly toward the United States,
while communist ones are belligerent and therefore a threat toU.S. security. But, in truth, every Marxist or left-leaning
country, from a great power like the Soviet Union to a small
power like Vietnam or Nicaragua to a minipower like Grenad
under the New Jewel Movement, sought friendly diplomatic
and economic relations with the United States.
These governments did so not necessarily out of love and
affection for the United States, but because of something
firmer-their own self-interest. As they themselves admitted,
their economic development and political security would have
been much better served if they could have enjoyed good
relations with Washington.
If U.S. Ieaders justify their hostility toward leftist governmen
on the grounds that such nations are hostile toward us, what
becomes the justification when these countries try to be
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friendly? When a newly established revolutionary or
otherwise dissident regime threatens U.S. hegemonic
globalists with friendly relations, this does pose a problem.
The solution is to (1) launch a well-orchestrated campaign ofdisinformation that heaps criticism on the new government fo
imprisoning the butchers, assassins, and torturers of the old
regime and for failing to institute Western electoral party
politics; (2) denounce the new government as a threat to our
peace and security; (3) harass and destabilize it and impose
economic sanctions; and (4) attack it withcounterrevolutionary surrogate forces or, if necessary, U.S.
troops. Long before the invasion, the targeted country
responds with angry denunciations of U.S. policy.
It moves closer to other "outlawed" nations and attempts to
build up its military defenses in anticipation of a U.S.-sponsored attack. These moves are eagerly seized upon by
U.S. officials and media as evidence of the other country's
antagonism toward the United States, and as justification for
the policies that evoked such responses.
Yet it is difficult to demonstrate that small countries likeGrenada and Nicaragua are a threat to U.S. security. We
remember the cry of the hawk during the Vietnam war: "If w
don't fight the Vietcong in the jungles of Indochina, we will
have to fight them on the beaches of California."
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The image of the Vietnamese getting into their PT boats and
crossing the Pacific to invade California was, as Walter
Lippmann noted at the time, a grievous insult to the U.S.
Navy. The image of a tiny ill-equipped Nicaraguan armydriving up through Mexico and across the Rio Grande in orde
to lay waste to our land is equally ludicrous.
The truth is, the Vietnamese, Cubans, Grenadians, and
Nicaraguans have never invaded the United States; it is the
United States that has invaded Vietnam, Cuba, Grenada, andNicaragua, and it is our government that continues to try to
isolate, destabilize, and in other ways threaten any country th
tries to drop out of the global capitalist system or even assert
an economic nationalism within it.
Remember the Red Menace
For many decades of cold war, when all other arguments
failed, there was always the Russian bear. According to our
cold warriors, small leftist countries and insurgencies
threatened our security because they were extensions of Sovi
power. Behind the little Reds there supposedly stood the Gian
Red Menace.
Evidence to support this global menace thesis was sometimes
farfetched. President Carter and National Security Advisor
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Brezinski suddenly discovered a "Soviet combat brigade" in
Cuba in 1979- which turned out to be a noncombat unit that
had been there since 1962. This did not stop President Reagan
from announcing to a joint session of Congress several years
later: "Cuba is host to a Soviet combat brigade...."
In 1983, in a nationally televised speech, Reagan pointed to
satellite photos that revealed the menace of three Soviet
helicopters in Nicaragua. Sandinista officials subsequently
noted that the helicopters could be seen by anyone arriving at
Managua airport and, in any case, posed no military threat tothe United States. Equally ingenious was the way Reagan
transformed a Grenadian airport, built to accommodate direct
tourist flights, into a killer-attack Soviet forward base, and a
twenty-foot-deep Grenadian inlet into a potential Soviet
submarine base.
In 1967 Secretary of State Dean Rusk argued that U.S.
national security was at stake in Vietnam because the
Vietnamese were puppets of "Red China" and if China won in
Vietnam, it would overrun all of Asia and this supposedly
would be the beginning of the end for all of us. Later we wer
told that the Salvadoran rebels were puppets of the Sandinistain Nicaragua who were puppets of the Cubans who were
puppets of the Russians.
In truth, there was no evidence that Third World peoples took
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up arms and embarked upon costly revolutionary struggles
because some sinister ringmaster in Moscow or Peking
cracked the whip. Revolutions are not push-button affairs;
rather, they evolve only if there exits a reservoir of hope and
grievance that can be galvanized into popular action.Revolutions are made when large segments of the population
take courage from each other and stand up to an insufferable
social order.
People are inclined to endure great abuses before risking thei
lives in confrontations with vastly superior armed forces.There is no such thing as a frivolous revolution, or a
revolution initiated and orchestrated by a manipulative cabal
residing in a foreign capital.
Nor is there evidence that once the revolution succeeded, the
new leaders placed the interests of their country at the disposof Peking or Moscow. Instead of becoming the willing
puppets of "Red China," as our policy makers predicted,
Vietnam found itself locked in combat with its neighbor to th
north. And, as noted earlier, almost every Third World
revolutionary country has tried to keep its options open and
has sought friendly diplomatic and economic relations withthe United States.
Why then do U.S. Ieaders intervene in every region and
almost every nation in the world, either overtly with U.S.
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military force or covertly with surrogate mercenary forces,
death squads, aid, bribes, manipulated media, and rigged
elections? Is all this intervention just an outgrowth of a deepl
conditioned anticommunist ideology? Are U.S. Ieaders
responding to the public's longstanding phobia about the RedMenace?
Certainly many Americans are anticommunist, but this
sentiment does not translate into a demand for overseas
interventionism. Quite the contrary. Opinion polls over the la
half-century have shown repeatedly that the U.S. public is nousually supportive of com mitting U.S. forces in overseas
engagements and prefers friendly relations with other nations
including communist ones. Far from galvanizing our leaders
into interventionist actions, popular opinion has been one of
the few restraining influences.
There is no denying, however, that opinion can sometimes be
successfully manipulated by jingoist ventures. The invasion o
Grenada and the slaughter perpetrated against Iraq are cases i
point. The quick, easy, low-cost wins reaffirmed for some
Americans the feeling that we were not weak and indecisive,
not sitting ducks to some foreign prey.
But even in these cases, it took an intensive and sustained
propaganda barrage of half-truths and lies by the national
security state and its faithful lackeys in the national media to
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muster some public support for military actions against
Grenada and Iraq.
In sum, various leftist states do not pose a military threat to
U.S. security; instead, they want to trade and live in peacewith us, and are much less abusive and more helpful toward
their people than the reactionary regimes they replaced.
In addition, U.S. Ieaders have shown little concern for
freedom in the Third World and have helped subvert
democracy in a number of nations. And popular opiniongenerally opposes interventionism by lopsided majorities.
What then motivates U.S. policy and how can we think it is
not confused and contradictory?
The answer is that Marxist and other leftist or revolutionary
states do pose a real threat, not to the United States as anational entity and not to the American people as such, but to
the corporate and financial interests of our country, to Exxon
and Mobil, Chase Manhattan and First National, Ford and
General Motors, Anaconda and U.S. Steel, and to capitalism
as a world system.
The problem is not that revolutionaries accumulate power but
that they use power to pursue substantive policies that are
unacceptable to U.S. ruling circles. What bothers our politica
leaders (and generals, investment bankers, and corporate
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heads) is not the supposed lack of political democracy in thes
countries but their attempts to construct economic democracy
to depart from the impoverishing rigors of the international
free market, to use capital and labor in a way that is inimical
to the interests of multinational corporatism.
A New York Times editorial (3/30183) referred to "the
undesirable and offensive Managua regime" and the danger o
seeing "Marxist power ensconced in Managua." But what
specifically is so dangerous about "Marxist power ?"
What was undesirable and offensive about the Sandinista
government in Managua? What did it do to us? What did it do
to its own people? Was it the literacy campaign?
The health care and housing programs? The land reform and
development of farm cooperatives? The attempt at rebuildingManagua, at increasing production or achieving a more
equitable distribution of taxes, services, and food?
In large part, yes. Such reforms, even if not openly denounced
by our government, do make a country suspect because they
are symptomatic of an effort to erect a new and competingeconomic order in which the prerogatives of wealth and
corporate investment are no longer secure, and the land, labor
and resources are no longer used primarily for the
accumulation of corporate profits.
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U.S. Ieaders and the corporate-owned press would have us
believe they opposed revolutionary governments because the
latter do not have an opposition press or have not thrown thei
country open to Western style (and Western-financed)elections. U.S. Ieaders come closer to their true complaint
when they condemn such governments for interfering with th
prerogatives of the "free market."
Similarly, Henry Kissinger came close to the truth when he
defended the fascist overthrow of the democratic government
in Chile by noting that when obliged to choose between savin
the economy or saving democracy, we must save the
economy. Had Kissinger said, we must save the capitalist
economy, it would have been the whole truth. For under
Allende, the danger was not that the economy was collapsing
(although the U.S. was doing its utmost to destabilize it); the
real threat was that the economy was moving away from free-
market capitalism and toward a more equitable social
democracy, albeit in limited ways.
U.S. officials say they are for change just as long as it is
peaceful and not violently imposed. Indeed, economic elites
may some times tolerate very limited reforms, learning to giv
a little in order to keep a lot. But judging from Chile,
Guatemala, Indonesia, and a number of other places, they hav
a low tolerance for changes, even peaceful ones, that tamper
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with the existing class structure and threaten the prerogatives
of corporate and landed wealth.
To the rich and powerful it makes little difference if their
interests are undone by a peaceful transformation rather than violent upheaval. The means concern them much less than the
end results. It is not the "violent" in violent revolution they
hate; it is the "revolution." (Third World elites seldom perish
in revolutions. The worst of them usually manage to make it t
Miami, Madrid, Paris, or New York.)
They dread socialism the way the rest of us might dread
poverty and hunger. So, when push comes to shove, the
wealthy classes of Third World countries, with a great deal of
help from the corporate-military-political elites in our country
will use fascism to preserve capitalism while claiming they ar
saving democracy from communism.
A socialist Cuba or a socialist North Korea, as such, are not a
threat to the survival of world capitalism. The danger is not
socialism in any one country but a socialism that might spread
to many countries. Multinational corporations, as their name
implies, need the entire world, or a very large part of it, toexploit and to invest and expand in. There can be no such
thing as "capitalism in one country."
The domino theory-the view that if one country falls to the
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revolutionaries, others will follow in quick succession-may n
work as automatically as its more fearful proponents claim,
but there usually is a contagion, a power of example and
inspiration, and sometimes even direct encouragement and
assistance from one revolution to another.
Support the Good Guys?
If revolutions arise from the sincere aspirations of the
populace, then it is time the United States identify itself with
these aspi rations, so liberal critics keep urging. They ask:"Why do we always find ourselves on the wrong side in the
Third World? Why are we always on the side of the
oppressor?"
Too bad the question is treated as a rhetorical one, for it is
deserving of a response. The answer is that right-wingoppressors, however heinous they be, do not tamper with, and
give full support to, private investment and profit, while the
leftists pose a challenge to that system.
There are those who used to say that we had to learn from the
communists, copy their techniques, and thus win the battle fothe hearts and minds of the people. Can we imagine the rulin
interests of the United States abiding by this? The goal is not
to copy communist reforms but to prevent them.
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How would U.S. interventionists try to learn from and outdo
the revolutionaries? Drive out the latifundio owners and
sweatshop bosses? Kick out the plundering corporations and
nationalize their holdings? Imprison the militarists and
torturers? Redistribute the land, use capital investment forhome consumption or hard currency exchange instead of cash
crop exports that profit a rich few?
Install a national health insurance program and construct
hospitals and clinics at public expense? Mobilize the
population for literacy campaigns and for work in publiclyowned enterprises? If U.S. rulers did all this, they would have
done more than defeat the communists and other
revolutionaries, they would have carried out the communists'
programs. They would have prevented revolution only by
bringing about its effects-thereby defeating their own goals.
U.S. policy makers say they cannot afford to pick and choose
the governments they support, but that is exactly what they do
And the pattern of choice is consistent through each
successive administration regardless of the party or personalit
in office. U.S. Ieaders support those governments, be they
autocratic or democratic in form, that are friendly towardcapitalism and oppose those governments, be they autocratic
or democratic, that seek to develop a noncapitalist social
order.
-
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stupidity about it. It is incorrect to say, "We have no foreign
policy" or "We have a stupid and confused foreign policy."
Again, it is necessary not to confuse subterfuge with stupidity
The policy is remarkably rational. Its central organizingprinciple is to make the world safe for the multinational
corporations and the free-market capital-accumulation system
However, our rulers cannot ask the U.S. public to sacrifice
their tax dollars and the lives of their sons for Exxon and
Chase Manhattan, for the profit system as such, so they tell u
that the interventions are for freedom and national securityand the protection of unspecified "U.S. interests."
Whether policy makers believe their own arguments is not th
key question. Sometimes they do, sometimes they don't.
Sometimes presidents Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, Georg
Bush, and Bill Clinton were doing their hypocritical best whetheir voices quavered with staged compassion for this or that
oppressed people who had to be rescued from the communist
or terrorists with U.S. missiles and troops, and sometimes the
were sincere, as when they spoke of their fear and loathing of
communism and revolution and their desire to protect U.S.
investments abroad.
We need not ponder the question of whether our leaders are
motivated by their class interests or by a commitment to anti-
communist ideology, as if these two things were in
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competition with each other instead of mutually reinforcing.
The arguments our leaders proffer may be self-serving and
fabricated, yet also sincerely embraced. It is a creed's
congruity with one's material self-interest that often makes it
so compelling.
In any case, so much of politics is the rational use of irrationa
symbols. The arguments in support of interventionism may
sound and may actually be irrational and nonsensical, but the
serve a rational purpose.
Once we grasp the central consistency of U.S. foreign policy,
we can move from a liberal complaint to a radical analysis,
from criticizing the "foolishness" of our government's
behavior to understanding why the "foolishness" is not random
but persists over time against all contrary arguments and
evidence, always moving in the same elitist, repressivedirection.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union and other Eastern
European communist governments, U.S. Ieaders now have a
freer hand in their interventions. A number of left reformist
governments that had relied on the Soviets for economicassistance and political protection against U.S. interference
now have nowhere to turn. The willingness of U.S. Ieaders to
tolerate economic deviations does not grow with their sense o
their growing power.
-
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Login
David Grayling +6
Quite the contrary. Now even the palest economic
nationalism, as displayed in Iraq by Saddam Hussein over oil
prices, invites the destructive might of the U.S. military. The
goal now, as always, is to obliterate every trace of analternative system, to make it clear that there is no road to tak
except that of the free market, in a world in which the many a
home and abroad will work still harder for less so that the
favored few will accumulate more and more wealth.
That is the vision of the future to which most U.S. Ieaders areimplicitly dedicated. It is a vision taken from the past and
never forgotten by them, a matter of putting the masses of
people at home and abroad back in their place, divested of an
aspirations for a better world because they are struggling too
hard to survive in this one.
by Michael Parenti - from the book Dirty Truths
Comments (27)
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1 week ago
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Manchego 0
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Jeff +1
There is only one thing that drives American foreign policy: what's in it
for us?
America is surely the most self-centered nation in the world. It does
nothing unless there's a dollar in it or some way to gain more power or
strategic economic and military advantage.
America hides behind a smokescreen of idealist slogans none of which
it believes in. It is seeking domination of the world purely for its own
benefit. It has become the Evil Empire and, as such, must be fought by
all means.
My recent post Reaping Our Whirlwind!
1 reply active 104960 weeks ago
1 week ago
The sins of 'Empire' may or may not initially be altruistic, but whether or
not they start that way, they pretty soon become the simple furtherance
of commerce in one form or another.
Whether it be to enforce the import or export of drugs, or the use of the
local labour as virtual slave to produce cheap commodity for expensive
exploitation, or the extraction of hitherto unappreciated raw materials,
that is what becomes its raison d'etre.
And if they contain gold or diamonds or, now, oil . . . Well, it goes
without saying. And again, now, if they permit the expansion of aterritory particularly precious in the minds of . . . Well, of whom?
2 replies active 1 week ago
1 week ago
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Grandom 0
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RICHARD_R_ROEHL +5
It would have been helpful if Parenti had explained why the "Soviet
Union and other Eastern European communist governments" collapsed
like so many houses of cards. He speaks about North Korea as if was a
socialist state that any other country would try and emulate. While much
of what Parenti writes about the history of US counter-insurgency is
true, it is a bit more complicated than how he makes it appear to be.
For many foreign observers, for example, Reagan did not invade
Grenada in 1983 because it was seen as a threat to US interests in the
region but because he had to do something to take the minds of
Americans off the blowing up of the US Marine barracks in Beirut and
his beating a hasty retreat just before that.
3 replies active 104960 weeks ago
1 week ago
Once we grasp the central consistency of U.S. foreign policy we will not
be surprised at what is happening to the United States of America--the
richest pot of workers and infrastructure to exploit in the world. They
live off human life -- remember The Matrix?
1 week ago
Let me state a well known adage here. "You can fool SOME of the
people ALL of the time... and ALL of the people SOME of the time... but
not ALL of the people ALL of the time." Sooner (rather than later) the
violent war mongering Amerikan 'plutocrazy' will implode. When thishappens... the capitalist/fascist ruling class in faster poo-food Amerika
will need to bring all the troop-dupes home... to shoot and kill members
of their own families. The foreign policy of the United $tates of
Perpetual War Profiteering is delusional... extremely violent... and
CRIMINALLY INSANE. It is why 9-11 happened. It is why so many
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PAUX +1
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fascistslovetorture +3
Amerikans are homeless and hungry. Oh say can you see?
2 replies active 1 week ago
1 week ago
He wrote"there is no ..revolution initiated and orchestrated by amanipulative cabal residing in a foreign capital", yet his discription of US
foreign policy is exactly this. Subterfuge, repressive anti democracy
actions for the coffers of the eletists.
1 week ago
"They dread socialism the way the rest of us might dread poverty andhunger. So when push comes to shove, the wealthy classes of Third
World countries, with a great deal of help from the corporate-military-
political elites in our country, will use fascism to preserve capitalism
while claiming they are saving democracy from communism."
So now it's the same here where the well-off and wealthy blindly (or
maybe not) do use fascism to preserve their corrupt and profitable free-market heartless capitalism. Now they give us, right here at home, our
so-called Patriot act, this time to save us from the NEW useful enemy,
terrorism.
They will torture and kill, help steal elections, use disgusting
propaganda and subversion, and stack the country with militarized
police force, privatize our public resources, destabilize our communities,and generally ruin life for most everyone. Just like Libya, Iraq,
Philippines, Nicaraqua, etc etc etc. We are colonized, too, and
democracy and justice and decency are sacrificed for the economy -
THEIR economic heyday is OUR captivity.
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Larry Carney +3
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decision's valley -1
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Kevin +2
1 week ago
Michael always offers such a sucinct analysis of the situation. If only we
could put all the pieces together and act against what he describes so
well.
1 week ago
Is it possible that rogue tribalism (my tribe is going to beat up your tribe)
is a simple explanation for human history up to this point -- that rogue
tribalism is simply a collective of individuals who have agreed to unite
their individual aspirations to be king/queen of the mountain -- thatchaos will always be the result of failing to recognize the futility of trying
to enthrone ourselves as masters of the universe -- that the potential for
rogue tribalism exists in all human hearts -- that more rogue tribalism
can never cure rogue tribalism?
"And then shall appear the sign of the son of man in heaven: and then
shall all the tribes of the earth mourn, and they shall see the son of mancoming on the clouds of heaven with power and great glory." (Matt
24:30)
2 replies active 1 week ago
1 week ago
Parenti reminds me of the late Howard Zinn in that he doesn't feel it
necessary to use pompous language and obscure references to prove
his point; he simply tells it as is.
That being said, I think it needs to be stressed that countries like North
Korea are about as "socialist" as America is "free market". If the latter is
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described as the free exchange of goods and services, and the former
as the people being in control of the means of production, then we have
only seen glimpses of these theoretical systems, at least outside of
hunter-gatherer and other "primitive" societies.
Ironically, sincere "libertarians" and sincere "socialists" may have morein common with each other than with the liberals/conservatives with
whom they most often identify. The problem seems to be confusion over
the concepts of "individualism" and "community"; it is argued that each
is antithetical to the other; only the anarchists seem to have figured out
that community reinforces individual freedom and vice versa.
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