DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 063 209 SO 002 971

TITLE Government and Political Science. A ResourcuGuide.

INSTITUTION Texas Education Agency, Austin. Div. of ProgramDevelopment.

PUB DATE 70NOTE 23p.

EDPS PRICE MF-$0.65 HC-$3.29DESCRIPTORS *American Government (Course); Bibliographies;

*Civics; *Political Science; *PoliticalSocialization; Resource Guides; Secondary Grades

IDENT IFIERS Texas

ABSTRACTThis resource guide was prepared .to provide

government and political science teachers with information on recenttrends and developments in political science, sources of classroommaterials, and a listing of professional references. It is hoped thatthe guide will be helpf ul to social studies supervisors, librarians,political science educators and teacher education specialists. Theguide includes: 1) a reprint of an article by John Patrick,"Implications of Political Socialization Research for the Reform ofCivic Education", and comments by Robert E. Cleary; 2) references topolitical science readings for the professional; 3) a directory ofrelevant prcfessional organizations; 4) a briefly annotated list ofpaperback reading sets available for instructional purposes; and, 5)a listing of taped student materials. (Author/JLB)

".", DOVE M.and

POLITICAL ECILLI

A Resource Guide44

. .

COMPLIANCE WITH TITLE VI CIVIL RIGHTS ACT OF 1964

Reviews of the local educational agency pertaining to compliancewith Title VI, Civil Rights Act of 1964, will be conducted period-ically by staff reprecentatives of the Texas Education Agency.These reviews will cover at least the following policies andpracti ces:

1. Enrollment and assignment of students without discrimint-tion on the ground of race, color, or national origin.

2. Assignment of teachers and other staff without discrimina-tion Ca the !Found of race, color, or national origin.

3. Non-disctiminatory uee of facilities.

4. Public notice given by the local educational agency toparticipants and other citizens of the non-discriminatorypolicies and practices in effect by the local Agency.

In addition to conducting reviews, Texas Education Agency staffrepresentatives will check complaints of non-compliance made bycitizens and will report their findings to.the Uni te d State sCommissioner of Education.

..

RESOURCE GUIDE

U.S. DEPARTMENT OF HEALTH.EDUCATION & WE LFA REOFFICE OF EDUCATION

THIS DOCUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO.DUCED EXACTLY AS RECEIVED FROMTHE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIG-INATING IT. POINTS OF VIEW OR OPIN-IONS STATED DO NOT NECESSARILYREPRESENT OFFICIAL

OFFICE OF EDU-CATION POSITION OR POLICY.

The resource guide has been prepared to provide government teacherswith information on recent trends and developments in politicalscience, sources of classroom materials for government classes, anda listing of professional references in political science. It ishoped that this guide will be helpfui to social studies supervisors,librarians, political science educators and teacher education special-ists interested in the instruction of government courses in the Texasschools.

MATERIALS PAGE

IMPLICATIONS OF POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION RESEARCHFOR THE REFORM OF CIVIC EDUCATION (Reprint) 1

POLITICAL SCIENCE READINGS 11

PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS FOR GOVERNMENT ANDPOLITICAL SCIENCE TEACHERS 13

SOME SETS OF PAPERBACK READINGS RELATED TOGOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL SCIENCE 14

TAPED PROGRAMS FOR GOVERNMENT 16

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Implications of Political Socialization Researchfor the Reform of Civic Education

JOHN J. PATRICK, a member of the staQ of the High SchoolCurriculum Center in Government, Indiana University,believes that "central to the improvement of political so-cialization strategies of American schools should be a revi-sion.of current civics and government courses to bring theminto line with current scholarship in the social and behav-ioral sciences." Ilis article is based on an address deliveredat the 1968 annual meeting of the American Political Sci-ence Association, Washington-Hilton Hotel, Washington,D.C. September 7, spa.

RESEARCH about political socialization practicesin American schools, the contcnt of courses, and

the development of student political values and atti-tudes suggests several implications for the reform ofcivic education.' These implications for curriculumand instructional reform can be considered in terms ofthe following topics: (a) impact of formal instructionupon political learning; (b) lack of articulation be-tween course contcnt and student political values, atti-tudes, and beliefs; (c) political disabilities of the lowerclasses; (d) over-emphasis upon conformity in schools;(e) cosmopolitanism and political orientation; and(f) the.development of political sophistication.

'Lewis Froman, Jr. defines political socialization as "thelearning of politically relevant social patterns corresponding tosocietal positions as mediated through various agencies of so-ciety." Fred I. Greenstein says that political socialization is "allpolitical learning, formal and informal, deliberate and un-planned, at every stage of thc life cycle..." Sec: Lewis A. Fro-man, Jr., "Personality and Political Socialization," Journal ofPolitics 23:342, IA; and Fred I. Greenstein. "Political 'Social-ization," International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, NewYork: Crowell-Collier Publishing Co.. 3965.

by JOHN J. P ATRICK

The Impact of Formal InstructionUpon Political Learning

According to many curriculum guides, teachcr'sguides, and prefaccs in textbooks the following out-comes are among the more important objectives of in-struction in civic education: to increase politicalknowledge and sophistication, to increase political in-tercst, to increase one's sense of political efficacy, to in-crease desire to participate in politics, to increltse civictolerance, and to decrease political cynicism. Whilenot conclusive, several research studies have indicatedthat formal instructional programs in civic educationhave little or no impact upon political attitudes andvalues, that students are not moved very far toward at-tainnzent of the previously stated common objectivesof instruction. Furthermore, high school civics andgovernment courses appear to contribute only slightlyto increased political knowledge and sophistication.These conclusions about the Impact of formal highschool instruction in civics and government, even ifhighly tentative, are shocking and devastating to edu-cators who have long made inflated claims about theworth of civic education curricula.

The most important study about the impact of for-mal instruction in civics upon student political val-ues, attitudes, and beliefs was done recently byKenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings.2 They re-ported that the civic education curricula of American

'Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings, "Political So-cialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the UnitedStates," Ann Arbor, Michigan: The University of Michigan,May, 1967. (Unpublished paper.)

Reprinted by Texas Education Agency with permission of National Council for

the Social Studies, from SOCIAL EDUCATION, Volume XXXIII, No. 1, January, 1969.

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schools aPpear to have little or no influence uponthe political values, attitudes, and beliefs of mosthigh school students. They measured the impact of

civic education in terms of typical objectives of in-struction, such as increasing student political inter-est, sense of political efficacy, civic tolerance, and de-sire to participate in politics. Using a national Fob-ability sample of 1,66g twelfth-grade students from1)7 secondary schools, Langton and Jennings com-eared students who had taken courses in civics and/orgovernment with students who had not taken thesecourses. Langton and Jennings found that the impactof the curriculum was very slight. Students who hadtaken one or more courses in civics and/or govern-ment. tended to show only slightly more politicalinterest, sense of political efficacy, civic tolerance,and desire to participate in politics than those whohad not taken these courses. "Thus, the claims madefor the importance of the civic education courses inthe senior high school ine indicated if one only con-siders the direction of the results. However, it is per-fectly obvious from the size of the correlations thatthe magnitude of the relationship is extremely weak,in most cases bordering on the trivial."3

Langton and Jennings noted one important excep-tion to their generalization that civic educationcourses in American secondary schools have little orno impact upon the political values, attitudes, and be-liefs of most students. When Negro youth in theirsample were isolated and compared to white youth,Langton and Jennings found that secondary schoolcivic education had a greater impact upon Negroesthan whites. After exposure to civics courses, Negroesindicated significantly increased political knowledge,political toleration, sense of political efficacy, and de-sire to participate in politics. However, most of theseNegro students still lagged far behind most whitestuAents in political knowledge, toleration, sense ofpolitical efficacy, and desire to participate in politics.These findings suggest that the political ability gapbetween Negroes and whites would be even greaterthan it is iiithout the influence of the Civics cnr.riculum.4

Langton and Jennings have offered a "theory ofredundancy" to explain the lack of impact of secon-dary school civic education upon white students ascompared to Negro students.

Thc clear inference as to why Negro students' responses

'Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings, "Political So-dalization and the High School Civics Curriculum in theUnited States," p. ts.

4/ba, pp. 1512. 5

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are improved by taking the courses is that new informa-tion is being added where relatively less existed before.White students enrolled in the courses appear to receivenothing beyond that to which their non-enrolled cohortsare being exposed. This, coupled with thc great leadwhich whitcs, in general, already have over Negro stu-dents, makes for greater redundancy among whites thanNegroes.5

Thus, most culturally disadvantaged Negro stu-dents find some new political information and in-sights in their civics and government courses. By con-trast, most white students find that their civics andgovernment courses offer much information that al-ready has been presented to them either through aprevious social studies course or through some out-of-school experience.

Several other studies indicate little or no associa-tion between formal instruction and the develop-ment of political attitudes, values, and beliefs. RoyE. Horton, Jr. reports that formal courses in civicshave no effect in shaping favorable attitudes towardthe Bill of Rights." At the college level, MarvinSchick and Albert Somit investigated the assumptionthat greater knowledge of politics leads to greater po-litical interest and participation. They concludedthat greater knowledge of subject matter leads nei-ther to a greater student interest in politics nor togreater strident political participation.?

On the basis of a quasi-experimental study of theimpact of course content on student attitudes, EdgarLitt reports that civic education in Boston area highschools appears to influence students towards en-dorsement of the "democratic creeds' and away from"chauvinism."8 However, these students Ivere not in-fluenced in the direction of greater political interestor participation. Litt attributed a great deal of theimpact of formal echication upon students in hisstudy to community influences that he analyzed. Heconcluded that "without some degree of reinforce-ment from ... the political environment, the schoolsystem's effort at political indoctrination also fails."

In the absence of evidence that indicates a strongdirect relationship between formal instruction aboutpolitics and the formation of political values, atti-

5 AU, p. 18.°Roy E. Horton, Jr., "Amelican Frccdom and the Values of

Youth," in Ant i-Dcmocratic A 11 it udes in A merican Schools,H. H. Remmers, editor. Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern Press,1963, pp. 18-6o.

*Marvin Schick and Albert Somit, "The Failure to TeachPolitical Activity." A merican Behavioral Scientist 6:5-8, 1963.

'Edgar Litt, "Civic Education, Community Norms, and Polit-ical Indoctrination," A tnerkan Sociological Review 28:69-75,3963.

p. 107.

tudek and beliefs, most social scientists have acceptedthe hypothesis that any influence that the school

.might have upon political socialization emanatesmainly from its prevailing climate of opinion and ed-ucational atmosphere rather than from its programof formal studies. This conclusion does not necessar-ily mean that formal political education programs insecondary schools can only reinforce values, attitudes,and beliefs instilled by other agents of political so-cialization. The lack of impact that formal politicalinstruction appears to have had upon the formationof political values, attitudes, and beliefs could derivemainly from inadequate methods of teaching } nd in-appropriate course con ten t.

Langton and Jennings, on the basis of their "re-dundancy theory," have concluded that a radicallyreconstructed civic education program might have agreater impact upon student values, attitudes, andbeliefs.

If the educational system continues to invest sizeable re-sources in government at the secondary levelas seemsmost probablethere must be a radical restructuring ofthese courses in order for them to have any appreciablepay-off. Changes in goals, course content, pedagogicalmethods, timing of exposure, teacher training, andschool environmental factors arc all points of leverage.Until such changes come about, one must continue toexpect liulc contribution from the formal civics curricu-lum in the political socialization of American pre-adults.10

Several important questions about curriculum de-velopment and instruction in civic education areraised by the finding that formal instruction has lit-tle or no impact upon student political values, atti-tudes, and beliefs. Can persistent emphasis upon en-gaging the learner in inquiry about politics lead in-dividuals to alter their political orientations? Wouldreorganizing civics and government courses aroundthe concepts of the behavioral and social sciencesmake civic education programs less redundant, morestimulating, and more likely to have an bn pact uponthe political values, attitudes, and beliefs of students?Would formal instruction about political culture andpolitical socialization that led to student understand-ing of their significance and possible consequencesenable individuals to feel more politically efficaciousand to be somewhat morc free and flexible in theirpolitital choices?

Kenneth P. Langton and M. Kent Jennings, "Political Soc.ialization and the High School Civics Curriculum in the UnitedStates," p. 36.

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Lack of Articulation between Course Contentand Student Political Values, Attitudes, and Beliefs

Another main implicatiowof political socializationresearch for civic education concerns the positivetone of young peoples' attitudes about the politicalsystem. Numerous studies of the political socializa-tion process in American society have documentedthe conclusion that American youth, prior to enter-ing high school, have thoroughly developed, positive,supportive auitudes towards the American politicalsystem. Contrary to sensationalized reports about aminority of our youth in the mass media, the typical'American fourteen-year-old is a loyal citizen who ac-cepts the authority of government as legitimate andjust. These positive, supportive feelings emerge at anearly age; they arc well developed among fourth-grade children. American elementary school childrenrevere the role of President, feel that political leadersgenerally are benevolent, accept the authority of gov-ernment, and venerate patriotic symbols."

As they approach adolescence, children begin aslow process of political "de-idealization." Seventhand eighth-graders recognize that the President is notalways wise, benevolent, and just; that he snakes er-rors; that he is not necessarily benign and warm-hearted. Children grow to differentiate between thePresidential institution and the personal attributes ofthe incumbent. This allows for criticism of the Presi-dent without diminishing basic allegiance to govern-ment and country. An appreciation develops for thedemands of the Presidential role and for politicalexpediency.1 2

However, it is important to stress that despite ob-vious "de-idealization" and increased sophisticationabout political matters, most American adolescentsretain a generally positive image of government; andlike a vast majority of American adults, most Ameri-can adolescents seldom, if ever, impugn the basic fea-tures of their political order. Like a vast majority ofAmerican adults, most American adolescents are notpolitical radicals.

"David Easton and Robcrt D. Iless, "The Child's PoliticalWorld." David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Image ofGovernment," The Annals of the American Academy of Politicaland Social Science 361:40-57, 1965. Fred I. Greenstein, Childrenand Politics, Ncw Haven: Yale University Prcss, 1965. Robcrt D.Hess and Judith V. Tosney, The Development of Political Atti-tudes in Children.

"Fled I. Greenstein, Children and Politics. Roberta S. Sigel,"Political Socialization: Some Reactions on Currcnt Approachesand Conceptualizations." Delivered at the annual meeting ofthe American Political Science Association, i966. (Unpublishedpaper.)

-at

Given the positive, supportive tone of student po-litical feelings, is it inefficient of time and effort tocontinue stressing inculcation of loyalty toward thepolitical system in our high school civics and govern-ment courses? Our textbooks remain filled with piouspolitical precepts; and considerable time and effort isdevoted to the prescription of the political values, at-titudes, and beliefs every patriotic American shouldhold. Are these political prescriptions inappropriateand ineffective bccause they are redundant and un-necessary? Textbook writcrs and teachers often shieldstudents from sordid political reelities, from contro-versial topics, because thcy fear to breed cynicism orto.undermine loyalty to our nation. Do thc researchfindings about thc staunch basic political loyalties ofAmerican youth indicate that teachers need not omitor gloss over controversial subjects on thc groundsthat this censorship protects students from sordidrealities that could weaken their positive, supportivepolitical orientations? Would inquiry into the inte-grative and systcms maintenance functions of patrio-tism and political loyalty in a political system be amore efficient and effective approach to the study ofpatriotism and loyalty? Would student political loy-alties be magnified if they refined their knowledge ofpatriotism and loyally by investigating the sources ofpolitical norms, the relationship between norms andbehavior, and the consequences of acting in terms ofor contrary to various political norms? Should a civiceducation program attempt to build upon the politi-cal values, attitudes, and beliefs that students havedeveloped prior to entering thc program, to use stn.dent values, attitudes, and beliefs as "springboards"for inquhy?

Political Disabilities of the Lower Classes

Another educational problem indicated by politi-cal socialization research relates to the widespreadpolitical apathy, alienation, and authoritarianism oflower and working-class people. Unlike their age-mates who enjoy higher socio-economic status, lowstatus children have much less feeling for certainbasic American political ide:tls. Lower-status childrenhave less of a sense of political efficacy, less politicalinterest, less political tolerance, and less politicalsophiitication than middle- and upper-class youth.Lower-class children have a propcnsity to defer toauthority symbols. They tcnd to believe that theycannot influence political decisions, to feel incompe-tent to assume leadership roles, to accept unthink-ingly the domination of others, and to feel inade-

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quate to cope with social forces that appcaroverwhelming.ls

A striking association between low socio-economicstatus and negative political attitudes is revealed in arecent study by Jaros, Hirsch, and Fleron of de-prived, socially isolated rural children, grades fivethrough twelve, in Eastern Kentucky. Compared tomost young people in thc United States, thesc chil-dren of Appalachia hold much less favorable atti-tudes toward their political leaders and political sys-tem. The Appalachian children wcrc generally dis-trustful of political authority, disrespectfid of thePresidential role, and disinterested in political af-fairs. They expressed a very low scnse of political ef-ficacy. These negative political attitudes appear todevelop early and are static through the child'sdevelopment.14

The school often contributes to the political disa-bilities of lower-class youth. Curriculum content ex-perienced by the lower-status child is often geared to-ward thc simple and direct indoctrination of theclichés of Americanism and the prescription of ideal-istic virtues as viewed from middle-class perspectives.Political education programs are devoid of informa-tion about the realities of government functions orpolitical behavior and are scarcely relevant to theneeds of underprivileged youth. Lower-status chil-dren are not given an understanding of how the po-litical system can help them to achiexe desired socialand economic objectives. Usually the educational cli-mate is authoritarian in schools with predominatelylower-status children. Such children are not encour-aged to express readily or freely their own opinions,to participate in decision-making activities, to assumeimportant responsibilities at school, or to think criti-cally or divergently. Furthermore, school authoritiestend to discriminate against lower-class childrenwhen dispensing punishments and rewards.

Kenneth Langton has suggested that altering theschool environment of thc lower-class child may helpto overcome typical political disabilities. Langtonstudied the political attitudes of lower-status stu-

" Fred I Greenstein, Children and Politics, pp. 94-136. DavidEaston and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of RegimeNorms," p. 35. Roy E. Horton, Jr., "Amerkan Freedom and theValues of Youth," pp. 56.58. Samuel A. Stouffer, Communism,Conformity, and Civil Liberties, Garden City, New YOrk:Doubleday and Company, Inc., 1955, p. 139. Herbert H. Hyman.Political Socialization, p. 35.

"Dean Jaros, Herbert Hirsch, and Frederic J. Fieron, Jr.,"The Malevolent Leader Political Socialization in an AmericanSub.Culture," The American Political Science Review 62:564-574, 1968.

dents in homogeneous working-class schools and inheterogeneous schools. He reports that homogeneousworking-class schools tend to reinforce lack of politi-cal efficacy, low political interest, and political intol-erance. By contrast, working-class students in hetero-geneous schools tend to express higher levels of polit-ical efficacy, political interest, and political tolera-tion. Exposure to a school environment dominatedby higher class norms appears to influence resociali-zation in the direction of higher class political

'. norms."Can the schools help to overcome the politically de-

bilitating effects of family and neighborhood lifeamong laver. socio-econornic status individualstbrough heterogeneous grouping of students acrosssocio-economic status levels? Can the schools boostthe political cornpetencies of lower-status youththrough changing school environments to includemore opportunities for student assumption of rightsand responsibilities? Can a reconstructed civic educa-tion curriculum, emphasizing the realities of the po-litical process and the acquisition of political skills,contribute to the development of positive politicalattitudes among lower-class youth?

Emphasis Upon Conformity In Schools

. Political socia/ization research indicates thc pro-clivity of our schools to approach thc task of politicalsocialization in a one-sided manner, especially inschools serving mainly lower and working class chil-dren. For example, Hess and Torney reported thatpublic school elementary teachers whom they studiedtended to focus upon thc importance of authority,obedience to law, and conformity to school regula-tions and to disrcgard the importance of active dem-ocratic participation. This concern was characteristicof teachers from grades one through eight. Tcachersstressed political duties and underemphasized thcrights and powers of citizens. Hcss and Torncy con-cluded that the consequences of teacher preoccupa-tion with authority and conformity were inimical todemocratic objectives of instruction.16

Certain consequences may flow from overemphasisupon conformity that are inconsistcnt with many ofthc professed objectives of American public schoolsand with certain democratic ideals. For example, over-emphasis upon conformity appears to be associatedwith authoritarian school atmospheres where docile

13 Kenneth P. Langton, "Peer Groups and School and thePolitical Socialization Process," American Political Science Re-view 61:751-758, 1967.

"Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, The Development, of Political Attitudes in Children.

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children are prized above active, deeply probingthinkers; where strict adherence to authoritative pro-nouncemmts takes precedence over student inquiryinto pressing sociopolitical conccrns; where strictobedience to rules is stressed to the exclusion of in-quiry into the need for rules. Does this overemphasison conformity contribute to some unanticipated andundesired consequences for adult political behavior,such as alienation or cynicism, apathy, and intoler-ance?

Cosmopolitanism and Political Orientation

The relationship between an individual's degreeof cosmopolitanism and his political orientation sug-gests somc changes in social studies education.Cosmopolitanism appears to be associated with politi-cal toleration and political sophistication. Jenningsreports that twelfth-grade students who reveal a cos-mopolitan political orientation tend to be more in-terested in and informed about both specific inter-national affairs and public affairs generally than stu-dents who indicate a more provincial political orien-tation.n Also, students who show a cosmopolitan poli-tical orientation arc inclined to tolerate internationalpolitical diversity. Less cosmopolitan students.are lessopen-minded, and provincial studcnts show a pro-pcnsity for chauvinism.18 Jennings' cosmopolitan stu-dents arc not as open-minded about domestic, deviantpolitical and social behavior as they arc about alienpolitical systems. Only a moderate relationship existsbetween a cosmopolitan political orientation and ageneral tolerance of non-conforming social and polit-ical behavior.10 Research with adult subjects alsoshows that internationally minded persons are morclikely to be active in politics, informed about poli-tics, and to have a higher sense of political efficacythan do isolationists.20

Does this relationship between cosmopolitanismand political toleration, political sophistication, po-litical participation, and sense of political efficacymean that we should devote more effort in school toincreasing the cosmopolitanism of our students? Doesthis relationship imply that we should increase theamount of content about non-Western areas in oursocial studies curricula?

"M. Kent Jennhigs, "Pre-Adult Orientations to MultipleSystems of Government." Prepared for the Midwest Conferenceof Political Scientists, April 6, 1966, p. 25. (Unpublished paper)

Oid., pp. 34-35."Ibid., p. 36.'Angus Campbell, I'. E. Converse, W. E. Miller, and D. E.

Stokes, The American Poter, New York: John Wiley and Sons,1960, pp. 200- 20 1 .

Development of Political Sophistication

All students of the political socialization processagree that youngsters increase their fund of politicalinformation throughout adolescence. Twelfth-graderstypically possess more political information thanninth-graders. However, given the content of typicalhigh school civics and government courses, as re-vealed by curriculum guides and textbooks, it is :to-likely that the school contributes substantially tohigh levels of studtmt political sophistication and un-derstanding. /n the absence of out-of-school politicalexperiences, it is doubtful that the typical twelfth-grader has a vastly more profound understanding ofthe political system and political behavic-, the). 'hetypical ninth- or tenth-grader.

Some 'civic education curriculum reformers atho-cate a social science approach to the study of politicsas a means of developing student political sophistica-tion. This approach is based upon conceptual toolsdeveloped by social scientists for the generation andordering of data about political behavior and politi-cal systems.21

To what extent arc adolescents capable of manag-ing a social science approach to the study of politics?Can high school students, especially ninth- andtenth-graders, deal meaningfully with highly abstractconcepts such as political culture, political socializa-tion, and political role? Research by Joseph Adelsonand Robert P. O'Neil suggests that thirteen-year-oldsarc at the threshold of ability to deal with politicalabstractions, to reason from premises, to engage inhypothetico-deductive modes of analysis.22 The fif-teen-year-old can think competently and consistentlyin terms of political abstractions. There appears tobe no substantial difference between the ability of fif-teen-year-olds and eighteen-year-olds to deal with po-litical abstractions. According to Adelson andO'Neil:

Thd fifteen-year-old has an assured grasp of formalthought. He neither hesitates nor falters in dealing withthe abstract; when he seems to falter it is more likelyduc to a lack of information or from a weakness inknowing and using general principles. His failures arelikely to be in content and fluency, rather than in ab-stract quality per se. Taking our data as a whole we

"Howard D. Mchlinger, The Study of Anterican PoliticalBehavior, Bloomington: The High School Curriculum Centcrin GovernMent at Indiana University, 1367. (Unpublished paper)

" Joseph Adelson and Robert P. O'Neil, "The Growth of Po.Htical Ideas in Adolescence," (Mimeographed paper) This paperis published in Journal of Personality and Social Psychology4:234-306, 1366.

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usually find only moderate differences between fifteenand eighteen.23

Prior to age thirteen, according to Adelson andO'Neil, most children do not have the cognitive ca-pacity to engage in complex abstract mental opera-tions about political processes. Their research seemsto indicate that prior to age thirteen, most childrendo not have the cognitive capacity to master mentaloperations fundamental to a well-developed socialscience approach to the study of politics. However,from age thirteen, children appear to become increas-ingly capable of handling political absuictions andhypothetico-deductive reasoning. It would appearthat social studies curricula, in particular civic educa-tion curricula, do not take full advantage of the cog-nitive capacities of adolescents. It would also appearthat for secondary school students a thoroughgoingsocial science approach to the study of politics is fea-sible.

New Directions for Civic Education

This presentation raises many questions and pro-vides few firm answers because the research findingsthat have been discussed do not prescribe programsof curriculum development or pedagogical methods.The questions that have been raised can be answeredvariously, in terms of various value-laden criteria.

My answers to these questions are reflected by theprogram of curriculum development now under wayat Indiana University's High School CurriculumCenter in Government. These answers have been de-veloped in terms of the-value judgments of our Cur-riculum Center staff about what constitutes a goodcitizen and a good general education about mankind.

Even the questions that have been raised mighthave been different had someone else written this ar-ticle, because the value orientation of another personmight have led him to view this body of research in adifferent way. However, careful consideration ofquestions raised by political socialization research,whether these questions or others, is a prerequisite toany substantial efforts to improve political socializa-tion strategies through formal education.

It is beyond the scope of this presentation to offerthoroughgoing answers to the previously stated ques-tions, although the phrasing of the questions and thediscussion preceding them certainly suggest my dispo-sition concerning answers. In terms of my values, theimplication of political socialization research for so-cial studies education is that reform of curriculum

"Ibid., pp. 31.32.

and pedagogical strategiers: in. civic Caucadón 'isneeded badly. Course content should be reorganizedaround key concepts from the behavioral and socialsciences. Pedagogical strategies should be based uponengaging students actively in the quest for knowl-edge. It is assumed that central to the improvementof political socialization strategies of Americanschools should be efforts to keep the socializationprocess open-ended by providing young people withthe tools to think reflectively about their politicalvalues, attitudes, and beliefs, with dispositions to ex-amine traditional practices critically, and with an ed-ucational atmosphere conducive to inquiry.

/t is assumid that central to the improvement ofpolitical socialization strategies of American schoolsshould be a _revisioq..of current civics and govern-ment courses to bring them into line with currentscholarship in the social and behavioral sciences.This would involve discarding many Americanmyths that are taught as facts in typical civics andgovernment courses and that may be dysfunctional ifacted upon in the real political world. It also wouldinvolve replacement of the traditional legalistic-his-_ . _ _ .

torical-structural framework for organizing informa-tion in civic education. Related concepts about polit-ical .behavior and political systems, drawn from the

. .

social and b.ithavioral sciences, would provide a moreuseful framework for organizing course content andassisting student interpretation of information.

If secondary school civic education programs movein the direction suggested by these ideas, then per-haps a beginning will be made toward increasing theinfluence of formal civic education upon student po-litical values, attitudes, and beliefs. This impact willresult not from preachment and moralizing but fromproviding students with new perspectives for the in-terpretation of political phenomena. These new per-spectives stem from looking at political behaviorthrough devices such as political culture, political so-cialization, po-litIcaTroles, and *other social scienceconcepts.

Contrary to our "folk wisdom," facts are not im-partial or neutral; they do not lead to the same cog-nitions for all people. Rather, the concepts that anindividual has acquired, his cognitive maps of theworld, determine the way he perceives things, theway he organizes, interprets, and evaluates thc factsin his world.

Viewed in this way, the content of a course in po-litical behavior is.something more than a mass of in-formation to be surveyed or a collection of "neutral"facts to be absorbed. It becomes a determiner of the

learner's thought processes and attitude structure; ithas an impact upon the way thc learner perceives, or-ganizes, and evaluates the 'objects in his environment.As Bruce Joyce says:

The selection of content may affect not only thc factualknowledge which children acquire but also the thinkingprocesses which they develop. . . . In other words, theselection of content determines to some extent the waythe student will be taught to think while he is in scbool.24

The content of new high school courses in socialscience, and in particular political science, should beaimed at influencing the learner to think in *such *away that he extracts more meaning from his experi-ences and is imbued with the norms that our cultureholds forth concerning the validation of meaning.These norms might be labeled the "scientific disposi-tion" or the "scientific ethic." Throu0 this kind oflearning, we expect that some student va1ues basedupon "folk .wisdom" will be washed away. As Ken-neth Boulding says:

Science is corrosive of all values based exclusively onsimpler epistemological processes. The natural scienceshave crcated an image of the world in which ghosts,witches, and things that go bump in the night are so lit-tle valued that they have withered and died in thehuman imagination. Biology has created a world inwhich the folk ideas of racial purity can no longer sur-vive. Similarly, the social sciences are creating a worldin which national loyalty and the national state can nolonger be taken for granted as sacred institntions, inwhich religion has to change profoundly its views onthe nature of man and of sin, in which family loyaltyand affection becomes a much more self-conscious andless simple-mindcd affair, and in which, indeed, all ethi-cal systems arc profoundly desacralized.25

If these assumptions about the possible impact ofcourse content on student thinking are correct, thennew courses about politics that are grounded in so-cial science will enable students to think about poli-tics quite differently than students who have notstudied these courses. They will enable them to inter-pret more powerfully their politically relevant ex-periences. They will enable students to extract moremeaning from their politically relevant experiencesand to cope more adequately with political affairs.Certainly this hope is consistent with a basic demo-cratic ideal of our society, thc ideal that an informedand politically efficacious citizenry is an essential con-dition of a democracy.

".Bruce R. Joyce, Strategies For Elementary Social ScienceEducation". Chicago: Science Research Associates, 1969, p. 6g.

23 Kenneth E. Boulding, "Dare We Take the Sodal SciencesSeriously?" American Behavioral Scientist to:io, June, 1967, p.15.

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7

A Comment on "Implications of Political Socialization. Research

For the Reform of Civic Education"by ROBERT E. CLEARY

Associate Dean, The American University, Washington, D.0,

While I am in substantial agreement with thebrunt of the argument made by John Patrick in thisstimulating article, I would like to elaborate briefly

on three of his points, and I appreciate being giventhe opportunity to do so. To turn first to the impact

of formal instruction on learning, Patrick correctlyobserves, that the various indications we have thatformal programs of civic education do not seem tohave much effect on students do not preclude restruc-

tured and better conceived civic education programsfrom having a significant impact. At present a rela-tionship does exist between the number of yearsspent in school and a person's political orientationsas well as his ability to think in an analytical way.

In general, the more schooling an individual hasthe more effect there is likely to be on his capacityfor reasoned analysis. Thus, after completing his ex-tensive survey of the impact of a college education

on attitudes, Philip E. Jacob wrote that college grad-uates tend to be less dogmatic, more flexible in theirbeliefs, and more open to different points of viewthan they were when they entered college. Findingan increasing tendency among college students "toreject dogmatism per se," Jacob concluded that:"Tests of Vitical thinking in social science' show stu-dents acquiring greater capacity to reach judgmentsby reasoned thought instead of blind opinion or onthe basis of someone's unchallenged authority." Inmore cases than not, hc declares, a college education

. softens .an individual's extremist views and per-.

suades him to reconsider aberrant Values. It increasesthe tolerance potential of students toward differingbeliefs, social groups and standards of conduct."2

The overall educational .-xperience thus seems tohave an appreciable influence In the outlook toward

2 Philip E. Jacob, Changing Values in College: An Explora-tory Study of. the Impact of College .Teaching..New york:Harper and Row, 1357, pp. 45-46.

' Ibid., p. 53. Also see Norval D. Glenn, "The Trend of Dif-ference4 in Attitudes and Behavior by Educational Level,"Sociology of Education, 39, Summer 1966, pp. 235-275. For auseful critique of Jacob's work *which does not negate his cen-tral points; see, Allen H. Barton, Studying the Effects of CollegeEducation: A Methodological Exar sination of "Changing Valuesin College." New Haven: Edward H. Hazen Foundation, 059.

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8

life exhibited by an individual. The number of yearsspent in school also tends to correlate with a person'sbasic orientations toward politics. V. 0. Key's analy-sis of data gathered by the Survey Research Center ofthe University of Michigan indicates, for instance,that a strong position correlation exists betweenamount of formal education and level of politicalknowledge, political interest, political participation,feeling of political efficacy, sense of citizen duty, tol-eration of diverse political values, and ability to as-sess the complex ramifications of a political problem.Clearly, factors other than the school itself affectsuch attitudes (for one illustration, students fromhigher socioeconomic levels are more likely io stay inschool), but Key points out that .even when occupa-tion was held constant the data revealed significantvariations according to the level of formal schoolingattained by the individual queried.3

Impact of Civic Education Courses

The school in its overall program and environ-ment car have a significant impact, then, on its stu-dents. What about carefully constructed courses incivic education? Can such courses per se have an ap-preciable impact upon learning? The limited effectof many courses on tbe intellectual development ofstudents is due to a wide variety of factors, includingsome in the larger society that cannot be controlledby educators. Among those factors for which educa-tors are directly responsible, however, are a too fre-quent emphasis in the classroom on form rather thanon learning, a widespread affirmation of the impor-tance of facts rather than understandings, the evasionof real issues and problems as subjects for discussion,and attempts to inculcate value rather than to edu-

cate. Too many educators are continuing to teach intraditional ways and are not taking sufficient advan-tage of the psychological knowledge that is slowlybeing amassed about how and why youngsters learn.

The school can enhance the analytic ability ofchildren in a wide variety of ways, including: a

V. 0. Key, Jr., Public Opinion and American Democracy.New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1961, pp, 3 i5-43.

greater reliance on methods of teaching which en-courage student participation, more emphasis onclassroom discussion, greater use of concrete aids tolearning, a stronger attempt to relate new phe-nomena to those with which the students are alreadyfamiliar, a more open classroom atmosphere, earlierefforts to help children learn, and increased attemptsto. engender internalized reward systems in students.When employed with intelligence and care, thesemethods show results in the elementary school aswell as in the secondary school. In fact, despite thedifficulties that elementary school students have indealing with abstract ideas, many of these ways ofteaching may even be more helpful for grammarschool youngsters whose intellectual development isstill in a inore formative stage and whose capacity forreasoned analysis does seem susceptible to enlarge-ment through practice and experience.

It is clear that a number of those children whousually do not do well in school can learn, whengiven sufficient encouragement and when certainteaching methods are employed. In an extremely in-teresting study Robert Rosenthal of Harvard Univer-sity found that- teachere- expectations influence howwell children learn. Rosenthal gave I.Q. tests to some3oo children, first through sixth grade, in an innercity school -in San-Francisco. Then-he chose 20 percent of the pupils at random and told their teachersthat these youngsters had scored very high on the testand would probably show marked intellectual devel-opment during the coming school year. Eight monthslater the selected students showed an average gain of12.2 I.Q. points as compared with an 8.4 point aver-age gain for the control group. In first grade the spe-cially identified children advanced an average of 27.4points as compared to 12.0 for thosd in the controlgroup.* Teachers must be wary, therefore, of a ten-dency to assume that a particular child just cannotlearn.

One of the questions John Patrick raises in his ar-ticle concerns the content of civic education pro-grams in terms of a stress on national loyalty and sys-tem support. Some scholars, like David Easton andJack Dennis, argue that such an emphasis is useful inthe American society on the grounds that the ideal-ized sense.of political efficacy now developed by mostchildren during the elementary school years is a fac-tor in offsetting widespread political frustration as

'Robert Rosenthal and Lenore Jacobson, Pygmalion in theClassroom: Teacher Expectation and Pupils' Intellectual Devel.

. opment. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1968, pp. 47146, especially p. 75.

9

adults. As a result, they declare, the development of afeeling of political efficacy in elementary school stu-dents is a stabilizing force in the American society.5This writer disagrees.

It is true that early learning has a strong impacton attitudes, and that as an individual gradually de-velops a relatively permanent value structure,changes in his attitudes become more and more diffi-cult. Nevertheless, individuals can and do break withtheir past. Change is particularly likely to occur inregard to situations on which they have amassed di-rect evidence. This is true of politics. A sizeable num;ber of American youngsters develop at least a nod-ding acquaintance with some of the less ideal reali-ties of politics and government by the time theyreach high school. Some students who discover at first-hand that certain political leaders are selfish, nar-row-minded, or even dishonest will be sustained intheir faith in democracy by an underlying belief andidealism, 'but otherscontrary to Easton and Denniswill react so strongly as to change the basic direc-tion of their feelings regarding politics. For theseyoungsters disillusionment will follow the discoveryof illusion.

. .

In this connection the relatively high sense of po-litical efficacy in young children may in itself be acontributing factor to later disillusionment when in-dividuals discover the limits of their effect on the po-litical system. The young child sees government asbenevolent and feels that he can influence it when-ever he wishes in order to accomplish a desired re-sult. He develops these attitudes, though, before heknows very much about the operation of the politicalsystem. Then as he gradually begins to realize thatmen inexorably have differences of opinion and pol-icy which are due to conflicting values and goals, andthat compromise is often necessary in life as a conse-quence, he may well react negatively to his previousimpressions and ideasparticularly if he feels he hasbeen purposely misled. An attempt to persuade stu-dents that government is ever benevolent is likely,therefore, to be seif-defeating in the long run.

It is becoming more and more clear that attemptsto inculcate certain beliefs and attitudes ih childrenare extremely short-sighted. The school does notopeyate in a vacuum, and simplistic support of de-mocracy and freedom is not enough. Rather, a de-mocracy should aim at the development of titizens

'See David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisi-tion of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," American PoliticalScience Review,6t, March, 1967, p. 98.

1.2

who are more than passive observers, who do morethan mouth the right slogans without having an un-derstanding of how to apply them in specific situa-tions. What is needed in civic education is an at-tempt to help youngsters develop their ability to in-

. vestigate problems in order that they might under-stand the world around themwhy it is like it is,what it might take to improve it, and how it mightbe improved.

In the last section of his paper Patrick offers anumber of valuable suggestions on how to accom-plish this 'goal. The reader should consult other spe-cialists working in the curriculum field for furthersuggestions.' While I agree with the main cast of Pat-rick's recommendations, I would like to offer onecaution with which I feel reasonably sure he willagree: no one knows enough yet about social scienceand human psychology to be able to say with cer-

See, for example, Donald W. Oliver and James P. Shaver,Teaching Public Issues in the High School. Boston: HoughtonMifflin Co., 1966; Edwin Fenton, The New Social Studies. NewYork: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1967; Lnd Jerome S.Bruner, Toward a Theory of Instruction. Cambridge: HarvardUniversity Press, t966.

10

tainty that he has the answers for civic education cur-riculum construction. While the Indiana Universitycurriculum project in Government is proceedingalong a path that promises to pay high dividends, itis rapidly becoming clear that knowledge in a num-ber of the social sciences can be presented in differ-ent ways under varied patterns of organization, withseveral approaches being just as effective for learningpurposes as others.

The various social sciences are so nebulous as totheir boundaries and so complex in their subjectmatter that no one .has yet evolved a structure forany one of them which is obviously the definitiveway of organizing that particular discipline. Theproblem is comiiounded insofar as a structure-for thcsocial studies curriculum or for civic education isconcerned, given the wide variety of scholarly disci-plines from which the material included in the socialstudies or in civic education is drawn. Nevertheless,the approaches to civic education being developed atIndiana and elsewhere are of vital importance be-cause of their promise in this regard as well as theirextremely useful suggestions on how to advance theanalytic abilities of students.

. 13

11

POLITICAL SCIENCE READINGS

Professional References

Almond, Gabriel A. and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, Boston, LittleBrown and Company, 1965.

Connery, Robert H., Richard H. Leach, and Joseph Zikmund, Reading Guidein Politics and Government, Washington, National Council for theSocial Studies, 1966.

Dahl, Robert A., Modern Political Analysis, Englewood Cliffs New Jersey,

Prentice-Hall Inc., 1963.

Easton, David, Children in the Political System: Origin of PoliticalLegitimacy, New York, McGraw-Hill Book Company, 1969.

Easton, David, A Framework for Political Analysis Englewood Cliffs NewJersey, Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1965.

Easton, David, A System Analysis of Political Life, New York, John Wileyand Sons, Inc., 1965.

Ebenstein, William, Totalitarianism: New Perspectives, New York, Holt,

Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 1962.

Greenstein, Fred I. Children and Politics, New.Haven, Yale Univr4rsity

Press, 1965.

Hess, Robert D. and Judith V. Torney, The Development of PoliticalAttitudes in Children, Chicago, Aldine Publishing Company, 1967.

Hyman, H., Political Socialization, Glencoe, Illinois, Free Press, 1959.

Kimbrough, Ralph, Political Power and Educational Decision-Making, Chicago,Rand, McNally and Company, 1964.

Lasswell, Harold, The Future of Political Science, New York, Atherton

Press, 1964.

Meehan, Eugene J., The Theory and Method of Political Analysis, Homewood,Illinois, The Dorsey Press, 1965.

Mehlinger, Howard D., The Study of Totalitarianism: An Inductive ApproachWashington, National Council for the Social Studies, 1965.

Miller, Richard I., Teaching About Communism, New York, McGraw-Hill BookCompany, 1966.

Oliver, Donald W. and James P. Shaver, Teaching Public Issues in the HifthSchool, Boston, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1966.

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12

Patterson, Franklin, ed., Citizenship and a Free Society: Education forthe Future, Washington, National Council for the Social Studies, 1960.

Riddle, Donald E. and Robert E. Cleary, eds., Political Science in theSocial Studies, Washington, National Council for the Social Studies,1966. (36th Yearbook)

Robinson, Donald, et al, Promising Practices in Civic Education, Washington,National Council for the Social Studies, 1967.

Shaver, James and Harold Berlak, Democracy, Pluralism and Social Studies,New York, Houghton Mifflin Company, 1968.

Somit, Albert and Joseph Tanenhaus, American Political Science, New York,Atherton Press, 1964.

Soreuf, Frank J. and Charles S. Hyneman, Perspectives on Political Science,Columbus, Ohio, Charles E. Merrill Books, Inc., 1965.

Zeigler, Harmon, The Political World of One High School Teacher,Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice-Hall, 1967.

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13

PROFESSIONAL ORGANIZATIONS FOR GOVERNMENT AND POLITICAL SCIENCE TEACHERS

A Directory

AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

1527 New Hampshire Avenue, N. W.Washington, D. C. 20036Publication: American Political Science ReviewAnnual Membership, $15.00

NATIONAL COUNCIL FOR THE SOCIAL STUDIES

1201 Sixteenth Street, N. W.Washington, D. C. 20036Publication: Social EducationAnnual Membership, $12.00

ROCKY MOUNTAIN SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

Colorado State UniversityFort Collins Colorado 80521Publication: The Rocky Mountain Social Science JournalAnnual Membership, $3.75

SOUTHERN POLITICAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

Peabody HallUniversity of FloridaGainesville, Florida 32600Publication: The Journal of PoliticsAnnual Membership, $6.00

SOUTHWESTERN SOCIAL SCIENCE ASSOCIATION

c/o William E. SwyersLouisiana State UniversityBaton Rouge, Louisiana 70803Publication: Social Science QuarterlyAnnual Membership, $6.00

TEXAS COUNCIL FOR THE SOCIAL STUDIES

Miss Elizabeth Newmanc/o Beaumont ISD820 NechesBeaumont, Texas 77704Publication: Social Studies TexanAnnual Membership, $1.00 (Dues will be $3.00 afterSeptember, 1970)

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SOME SETS OF PAPERBACK READINGS RELATED TO GOVERNMENTAND POLITICAL SCIENCE

A Listing

This listing has been prepared to list the various paperback series ofreadings and references known to be currently in print and available forinstructional purposes in political science and government. Schoolsdesiring to purchase such materials for supplementary purposes should,therefore, examine several or all of the series available to determinewhich will best meet their needs.

AMERICAN PROBLEM SERIES (Bolt, Rinehart and Winston, Inc., 383 MadisonAvenue, New York, New York 10017) Designed for the study ofcertain governmental problem or topics with each investigatinga specific aspect of government written by an authority in the

field. (Secondary)

CROWELL COMPARATIVE GOVERNMENT SERIES (Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 201Park Avenue, South, New York, New York 10003) Designed for college-level readers and useful to able secondary students seeking specificinformation on foreign governments. Each book in the series isdetailed and includes the constitution of the country as well as abibliography of other references. (Upper Secondary-College)

FOREIGN. RELATIONS SERIES (Laidlaw Brothers, Thatcher and MadisonStreets, River Forest, Illinois 60305) Designed specifically toprovide secondary students with materials for understanding currentforeign policy problems. Teacher guides are available for eachbooklet. (Secondary)

FOUNDATIONS OF MODERN POLITICAL SCIENCE SERIES (Prentice-Hall, Inc.,Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey 07632) Designed to provide a scientificanalytic approach to the complete introductory course in politicalscience or American government. (Secondary-College)

GRASS ROOTS GUIDES ON DEMOCRACY AND PRACTICAL POLITICAL SERIES (The Center

for Information op America, Educational Books Division, Washington,Connecticut 06793) A series of pamphlets oriented toward politicalscience. (Secondary)

HARPER'S COMPARATIVE GOVERNMENT SERIES (Harper and Row, Publishers, 49East 33rd Street, New York, New York 10016) Designed for college-level readers and useful to able secondary students stressing com-parative govermnents. (Upper Secondary-College)

HARCOURT CASEBOOKS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (Harcourt, Brace and World, Inc.,

757 Third Avenue, New York, New York 10007) Designed to presentoriginal case materials--studies in depth that illustrate major areasor institutions of government and politics. (Secondary-College)

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NEW PERSPECTIVES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (Van Nostrand, 120 AlexanderStreet, Princeton, New Jersey 08540) A series of paperboundoriginals with each volume augmenting available materials andadding new perspectives to the study of a subject or topic basicto an understanding of government and politics. (Secondary)

THE MERRILL STUDIES OF AMERICAN DOCUMENTS (Charles E. Merrill Books, Inc.,Educational Books Division, 1300 Alum Creek Drive, Columbus, Ohio43216) Designed for senior high school history and government coursesto analyze, interpret, and outline the backgrounds of the respectivehistoric documents such as The Declaration of Independence, Bill ofRights, Monroe Doctrine, Articles of Confederation, etc. (Secondary)

RAND MtNALLY PUBLIC AFFAIRS SERIES (Rand McNally and Company, EducationDivision, P. O. Box 7600, Chicago, Illinois 60680) Designed to pre-sent opposing points of view and a political life. Each volume inthe series contains a collection of essays prepared for and presentedat the Public Affairs Conference Center of the University of Chicago.(Secondary)

STUDIES IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (Random House, Inc., 475 Madison Avenue,New York, New York 10022) Designed to stress political science con-tent in the classroom. (Upper Secondary-College)

WMAT YOU SHOULD KNOW SERIES (Scholastic Book Services, 904 Sylvan Avenue,Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey 07632) A series emphasizing communism,democracy, the U. S. Constitution, and other topics pertinent to thestudy of government. (Secondary)

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TAPED PROGRAMS FOR GOVERNMENT

Student Materials

Americans Speak Up Series

This series forjunior and senior high school students was written byFloyd and Leila Whitney. The four parts with appropriate silent intervals.between program units will run about eighteen minutes.

Code Number

152-30

Title

The Flag of the United States of AmericaPilgrims--Minute Men--Concord--Lexington--Washington--Jefferson--Franklin and John Marshall.

The Republic for Which It StandsA companion piece which stirs young people with a newunderstanding of America and love of their flag.

American Patriots SpeakTimely quotations from Lincoln, Webster, and Washington.

The Gettysburg AddressBeautifully spoken, with all the inspiration.andsimplicity of that great speech.

Lest We Forget These Great Americans Series

This series by the Institute for Democratic Education is designed to bringstories of men and women who dedicated their lives to the principles setdown by our American founders. The teacher should preaudition these pro-grams to determine their suitability for senior high school students.

Code Number Title

1205-15 The'Story of Woodrow Wilson

1207-15 The Story of Justices Brandeis and Holmes

1209-15 The Story of Wendell Wilkie

1210-15 The Story of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Part I

1211-15 The Story of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Part II

1212-15 The Story of Al Smith

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Miscellaneous Topics and Personalities

These programs are designed for high school students with emphasis oncontemporary topics and personalities.

Code Number

1486-30

AB1490-30

AB1491 -30

1493L30

AB1494 -30

AB1496 -30

247315

1332-30

17

Joseph McCarthy (Biography)Account of McCarthyls early life and education; inves-tigation of alleged Communism in State Department andits effect on his senatorial career; his illness end-ing in death in 1957.

An Hour with Dean Rusk, Secretary of StateHistory and description of the U.S. State Department,its role in the Cuban Crisis, Race Relations, andDisarmament Conflict of ideologies between Red Chinaand Russia and the situation in India.

Eisenhower 1963Dwight D. Eisenhower discusses the situation in theCuban Crisis, Bay of Pigs invasion, news security,defense budget, Sino-Soviet Split, Common Market,Republican Party and where the United States standstoday.

President Kennedyls Cuban Crisis SpeechPresident Kennedyls speech to the American people onOctober 22, 1962, in which he reports on the missilebuildup on the Island of Cuba. (18 minutes)

Adlai Stevensonls Cuban Crisis Speech before UnitedNations

U.S. Ambassador Adlai Stevenson in an addressbefore the United Nations Security Council duringthe Cuban Crisis.

the Missile Crisis'A documentary and chronological report on the thirteendays of the missile crisis of October, 1962.

The Berlin CrisisThe problem of preserving German unity and of maintain-ing West Berlin as a free city is described through aseries of statements by Douglas Dillion and Dr. HenryA. Kissinger. (13k minutes)

Foreign Policy AddressPresident Lyndon B. Johnson delivered address at Omaha,Nebraska, in July of 1966.

20

1783.-30

AB1419-30

AB1939-60

AB1492-30

1498-30

AB1500-30

AB1501-30

1619-30

AB1620-30

18

The Global Task of Agency for International DevelopmentDiscussed by W. Steen McCall, Senior Evaluation Officer,of the Office of the Administrator for AID.

Lyndon B. Johnson's State of the Union Address of 1966.

Lyndon B. Johnson's State of the Union Address of 1967.

John F. Kennedy's State of the Union Address of 1963.

How Is Our Foreign Policy Made?The content and direction of our foreign policy isincreasingly the subject of discussion all over America,and the debate on foreign policy is both legitimate anddesirable. This program presents two panelists from theDepartment of State discussing the formulation of Americanforeign policy with the foreign affairs editor of a nationalmagazine.

The Warren Commission Report on President Kennedy'sAssassination

The United States and Russia: Political, Economic andSocial VariablesDr. Harry Schwartz of the New York Times discusses viewsof the Soviet'challenge. He points out that they are outto destroy us militarily, beat us in space, rate of eco-nomic growth, and education. The true challenge is allof these and more: the Soviets hope to convince theworld, including the U. S., that their way of life isbest, with the hope that other nations will naturallygravitate toward Communism.

Foreign Aid: How and WhyIt would be helpful to the American taxpayer to knowwhy certain projects are undertaken and how they arecarried out by the Agency for International Development.The Deputy Administrator of AID, William S. Gaud, de-scribes the process of selection and implementation infour areas of the world: Vietnam, India and Pakistan,Nigeria, and Chile and Brazil.

Who Can Vote?An examination of the restrictions and pressures usedto stop minority groups from exercising their right tovote. Reports cover Jackson, Mississippi; Selma,

. Alabama; voters in Georgia; the Mexican situation inTexas; the Navajo problem in Arizona and New Mexico;and the Puerto Rican literacy test in New York City.

21

1624-30

1625-30

1477-45

19

U. S. Supreme CourtThe U. S. Supreme Court has been vigorously developingnew constitutional interpretations, especially in thefield of civil liberties. The court's concern overracial equality is now matched by its interest in

legislative apportionment, state libel laws, andprayers in public schools. In its current burst ofactivity, is the court exceeding those limits in a

democractic society and a federal system? Thomas J.O'Toole, Professor of Law, Georgetown University;Dr. George W. Corey, Assistant Professor of Government,Georgetown University; and Hilton Esienburg, AdjunctProfessor of Law, Georgetown University, discuss thisissue.

Is the Art of Politics Changing?Is our image of the American politician undergoing achange today? The panel, Fletcher Knebel, and CharlesW. Bailey, reporters and authors of Convention andSeven Days in Nay, and Charles Barlett, PulitzerPrize-winning author of the syndicated WashingtonComumn News Focus, answer this question.

Portrait of a First LadyBiographical sketch of Jacqueline Kennedy from oollegeto msonriage; her fight for privacy for her children,her influence on American fasion; the new spirit andvivacity she injected into the White House--creatinga new image of a First Lady.

Suggestions for Ordering Tapes

The appropriateness and usefulness of the tape content in relationship toinstructional needs on American government or civics should be consideredby the teacher when ordering tapes. Teachers should assume responsibilityfor evaluating the tapes upon arrival as to the validity in connection tothe course, unit of study, grade level and type of class. Teachers mayalso check the Catalog of Tapes for Teaching for more detailed descriptionsand other tape programs which can be utilized in the study of Americangovernment or civics on the local, state, national and international levels.

The amount of standard tape required for a particular program is determinedby the playing time and the speed at which one wishes the tape to be dubbed.The running time is indicated by the number to the right of the dash in thecode number. The following information may be helpful in planning tapeorders for standard tape.

22

Reel. Tape Tape Speed Tape Speed Tape Speed

Size Length 7 1/2 ips 3 3/4 ips 1 7/8 ips

Inches Feet Minutes Minutes Minutes

7 1200 30 60 120

5 600 15 30 60

4 300 7 1/2 15 30

3 150 3 3/4 7 1/2 15

Instruction for Ordering Tapes

In ordering any of the preceding titles, please follow procedures as directed

below:

Include the following information:

Code number of program2. Title of program3. Tape spe-,d chosen4. Trackage arrangement planned5. Choice of monophonic or stereo if available in stereo

6. User's name and name of school unit with mailing address--including zip code number

7. Date the recording will be used (Order well in advance of need)

Enclose the following items:

1. Sufficient good quality tape for recording at chosen speed and

trackage2. Self-addressed shipping label3. Return postage

Address communications and tape shipments to:

Tape and Television LaboratoryTexas Education AgencyCapitol StationAustin, Texas 78711