media_124416_en

Plate 9 Interdisciplinary Web © Creative Enquiry Project 2008/2009

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change

A collection of essays on the topic of change on the Crichton Estate

Ian Martin, Annie McKie, Kerrie Ross and Stephen Ross

Copyright Notice

Published by Creative Enquiry Group 2008/2009.

First published 2009.

Copyright © Ian Martin, Annie McKie, Kerrie Ross and Stephen Ross.

All Rights Reserved.

Printed in Hawick, Great Britain, by Richardson and Son Printers.

.

Williams, M. (1989) History of the Crichton Royal Hospital 1839-1989. Dumfries: Dumfries and Galloway Health Board.

Williams, M. (1996) History of the Crichton Royal Hospital 1839-1989. Dumfries: Dumfries and Galloway Health Board.

Wyllie, A. (1940) Convulsion Therapy of the Psychoses. Journal of Mental Science, Vol. 86, pp.248-259.

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change A collection of essays on the topic of change on the Crichton Estate

Ian Martin, Annie McKie, Kerrie Ross, Stephen Ross

This booklet has been created in part fulfilment of the criteria for the University of Glasgow, Dumfries Campus, Honours year Creative Enquiry Project

2008/2009.

Mann, G. (2009) Personal Communication 11th March 2009. Managing Director Crichton Development Company.

Monteith, A. (1857) ‘Scottish Lunacy Commission. Report by Her Majesty's commissioners appointed to inquire into the state of lunatic asylums in Scotland and the existing law in reference to lunatics and lunatic asylums in that part of the United Kingdom. With an appendix.’. [Online]. Available from: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url_ver=Z39.88-2004&res_dat=xri:hcpp&rft_dat=xri:hcpp:rec:1857-032933. [Accessed: 11th May 2009].

NHS (National Health Service) (July 2008) Treating Schizophrenia. [Online]. Available from: http://www.nhs.uk/Conditions/Schizophrenia/Pages/Treatment.aspx [Accessed: 7th May 2009].

NHS (National Health Service) (2009) ‘Occupational Therapist’. [Online]. Available from: http://www.nhscareers.nhs.uk/details/Default.aspx?Id=284 [Accessed: 5th June 2009].

Perrings, C. A., ed. (1995) Biodiversity Conservation. London: Kluwer Academic Publishers.

Potter, R. & Partners (2008) Chartered Architects and Town Planning Consultants. [Online]. Available from: http://www.rppweb.com/contact.asp?pi=178. [Accessed: 14th November 2008].

Prettyman, R., Milton, J., and Arie, T. (1994) ‘Graduate patients’ and the vanishing human history of psychiatry. Psychiatric Bulletin, Vol. 18, pp.91-93.

Robinson, R.A and Sutherland, W.J. (2002) Post-war changes in arable farming and biodiversity in Great Britain. Journal of Applied Ecology, Vol. 39, pp.157–176.

Robinson, R.A. Wilson, J.D. and Crick, H.Q.P (2001) The importance of arable habitat for farmland birds in grassland landscapes. Journal of Applied Ecology, Vol. 38, pp.1059–1069.

Scull, A. (1993) The Most Solitary of Afflictions: Madness and Society in Britain 1700-1900. Avon: The Bath Press.

Soanes, C., Waite, M., and Hawker, S. eds. (2001) Oxford Dictionary, Thesaurus, and Wordpower Guide. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Stancliffe Stone (2009) Locharbriggs Red Sandstone, Dumfries. [Online]. Available from: http://www.stancliffe.com. [Accessed: 7th May 2009].

Stewart, H. (1862-63) Statistics of Insanity of the Crichton Royal Instiution, Dumfries. Lincoln: John Edward Taylor Printers.

Turner, G. (1980) The Chronicle of Crichton Royal 1937-1971. Lillyhall: C. N. Print.

Valenstein, E. (1998) Blaming the Brain. New York: The Free Press.

Wackernagel, M. and Rees, W. (1996) Our Ecological Footprint: Reducing human impact

Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser. (1938) The opening of the Easterbrook Hall, 19th October 1938, p9.

Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser. (1990) Tight security in operation, 9th February 1990, p3.

Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser. (1994) Crichton sale could spell the end of hydrotherapy treatment, 30th September 1994, p.28.

Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser. (1996) MP opens memorial, 3rd July 1996, p5.

Dumfries and Galloway Standard. (2006) ‘Crichton Site pays dividend’ [Online]. Available from: http://www.dgstandard.co.uk [Accessed: 22nd January 2009].

Easterbrook, C. (1936) Crichton Royal Dumfries, Scotland : 89th-97th annual reports for the nine years 1928-1936. 95th annual report for year 1934. Dumfries.

Easterbrook, C. (1937) The Chronicle of Crichton Royal (With Illustrations). Dumfries: Courier Press.

Easterbrook, C. (1940) The Chronicle of Crichton Royal 1833-1936. Dumfries: Courier Press.

Easterbrook Hall, The (2006) ‘Easterbrook Hall: Conference venue, meeting and wedding venue in SW Scotland’. [Online]. Available from: http://www.easterbrookhall.co.uk/register.asp?sec=30. [Accessed: 22nd January 2009].

Gaston, K.J. and Spicer, J.I. (2004) Biodiversity: An introduction. Oxford: Blackwell.

Global Footprint Network (2008) ‘Humanity’s Ecological Footprint and Biocapacity Through Time’. [Online]. Available from: www.footprintnetwork.org [Accessed: 23rd March 2009].

Historic Scotland (1st November 1995) ‘Listed Building Report: The Crichton, Easterbrook Hall’. HB Number 6699 Item number 12D, pp1-2. [Online]. Available from: http://hsewsf.sedsh.gov.uk/hslive/hsstart. [Accessed: 15th January 2009].

Historic Scotland (2009) Conservation Advice. [Online]. Available from: http://www.historic-scotland.gov.uk/index/heritage/conservation/conservation-advice-and-services.htm. [Accessed: 7th May 2009].

HM Treasury (January 2009) ‘Forecasts for the UK economy’. [Online]. Available from: http://hm-treasury.gov.uk/forecasts. [Accessed: 2nd February 2009].

Kitzes, J. Peller, A. Goldfinger, S and Wackernagel, M. (2007) Current Methods for Calculating National Ecological Footprint Accounts. Science for Environment & Sustainable Society Vol.4 No.1, pp.1-9.

Levy, J. (2009) Contemporary Urban Planning. London: Pearson Prentice Hall.

Living Planet Report (2008) World Wildlife Fund. [Online]. Availble from: www.footprintnetwork.org. [Accessed: 23rd March 2009].

Acknowledgements

The publication and launch of this booklet has been made possible by the generous funding of the University of Glasgow and the Crichton Foundation.

We would like to extend our gratitude to Robert Potter and Partners for the provision of detailed building plans and helpful information.

We are thankful to retired Crichton Royal Museum curator, Morag Williams who has provided us with valuable primary materials and given us access to her wealth of knowledge.

Additional thanks must be given to Ken Carew, Maurice Bonar, Linda Cameron, David Campbell and Gordon Mann, Wendy Downes and the I. T. Department in Rutherford McCowan. Their advice and assistance has been highly beneficial to our project.

We are indebted to all of the University of Glasgow Dumfries Campus staff, academic and non-academic, who have assisted us throughout this project. Their support and feedback has helped this project to evolve into a fully-fledged end product.

Bibliography

Anderson, A. (n.d.) Crichton University: A Widow’s Might. Dumfries: Solway Offset Printers.

Anderson, N. (2009) Personal Communication 21st April 2009. Administrative Officer, University of Glasgow

Ausden, M (2007) Habitat Management for Conservation: A handbook of techniques. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

BBC News (1999) ‘The Origins of Community Care’. [Online]. Available from: http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/health/229517.stm. [Accessed: 11th May 2009].

Charlestown Consultants, Scottish Lime Centre, Charlestown. [Online]. Available from: http://www.scotlime.org. [Accessed: 16th April 2009].

Cook, G. (2005) Ecological Footprinting. Edinburgh: Scottish Parliament Information Centre.

Crichton Development Company Ltd. (n.d.) Easterbrook Hall: The Crichton Dumfries. Dumfries.

Crichton Development Company (1998) The Crichton: Historic landscape survey. Dumfries: Land Use Consultants.

Crichton Development Company (2002). A Short History of The Crichton, Dumfries. Dumfries: Crichton Development Company.

Crichton News. (Christmas 1990) Holding Court at Crichton Royal. Dumfries.

Crichton Royal Dumfries (n.d.)

Crichton, The (1997) Annual Report 1995/1996 and 1996/1997. Dumfries: Crichton Trust.

Crichton, The (2003) Annual Report 2002/2003. Dumfries: Crichton Trust.

Crichton Trust and Crichton Development Company Ltd., The (2005) Annual Report 2004/2005. Dumfries: Crichton Trust.



Donald, P.F. Green, R.E. and Heath, M.F. (2001) Agricultural Intensification and the Collapse of Europe’s Farmland Bird Populations. Proceedings of the Royal Society of Biological Sciences, Vol. 268, pp.25-29.

Dumfries and Galloway Council (DGC) (1996). The Crichton Accord. Dumfries: Dumfries and Galloway Council.

Contents Page Page Number

Creative Enquiry Project Members 2008/2009 9

Introduction 11

By Ian Martin, Annie McKie, Kerrie Ross and Stephen Ross

The Crichton Journey : Exploring change in the land use, bio-diversity and ecological footprint of the Crichton Estate 13

By Stephen Ross

The Crichton Journey : Exploring change in the treatments administered at the Crichton Royal Institution 27

By Kerrie Ross

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall 45

By Annie McKie

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the structural development of the Rutherford and McCowan Buildings 55

By Ian Martin

Conclusion 65


Bibliography 67

List of Illustrations

Plate 1 The Roy Map displaying Dumfries and land to the south c1755 © The British Library.

Plate 2 Ordnance Survey County Series 1st Edition 1860 © Crown Copyright and Landmark Information Group Limited 2009.

Plate 3 Ordnance Survey County Series 3rd Edition 1931 © Crown Copyright and Landmark Information Group Limited 2009.

Plate 4 (i) View from Therapeutic Rock Gardens on Crichton Estate © Stephen Ross 2009.

(ii) Easterbrook Hall, main function suite c2008 © The Crichton Development Company Ltd.

Plate 5 Easterbrook Hall facilities c1939 © Crichton Royal Dumfries.

Plate 6 Ground, First and Second floor plans as proposed © Robert Potter and Partners Chartered Architects 1997.

Plate 7 Elevations as Existing © Robert Potter and Partners Chartered Architects 1997.

Plate 8 (i) Front view of Rutherford McCowan building © Ken Carew 2009.

(ii) Rear view of Rutherford McCowan building © Ken Carew 2009.

Front Cover: Crichton Gardens © Kerrie Ross 2009; Easterbrook Hall © Ken Carew 2009; Crichton Hall © Kerrie Ross 2009; Rutherford McCowan © Ian Martin 2009.

Back Cover: Interdisciplinary Web © Creative Enquiry Project 2008/2009.

Conclusion

By Ian Martin, Annie McKie, Kerrie Ross and Stephen Ross This collection of essays has examined change on the Crichton Estate from four different disciplines, demonstrating the principles of shared interdisciplinarity which have been central to our project. Each of these essays has stated their individual aims and research findings. In the course of these essays, several themes have arisen recurrently. These have included economic factors, such as the cost of building maintenance. Each essay has also considered, to varying degrees, the relationship between the Estate and the individuals who use it, for example the patients. One issue which is evident throughout all four essays exploring change has been that of the influence of modernisation. This can be seen in Ian Martin’s study of the recent ‘marriage’ of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings, Annie McKie’s discussion of the need to refurbish and update existing facilities, Kerrie Ross’ consideration of the changing attitudes to the treatment of mental health problems, and the modern methods used in Stephen Ross’ examination of the Estate. However, although it is evident that there are recurring influences of change throughout, each essay has used a distinctive individual approach and has shown a different factor as the most influential in change. We believe that the interdisciplinary nature of our study reflects the interdisciplinary relations between the various elements of the Estate. It is evident that the Estate is made up of a variety of segregated components which are currently only linked by their geographical situation. Having studied aspects of the Estate, we propose that these individual components are potentially capable of working together to support their own needs and to progress the development of the entire Crichton Estate. Concluding on our experiences of this year, we have seen the challenges of working as part of an interdisciplinary group. However, we can also see the benefits in terms of how our individual skills have changed and developed, and feel that we have produced a successful end product as a result. Thus, we feel that a future change which encouraged working in this type of interdisciplinary collaboration would develop, progress, and therefore benefit all those situated on the Crichton Estate as it continues its journey.

Crichton management team, nevertheless the current strategy may mean that projects similar to Rutherford-McCowan become a liability to the estate as the ravages of time and weather ages the buildings again? Alternatively, they may have to consider introducing other ‘new kids on the block’ for future development?

Creative Enquiry Project Members 2008/09

Ian Martin

Work experience in the dying and finishing of textiles, with specific skills in colour technology. Academic background began in 2003, with an amateur background in history.

Individual Dissertation: First World War munitions manufacturing at Gretna with a focus on the redistribution of labour skills.

Group Project: The history and structural changes of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings.

Annie McKie

An interest in Scottish social history, with a background in politics and history.

Individual Dissertation: The role of women in the production and consumption of tartan is under-acknowledged.

Group Project: State influences have been the dominant impact on the changes to the use of the social facilities at the Easterbrook Hall.

Kerrie Ross

An academic background in literature and philosophy, with work experience in educational and people-centred settings including the university itself. A keen creative writer.

Individual Dissertation: Jean-Paul Sartre on the nature and limitations of human relationships.

Group Project: Change in the treatments at the Crichton Estate has been most influenced by society’s changing attitudes to others.

Stephen Ross

An environmental scientist with a background in chemistry and ecology.

Individual Dissertation: An ecological assessment of the regeneration of Kirkconnell Flow National Nature Reserve.

Group Project: Exploring change in the land use, bio-diversity and ecological footprint of the Crichton Estate.

uncommon practice (Robert Potter and Partners, 2009, p. 6). In Robert Potter and Partners own words:

Almost all of the leadwork roofing and flashings needed to be replaced due to extensive oxidisation. The magnificent craftsmanship of the leadworkers ensured the replacement and new leadwork were installed to the highest standard, with features such as the complex curved geometry of the turret roof admirably restored on the Rutherford building (Robert Potter and Partners).

Clearly the Crichton Development Company and the University of Glasgow, Dumfries Campus have made a statement on the Crichton Estate, through the stunning architectural design work that joined the two structures. Other development projects on the Crichton have included Dudgeon and Browne House but their makeover did not have the same impact. The University of the West of Scotland, a new build, using state of the art technology has lost the historical context, that the Rutherford-McCowan building has retained. Higher Education must remain part of the Dumfries Campus. The tools are already in place for that process, all within the Rutherford-McCowan building nonetheless, we must at all times be aware of outside influences, who may have a another agenda. The building opening to University of Glasgow undergraduates was not the end of the story. The university building received many accolades from organisations like the Royal Institute of British Architects Award (the first building in Dumfries & Galloway to receive such an award), the Glasgow Institute of Architects Award. Regeneration of Scotland Commendation, and the project was also the only building out with London to be short-listed for the Adapt Trust Access Award in its inaugural year.

Conclusion

In conclusion, both buildings served an important service as an integral part of the Crichton Royal Hospital, Rutherford from 1904, and McCowan from 1931 but mental health treatments were to change and both buildings were closed during the early 1990s. From 1997 the project amalgamating the Rutherford and McCowan buildings has been successful, and has secured the long-term involvement of Higher Education within the confines of the two buildings. What has become clear is the architect, design team and contractors involved with the project have ensured that the building’s exterior is in a condition that it can battle the elements for many years to come. The thought and care that went into the restoration of Rutherford and McCowan could act as a foundation for other development and refurbishment projects on the Crichton Estate.

However, is the refurbishment of existing buildings the way forward, bearing in mind the initial renovation and upgrading expense, and the ongoing potentially high maintenance costs? Contemporary building materials have introduced new work practices as has been clearly shown with the arrival of the new University of the West of Scotland building. On the other hand, the unification of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings raises questions about its future. Rutherford-McCowan may currently be the ‘jewel in the crown’ of the

The Scottish Lime Centre Trust aims and objectives are to: 1) Promote for the public benefit the appropriate repair of Scotland's traditional and historic buildings, 2) Advance education through the provision of advice, training and practical experience in the use of lime for the repair and conservation of such buildings, and 3) Promote and further the preservation and development of Scottish building traditional, crafts and skills (Charlestown Consultants Website, 2009). Clearly, external agencies involved with the restoration of the Rutherford-McCowan structures were sharing their individual skills base, and achieving interdisciplinary project management.

Historic Scotland also recommended a Biocidal Wash, a chemical treatment designed to eradicate organisms, especially micro-organisms, moulds, algae, moss and lichens from external surfaces. Robert Potter and Partners complied with Historic Scotland’s recommendations and applied this complex treatment to the Locharbriggs sandstone exterior walls of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings:

Following the replacement work to eroded and damaged stones, both buildings were treated with a Biocidal wash in accordance with the recommendations of Historic Scotland, applied by hand brushing and washing down with water to avoid damaging the surface of the stone (Robert Potter and Partners).

Historic Scotland state that a ‘Biocidal wash is sometimes used to remove green staining on elevations following remedial works. The first option should be to sort out the problem that is causing the growth, normally water in the wrong place, such as blocked gutters (Historic Scotland, 2009). While the Health and Safety Executive take the application of chemical treatments seriously and maintain strict guidelines, the process does result in the exterior surfaces of the building retaining the Locharbriggs sandstones natural colour, a credit those agencies who initiated the work.

Other restoration projects undertaken during the refurbishment of Rutherford and McCowan that involved traditional workmanship as the project progressed were:

Ingress of water damaged part of the original plasterwork cornices. Repairs to reinstate the cornicing using cast on formwork, a method of shuttering that produces plasterwork cornices in the traditional manner. Further damage to internal timber finishes and wood fittings throughout both buildings through ingress of water and they were replaced using the equivalent materials. Many of the windows on both buildings suffered from decay in one form or another. Each window was checked and either repaired or replaced using the same design and material type as was originally fitted. The veranda canopy was affected by wood rot, and where teak timbers had been repaired, as much of the original timber as was possible was retained.

Westmoreland slate tiles had been used as the roof and the architect reports that they were in an outstanding condition. The roof support timbers did, however suffer from dry rot, wet rot and woodworm infestations and the existing leadwork required substantial renewal and modification. Any existing materials disturbed during the works were reused where applicable, during the reinstatement of the roof. The architect notes that the original roof tiles had been fixed in place on the roofs surface with non-ferrous or brass nails, an

Introduction


The session 2008/2009 marks the sixth year of the Creative Enquiry Project (CEP), conducted by Honours year students attending the University of Glasgow, Dumfries Campus. The students, from a variety of academic backgrounds and each working on individual theses, are brought together in a small group to collaborate on a joint research topic. The course attempts to build on the liberal arts ethos of interdisciplinarity and integrated learning, both of which progress the academic research abilities of the students. By drawing on group members’ individual skills, methods and experiences, and learning from those of colleagues, the CEP can culminate in the creation of a distinctive end product in a chosen output media.

Topic Choice

While deliberating over a research topic, one recurrent subject was that of change upon the Crichton Estate. The Crichton Estate is situated in the outskirts of Dumfries, a town in South-West Scotland. It is home to a university campus, business estate, health services, and social facilities. On reflection, the Estate felt like a natural choice, and an important one, considering the volume of changes, both physical and occupational, that the estate has undergone through its history. In recent years, this has been accentuated by the arrival of further and higher educational establishments, including the University of Glasgow and the University of the West of Scotland. The group felt that the Crichton represented a common bond, and that the diversity of the Estate reflected the diversity of the project members. The journey of the Crichton Estate provided an ideal opportunity for changes to be examined and documented within a measurable frame of time. We have chosen to define the word ‘journey’ as the passing from one stage to another. As our research studies the passing of the Crichton Estate through various stages of its history, we feel that the word ‘journey’ fits our project. 1834 is the year that construction began on the original hospital and consequently the year we selected for the starting point of our research.

This project also coincided with the closure of the Crichton Royal Museum in Solway House and of the website which was run by the recently retired archivist. In light of this closure it felt appropriate to fill the void by conducting a modern research project. The group were fortunate enough to gain access to numerous materials held at the museum, which was a great advantage to their research.

Output Media

The desire of every member of the CEP group was to leave a permanent record of their research for others to enjoy, just like James and Elizabeth Crichton's legacy. It was also

important to the group to try something that differed from the CEP end products of previous years, which had included websites and even a theatrical production. Having made the decision of the Crichton Journey as a research topic, the group agreed that there was little available literature on the Estate besides those relating particularly to healthcare, and with the closure of the Crichton Royal Museum this would be limited even further. The majority of available literature had been produced internally by representatives of the Estate, therefore the group’s research would provide a different and more objective view.

It was agreed that a booklet which could be distributed to local people and to local libraries could help to fill the gap left by the museum. This booklet would be accompanied by a launch event, which would be a celebration of the group’s achievements, and would help to raise public awareness of the research. The group were keen to make the booklet as accessible as possible to the public. As a result, the booklet will also be available for free download from the University of Glasgow, Dumfries Campus website.

Interdisciplinarity

The CEP is an interdisciplinary project which encourages students to work towards a shared research goal, whilst using individual skills taken from their own disciplines. This year, the CEP Group have produced a booklet which contains a collection of essays on the topic of change upon the Crichton Estate. Collating our essays in the style of our individual disciplines whilst working on a common theme demonstrates principles of shared interdisciplinarity. The links between our individual essays are demonstrated in our interdisciplinary web, which is shown in Plate 9 (back cover).

the architect and the contractor ensured that the remodelling process would be interpreted as the unification of two special buildings, with a long-term vision, as a state of the art Higher Education facility. Rutherford and McCowan manifest a synergy between the old and the new that will ensure the property can withstand the ravages of the elements into the new millennium. What is remarkable about this project is the interaction between the architect and the agencies who had the professional knowledge and abilities, to renovate complex historical buildings prominent architectural features. Following an inspection of the external parts of both structures, Rutherford and McCowan did require specialist treatments to their outer walls. Specific areas of the external sandstone on both buildings needed restoration, with stone indentation and replacement works carried out to eroded and damaged sandstone. Two external steel fire escape structures fixed to the sandstone walls were removed, with the necessary remedial works to repair damaged sandstone blocks, along with rebuilding the redundant fire escape doorways using Locharbriggs sandstone (Potter, 2009, p. 5). The joint between each of the sandstone blocks on both buildings required extensive repair and remedial works as a protection against the elements. The method recommended, was to clear out the residual and aged lime mortar leaving a clean and workable joint between the sandstone blocks, then replace or repoint that space with materials of an equivalent consistency to the original. Before work could proceed, samples of the original lime mortar had been sent to a Lime Centre for testing. Historic Scotland confirms that ‘pointing in lime is an important part of keeping the water out of a wall. Normally needed every 70 years or so, depending on the location. The Crichton, being mainly “ashlar work” (dressed rectangular sandstone blocks fashioned so that they have square edges and even work faces), had a lime putty mix infused into the thin joints between the stonework’ (Historic Scotland, 2009). Historic Scotland’s Technical Conservation Group provides information on building craft training and other more specialist conservation disciplines, the very skills that were required for the Rutherford and McCowan buildings. If Historic Scotland’s skills base could not resolve a renovation problem, they could provide details of other organisations, who may be able to offer additional information and advice (Historic Scotland, 2009). The following is an example of the strict guidelines that must be adhered to when renovating historical buildings, and the Scottish Lime Centre recommends:

Analysis of historic mortars can provide essential information to assist in the specification of compatible materials for conservation and repair work. This will be particularly relevant where patching and consolidation of historic mortars, plasters and other lime finishes are involved. Textures, colours and performance characteristics can be derived from analysis of historic materials, and used as the basis for developing appropriate specifications for conservation and repair works (Charlestown Consultants Website, 2009).

and restoration work as well as physical alteration to accommodate the requirements of a modern Higher Education facility. The project sought to preserve and restore the existing buildings while forming modern additions in a sympathetic manner (Robert Potter and Partners).

Robert Potter and Partners designed the main entrance between the two buildings which provided the necessary connections and through the use a steel framework they minimised the disruption, and additional civil works to the existing buildings. The architects Robert Potter and Partners link building design has made use of low maintenance materials, for example - untreated, unstained Iroko cladding and joinery, shot blasted stainless steel, lead roofing and cladding, Locharbriggs sandstone, and Caithness slabbing (Robert Potter and Partners). The design team had a difficult task coordinating and integrating the various floor levels, as well as sensitively merging both buildings into one. In Robert Potter and Partners own words: The problem of reconciling eight different floor levels between the buildings led to the development of a new link building incorporating ramps and a lift. The link allowed a rethinking of both buildings’ circulation, which included a new entrance and the ability to accommodate large numbers of students. In establishing the link between Rutherford and McCowan, a clear contemporary character was sought (Robert Potter and Partners). This can be perceived as having five principal aims:- 1. To establish effective links between a multitude of levels, 2. To create a welcoming structure and entrance, 3. To maintain the views between the two buildings and reveal the tower, 4. To develop the walled courtyard setting, 5. To create a hub for the users of the building. To overcome the differing floor levels, as well as designing a new entrance for the two buildings, ‘new and enlarged openings were necessary to provide connections from the link building to both Rutherford House and McCowan House.’ (Robert Potter and Partners). Both buildings were in need of extensive renovation and restoration work, and an important part of the project related to the reconstruction of the eroded external sandstone features. Those not conversant with such work, could have interpreted the work carried out on the Rutherford and McCowan buildings as ‘just another refurbishment assignment.’ However, the task required specialist and technological resources to support the necessary repair work. The reconstruction of Rutherford and McCowan was subjected to a carefully orchestrated and highly complex timeline that involved numerous external agencies, who were all conversant with the renovation of historical structures. It is obvious from the architects’ specification that considerable thought had gone into the long-term preservation of the two buildings. The procedures that were implemented by both

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the land use, bio-diversity and ecological footprint of the Crichton Estate

By Stephen Ross

Introduction

Around the same moment that members of the Creative Enquiry Project were settling on the idea of exploring concepts of change upon the Crichton Estate, it was through my individual research as an ecologist investigating the restoration of Kirkconnell Flow NNR that an idea presented itself. While studying historical maps to chart the spread of trees in the late 19th and early 20th century on the mire surface at Kirkconnell Flow, across the River Nith there appeared to be a noticeably similar trend occurring on the Crichton Royal Estate. Unlike the raised bog however, the observed changes in vegetation were occurring in tandem with anthropogenic structural developments surrounding the expanding Crichton Royal Institution and its subsequent associated buildings. For my contribution to the Creative Enquiry Project I aim to highlight how, by charting the successive periods of significant development on the estate, the natural biological diversity of the site may have changed with each of these periods of development, and how it might have changed had development of the land not occurred. Furthermore, as each period of development brought with it an associated increase in demand for resources by the estate, I will apply a simplified calculation to estimate the Ecological Footprint of the site and discuss how this may have changed over the course of the Crichton Journey. Recognising that both the conservation of biodiversity and Ecological Footprinting are important global environmental issues today, I aim to examine how some of physical changes along the journey of the Crichton Estate fit in with those issues both in the past and today in its present incarnation as a developing centre for business and education.

The Development of the Crichton Estate

In February 1834 forty acres of the Mountainhall Estate south of Dumfries were purchased for £5000 by the Crichton Trust. The eminent Edinburgh architect Mr William Burn was commissioned to draw up plans for what we know today as Crichton Hall, the first constructed building of the original Crichton Royal Institution. As we stand at present 175 years later, the Crichton Estate comprises, amongst others, twenty-seven listed buildings ranging from category A to C (Historic Scotland, 2009) set in one hundred acres of immaculate landscaped parkland. A far cry from the original hospital, the site now contains the multiple institution Crichton University Campus, the Crichton Business Park and the Easterbrook Hall (the largest conference and events centre in southern Scotland) with its companion, the luxury Aston Hotel.

In this first section I intend to define the significant stages of structural development on the site and how this led to the estate as it is today. Analysis will centre around historical maps dating back to the 18th century including the Roy Military Survey of Scotland, Ordnance Survey County Series maps and the Dudley Stamp Survey of the 1930s. It will also draw from historical texts such as George Turner’s Chronicle of the Crichton Royal 1937-1971 and History of Crichton Royal Hospital 1839-1989 by the recently retired Crichton Museum

archivist Morag Williams. Invaluable information was also retrieved from the Crichton Development Company’s comprehensive 1998 Historic Landscape Survey. In this chapter we will focus on the afore mentioned one hundred acres of the estate situated between the Glencaple and Bankend Roads stretching from Crichton Hall in the north to Carmont House in the south. This comprises the core of the estate and thus the land at Ladyfield and Hannahfield to the west or Midpark to the east is not accounted for in any calculations.

Table 1: Buildings on Crichton Estate with associated periods of development

Building Name Period Built

Period 1

Crichton Hall & service buildings 1834-39

Crichton House 1841-42

Southern Counties Asylum 1848-49

SCA Extension 1859

SCA Extension 1863-67

Period 2

Church 1890-97

Solway 1890-94

Boiler House (electricity) 1894-95

Criffel View 1898-99

Johnston 1898-01

Rutherford 1900-04

heritage, by renovating and reusing the existing buildings, with architectural designs an integral part of the old blended with the new, yet always remaining sympathetic to the surroundings (The Crichton Development Company, 2002, p. 10).

The architectural consultants with the responsibility for the development of the Rutherford and McCowan building started work on the project during 1997. The timeline for the project was carried out within the following programme:

Design work and Planning Application – 1997 Working Drawings and Building Warrant Application – 1998 Construction Period - June 1998 to September – 1999 First intake of students – September 1999

Additional works carried out beyond the main contract was the water garden conversion to provide more cafe space - 2001. At a total cost of £2.9 million, the work was completed within 15 months, in time for the first intake of students during September 1999 (Robert Potter and Partners). The employment of state-of-the art communications technology, linking universities and other academic institutions using innovative hi-speed Internet knowledge has generated a strong sense of identity. The ‘Rutherford-McCowan project has brought new employment, vitality and direction and a positive future for the Crichton Estate, with the lands retaining their historical importance’ (The Crichton Development Company, 2002, p. 10). The lecture and seminar rooms along with administrative staff are housed in Rutherford, while the information technology specialists, the student IT laboratories, along with support staff are an integral part of McCowan. The Glasgow library was an important part of the lower floor in McCowan but has recently relocated to the Dumfries and Galloway Collage, with the vacated space converted into office accommodation and lecture rooms. Rutherford-McCowan – The Marriage!

To ensure that the University of Glasgow was housed in a building that would fit the university’s world renowned status, the Crichton Development Company undertook the adaptation of Rutherford House, a grade B listed Art Nouveau building by Sidney Mitchell, an Edinburgh architect and McCowan House, an Art Deco building designed by James Flett, a member of the Crichton Estate staff. The Art Nouveau style of decorative and architecture was prominent in the late nineteenth early twentieth century and characterised by intricate linear designs and flowing curves (Soanes, 2001, p. 62). On the other hand, the Art Deco was a decorative style prominent in the 1920s and 1930s, characterised by precise geometric shapes (Soanes, 2001, p. 61). During the initial survey both the Rutherford and McCowan buildings were found to be in a derelict state having been neglected for almost three years. The combination of the buildings closure and the lack of proper maintenance had taken its toll on the condition of the buildings’. Robert Potter and Partners quote in their Project Summary:

The existing buildings were in poor condition and required major renovation

With the changes in Mental Health treatments through the formation of the NHS, both buildings became surplus to requirements and were closed down. The structures received very little care from their closure, up until the civil engineering contract was awarded for the university renovation. In conclusion, Rutherford was ready for patients during 1904, and McCowan was built and ready to accept the hospital staff during 1931. Business as usual appears to have been the situation up until McCowan went through a major overhaul, and was pressed into service as an additional infirmary during 1965. Chapter two will expand on the restoration and renovation of both buildings, starting during 1997 when both buildings move from health care into Higher Education. From 1996 and the University of Glasgow

A new chapter in the life of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings was about to begin. Following over three years of neglect both buildings became the centre of attention when negotiations opened for a Higher Education facility in Dumfries. A critical part of the regeneration process at the Crichton was securing the University of Glasgow’s agreement to establish a satellite academic facility in the Rutherford and McCowan buildings. Elizabeth Crichton’s plan for a university in Dumfries was about to become a reality. The Crichton and Dumfries were at last to be awarded university status. The ongoing consultation between the four parties involved in the creation of the university signed the Crichton Accord document on the 12 December 1996 securing an exciting future for the Rutherford and McCowan buildings. The four signatory partners involved in the joint venture, were the University of Glasgow, the Dumfries and Galloway Council, Dumfries and Galloway Enterprise, and the Crichton Development Company. The Accord sets out the collective aims for the project, the role of each of the participant organisations, and the measures by which it will be managed and monitored. The Aims are the establishment of a Liberal Arts Higher Education facility which would develop and grow the facility into an autonomous University. This exciting venture, along with the essential technology to support and service the Higher Education facility, underpinned the development of both the Crichton University Campus as well as the Crichton Business Park (Dumfries and Galloway Council, 1996, pp 4-5). The Crichton Foundation Mission Statement played a central role as a driving force ‘creating a world class centre of learning and enterprise.’ The Foundations function was to widen access, assist academic institutions, preserve, and regenerate the heritage of the Crichton Estate, having successfully attracted the University of Paisley, Bell College and today the University of the West of Scotland (The Crichton Development Company, 2002). With that status, Higher Education found itself an integral part of a flexible and zoned mix of academia, business and community. It is an initiative that would potentially support and enhance lifelong learning, and not only for the town of Dumfries, indeed opportunities will be open to those who live in the South of Scotland and North of England, with the Crichton and its facilities resonating internationally. The aim of the regeneration project on the Crichton Estate was to provide a broad and evolving strategy of conservation and cultural

Building Name Period Built

Period 2 (continued) Carmont 1900-04

Browne 1907-09

Dudgeon 1907-10

Annandale and Eskdale 1907-09

Maxwell 1910-12

Galloway 1910-12

Kirkcudbright (Kindar, Fleet and Merrick) 1912-14

Wigtown (Mochrum and Monreith) 1912-14

Hestan 1922-23

Glasshouses 1923

The Hospice 1925-27

The Hostel (McCowan) 1930-31

Grierson and Cairnsmore 1932-34

Easterbrook Hall 1934-38

Period 3

Rutherford-McCowan adjoined 1996-97

Aston Hotel 2005-06

The significant larger buildings on the estate are noted in table.1 along with their associated periods of development and from these dates the ‘Crichton Journey’ was divided into three periods. The table is by no means an exhaustive list and is merely intended to serve as a tool to illustrate the stages of growth and to demonstrate how the periods of time were selected for discussion in this chapter. For a more comprehensive list of historical structural developments I would recommend taking a look at History of Crichton Royal Hospital 1839-1989 by Morag Williams. Following the commencement of work on Crichton Hall and its associated buildings from 1834 onwards, there was a period of development lasting 33 years until completion of the second stage of extension on the Southern Counties Asylum. Following this there was a gap of 23 years until work began in 1890 on building the church, starting a second phase of sustained structural development lasting 48 years, allowing for a short interlude during the First World War. Then, following a gap of almost 60 years after the completion of Easterbrook Hall in 1938, the redevelopment and joining of the Rutherford and McCowan buildings marks the beginning of the third period. This period also includes the redevelopment of Johnston House into part of the Aston hotel but does not incorporate the recently completed new Dumfries and Galloway College which was constructed on land outwith the boundaries of the Crichton Estate as defined in this chapter. The periods of development referred to from this point onwards are defined as follows:

Period 0 - pre 1830s

Period 1 - 1830s to 1880s



Analysis of Historical Maps

The Roy Military Survey of Scotland 1747-1755 is a uniquely important historical cartographic document. It provides a uniform graphic snapshot of the entire Scottish mainland at a time when the landscape was beginning an era of rapid change. It was while searching this map for my individual research on Kirkconnell Flow that my attention was drawn to the Crichton Estate or, more accurately, drawn to where the Crichton Estate did not appear. The Roy map predates the Crichton Trust purchasing its land by over 80 years and gives as detailed a graphical representation and insight into the area as is possible for that time. The land appears to be almost all arable or pasture and a patchwork of marked field boundaries is evident. The Glencaple and Bankend Roads are also evident as well as some small properties noted as Cherrytrees, Spittalfield and Wellgreen but none of the larger buildings we know today, or as feature in subsequent maps. In later reference Period 0 serves as a baseline, with the Crichton Estate essentially a blank canvas for what was to follow.

The developments of Period 1 can be neatly observed in the Ordnance Survey County

Although the buildings did have work carried out on them the most significant change took place during 1948. On the 5 July 1948, the National Health Service became part of everyday life in Great Britain. The supervision of mental disorders by the state was linked […] with the response to poverty. ‘Publicly financed mental hospitals were established […] for the mentally disordered. The NHS took over these institutions and they were slow to change after 1948.’ (Journal of Mental Health, June 1998, V 7, Issue 3, pp. 225-239). Dr James Harper was appointed Physician Superintendent in succession to Dr P. K. McCowan in 1957. During 1960, he presented the Crichton Board with a memorandum suggesting that amongst other things that he wanted to see a variation in remedial responsibilities, where a comprehensive reclassification of patients should take place. The primary intention was finding a cure for the patient, rather than accepting what was, at that time, becoming a fashionable expression ‘institutionalisation.’ Turner notes in the early 1960s, a member of the medical staff Dr G. S. Stirling, volunteered to undertake this task, and his examination extended to some 600 patients under his care. The result of this endeavour was each patient who went through Stirling’s examination was the better for it. The exercise, undertaken by Stirling confirmed that a number of buildings on the estate required structural changes to accommodate the patients, and both Rutherford and the Hostel were included. The exact detail regarding the work is not available. The former nurses’ hostel had opened its doors during 1931 as accommodation for the hospital support staff in the Second Department infirmaries, but due to excessive patient numbers the building was refurbished and renamed McCowan House. It was officially re-opened to mentally ill mixed gender patients during 1965, by the then retired Physician Superintendent, Dr P. K. McCowan (Turner, 1980, p. 198). The Crichton Estate management team maintained both buildings from the date they opened until they closed during the early 1990s. The exact detail of maintenance procedures, remedial works along with a re-decoration schedule runs into copious pages, but little of the information relates to major structural alterations, and not relevant to this essay. During the early 1960’s the nurses’ quarters were upgraded with new bathrooms, toilets and heating systems. The buildings were decorated from time to time, but the exact intervals are difficult to establish. The list of other minor remedial works is almost endless, but what it does confirm is the care and attention that the buildings were purportedly subjected to, up until they were closed (Turner, 1980, p. 198). However, it is clear from records of building inspections that care and attention to external parts of the structures may not have been as in depth as it is portrayed in the minutes of the meetings held during the 1960s. The resultant damage will become an integral part of chapter two, when both buildings converted into a university. Morag Williams notes in her book the History of the Crichton Royal Hospital 1839-1989:

When the National Health Service emerged on the 5 July 1948 a new Board of Management replaced the previous, and with ongoing improvements in treatment as well as changes to the Mental Health policy, McCowan closed its doors June 1992, with Rutherford closing down its services on the June 1994 (Williams, 1996, p. 76).

Rutherford-McCowan building, future students may wish to carry out research on other buildings on the estate. The depth of this article has been limited by the time available for the project; however, the findings discussed below demonstrate that a detailed investigation into ongoing property management, allied to energy efficiency in the other existing structures on the estate, could be a key topic for future students of research. From planning to 1995

The Rutherford infirmary was ready for occupation during 1904, gaining its title as a memorial to one of the Crichton’s long serving doctors, Dr James Rutherford. When the building opened its doors to its first female patients, it was used as a Second Department Infirmary. Departments up until 1948 were designated as the First, Second, and Third Departments, in effect three different hospitals under the one administration. Each Department had its own Medical Officer, Matron, Assistants, Female and Male nursing staff, and Kitchen personnel. The individual Departments had their own individual style of crockery and linen and for many years, each one purchased a different quality of foodstuffs. The First Department treated those patients who could finance rooms or suites of rooms during their treatment. In the Second Department, Maxwell, Dudgeon, Carmont, and Rutherford all received their names by recognising the years of service by former hospital directors and senior officials (Turner, 1980, p. 2). Second Department status was designed to hold intermediate and lower private patients who were in a position to finance their own accommodation (Easterbrook, 1940, p. 315). The Third Department looked after patients who were not fortunate enough to be able to pay for their treatment, and in Turners words ‘the rate aided patients’ or paupers whose treatment was paid for by the Dumfriesshire, Wigtownshire and Kirkcudbrightshire authorities (Turner, 1980, pp. 2-3). During 1901 Dr Easterbrook reports that ‘the site for the male and female infirmaries are fixed in March in the field to the east of the farm steading […] the houses are to be erected by contract, and building contracts are prepared by the Law Agents’ (Easterbrook, 1940, p. 268). Easterbrook cites in his book Chronicle of the Crichton Royal1833-1936:

It was decided to build the next two “Infirmaries” the “Male Infirmary” (known later as Carmont House), and the “Female Infirmary” (known later as Rutherford House) the latter […] to have a distinctive tower. Plans for these two infirmaries were under consideration, their internal plan being arranged by Dr Rutherford in consultation with Messrs Sydney Mitchell and Wilson (Easterbrook, 1940, p. 263).

Rutherford was approaching completion during 1904 ready for the admission of patients, and the Chronicle of the Crichton Royal1833-1936 records that there had been a number of structural changes as the Rutherford building was put together. Easterbrook reports that ‘the Second House the top floor of the female side is provided with a hot water supply and heating apparatus’ (Easterbrook, 1940, p. 278). Dr Rutherford’s overall strategy confirmed that the Rutherford infirmary was built to hold female patients, in the Second Department.

Series 1st Edition dated 1860. The three main buildings listed in table.1 are displayed, in addition to the private house and garden of Brownhall to the south. Immediately across the main drive into the CRI are its associated offices with an orchard and tree plantation beyond. There is also clear evidence on the map of the gardens and airing courts for patients within the walled perimeter of the CRI, and of a bowling green in the southwest corner. The remaining land within the grounds was for arable farming at this time, around the bowling green and behind the SCA. The area beyond to the south and surrounding Brownhall was also still farmland, divided into large fields with some tree planting evident along the borders. In subsequent years it was felt that the grounds were becoming too small for the growing population of both the CRI and SCA, leading to the purchase of 60 acres of the property at Brownhall in 1867 and 60 acres from Maryfield to the north (CDC, 1998).

The 50 years comprising Period 2 see undoubtedly the biggest stage of sustained physical change along the Crichton Journey. The OS County Series 2nd Edition (1900) displays the Church, Johnston House and the new Crichton Farm along with an increase in the presence of structured roads on the estate. These roads followed the previous field margins and are generally avenues lined with trees. There is increased tree cover around the CRI and Church, and the offices and perimeter wall have been removed. The OS County Series 3rd Edition (1931) map marks a dramatic step up in structural development on the site. With the exception of Easterbrook Hall all buildings constructed during period 2 are present, illustrating the institution’s move towards the ‘colony system’, in which patients are housed in a series of detached villas rather than one large asylum building. Substantial avenues of trees now flank all roads to the new buildings and the form of the land demonstrates the now landscaped gardens of the estate. This map also notes the development of the arboretum and rock garden across from the CRI in place of the orchard and where the offices used to sit, and of the recreation ground in front of the Hospice (which had replaced the demolished Southern Counties Asylum in 1927). The 1930’s Land Utilisation Survey of Britain, otherwise known as the Dudley Stamp Survey, denotes the use of land by applying various colours to the map and the Crichton Estate features three categories of land in this survey. The whole of the area surrounding the CRI, the Hospice and land in close proximity to the Church, Brownhall and colony buildings is depicted in purple as being ‘orchards and nursery gardens’. Only two areas – the wider area surrounding the Church and the recreation ground opposite the Hospice – are depicted in light green for ‘meadowland and permanent grassland’ while all remaining land within the estate boundaries – that surrounding Brownhall and the colony buildings is classified in brown as arable land.

While Period 3 was largely devoid of structural change until the late 1990s, there is a wealth of information on the use and management of the land provided by Turner’s Chronicle of Crichton Royal 1937-1971. Turner charts year by year the events of the Crichton Estate, noting changes in policy of tree and shrub planting and the strict management of the grounds. He notes which and how many areas were often replanted with younger specimens, in particular the rock garden seemed to benefit from the benevolence of the Edinburgh Royal Botanic Gardens who donated alpine plants on several occasions. The Second World War enforced change on the estate too with land, including the church field,

being turned over to expand the market garden for provision of food. Managed grounds also began to suffer as ground staff were unable to be replaced after being called up to the military and in 1941 the shortage of fuel led to a reduction in the area of grassland being mown (Turner, 1980). The area of the Church field was returned to the policies of the estate in 1948. Although many of the buildings on the Crichton Estate were refurbished in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s there was comparatively little in the way of significant structural development beyond the joining of Rutherford and McCowan buildings in 1996 and the new Aston Hotel in 2006. The Crichton Development Company’s Historic Landscape Survey identified new areas designated to become car parks that have subsequently become a reality and also set out goals for the future management and landscaping of the gardens and parkland.

In order to apply a quantitative measure of some of the changes that have been noted, the ground area covered by each building was calculated from analysis of the historical maps. In this way we can appropriate a figure to the area of built up land during each of the identified periods of time, as the land use shifted from agricultural to developed and landscaped garden. The areas were calculated by a straightforward method of applying a fine grid to the map and accounting for the area of ground covered by each building relative to the whole of the estate. By calculating the sum of the ground areas of the buildings present in each period, the developed area could then be expressed as a single figure. Calculations took account of buildings that were subsequently demolished or replaced in the following period, such as the Crichton Royal Institution offices and the Southern Counties Asylum. The results are illustrated in table.2.

The area of the Crichton estate has thus far been expressed in terms of acres in order to correlate with historical texts but from this point forward, for reasons that will become apparent later, I would like to switch to units of hectares. With one hectare (ha) being equivalent to 2.47 acres, from this point forward the previously referenced 100 acres of Crichton Estate will now be expressed as 40ha.

Table 2: Calculated areas of built land on Crichton Estate following periods of development

Table 2 gives a clear numerical demonstration of the scale of building work undertaken during Period 2 relative to the time periods either side of it. It is not so straightforward to

Area of Built Land Percentage of Crichton Estate

Period 1 1.78ha 4.45%

Period 2 6.94ha 17.35%

Period 3 9.15ha 22.86%

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the structural development of the Rutherford-McCowan Buildings

By Ian Martin Introduction

This document will examine the journey undertaken by the Rutherford and McCowan buildings, the two Locharbriggs red sandstone structures adjacent to each other on the southeast boundary of the Crichton Estate, in Dumfries. The essay will study the reason why the two buildings were erected, and endeavour to determine the functions that took place within both buildings, while following their journey through to the present day. The project will expand on any architectural changes that may have taken place given the buildings’ changing role over the years they have been in service. So that the essay can follow a specific timeline, it will be written in two chapters, or effectively two journeys that start and finish at defined timelines throughout the life of the buildings. 1995 was chosen as a natural break, when both Rutherford and McCowan moved from Health Care into Higher Education. The first chapter will explain the early preparation, planning, the construction stages for each structure, and their intended use up until 1947. The essay will then examine the progress and development of the buildings from 1948, the introduction of the National Health Service up until 1995. Although chapter one will explain the work carried out on the buildings up until 1995 from historical records, the second and most comprehensive chapter will expand on the buildings development from 1996, taking into account a major redevelopment phase. Chapter two will focus heavily on the changes that took place as the building was converted into a Higher Education facility. At the time the research for this essay was carried out the Crichton Royal Museum, a vital resource for this project had been closed, and very few other historical records were available covering the early stages of the Crichton’s development. Therefore, research for chapter one needed to be library and archive based. Chapter two will explain in detail the 1996 and beyond design and architectural groundwork phase, that underpinned renovation and reconstruction works, that returned the two buildings as one, back into community use. Contemporary records have been used in Chapter two, and it will expand on the extraordinary approach taken by the architects, Robert Potter and Partners, Chartered Architects and Project Managers, Dumfries, in partnership with Historic Scotland, to ensure that the correct renovation procedures were adhered too throughout the buildings restoration. The foundation stone for the Rutherford and McCowan building, was laid on the 11 June 1998 by Dr Richard Wilson, the then Rector of the University of Glasgow. Costing £2.9 million the University Campus ‘Flagship’ project contract was awarded to the civil engineering company Border Construction, Carlisle. Major refurbishment work would see the two buildings effectively linked together as one structure. This project aims to highlight other potential research topics relating not only to the

end of the economic market. However, the influence of the economic climate has proved central and will remain important to the Easterbrook’s future, as minimal expenditure could be detrimental to business of the current social facilities in use at the Easterbrook Hall.

Conclusion In Chapter 1: 1834-1934 it was demonstrated that although the concern of the welfare of the patient as Easterbrook’s encouragement of progressiveness influenced change, it was WW1 which played a predominant, but detrimental role in the change of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall. In Chapter 2: 1935-1995 it was illustrated that during this period change was radical, in that social facilities were transformed from offering a wide range of recreational activities restricted for patient use into a State Authority controlled court room and in addition the looming threat of the Community Care Act had further altering potential. In Chapter 3: 1995-2009 it was suggested that that the introduction of damaging Government legislation commenced a metamorphosis of facilities, which were further shaped by the evolvement of technological processes, renovation and renewal. In addition it was suggested that social business may be influenced by the economic climate, which further reiterates the impact that State governance has over change in the facilities of the Easterbrook Hall. Therefore, in conclusion change at the Crichton has been influenced by a range of interrelated internal and external factors, such as adoption of progressive polices, evolvement, growth and renewal. However State influences, such as new legislation and political and economic climates, have had the greatest impact, changing social facilities from being restricted to private use of patients into the public sphere and from institutional use into the professional, business and enjoyment sectors. The necessity of the formation of the Easterbrook Hall to provide social and leisure facilities for patient’s diminished long ago and future change seems now dependent on the success of celebratory parties, dinner parties and conference and business events.

account for the utilisation of the non-built land however. Today the buildings are set amidst landscaped and managed park land but parts of this land have periodically shifted from arable to garden, to pasture and neglected grassland and back again over the 175 years of the Crichton Journey. We can say, however, that the area of the Crichton Estate has lost almost a quarter of its bioproductive land since 1834.

The Biodiversity

Biodiversity, or the biological diversity, is most prevalently used as a synonym for the ‘variety of life’ but can involve such a wide scope that it is ultimately an abstract concept. Use of the term ‘biodiversity’ arose in the context of, and has remained firmly wedded to, concerns over the loss of the natural environment and its contents (Gaston and Spicer, 2004, p138) and it is in this context that we shall consider it here. From an anthropocentric viewpoint the most important reason for conserving biodiversity is the role in which the mix of micro-organisms, plants and animals plays in providing ecological services of value to humanity (Perrings et al, 1995, p4). This reasoning is applicable to unmanaged ‘wild’ land, but could also be true of the managed land of Crichton Estate as well, although for very different reasons. Taking my individual work on Kirkconnell Flow as an example, the raised bog was protected and restored primarily to preserve a rare habitat but across the world raised bogs have the ability to trap CO2 from the atmosphere and lock it away in the ground as peat, and are accordingly an important resource for tackling global climate change. The design, management and preservation of the Crichton Estate derives from entirely different yet no less anthropocentric reasons in that the gardens, and indeed the arable land in previous time periods, were intended to complement patient therapy within the institution. Indeed the way in which the Crichton Royal Institution was ahead of its time in terms of techniques of patient therapy (see chapter by Kerrie Ross) is reflected by the way in which the estate was ahead of its time in its associated landscaped design. In an expanding community today, planners are concerned with shaping the pattern of growth to achieve a sensible and attractive development, and how the character of a development will determine the people and the ways in which they use it but until the 1960s such environmental town planning was virtually unrecognisable (Levy, 2009). While the estate today is managed to retain the integrity of the original historical design for the grounds, in turn preserving the biodiversity within the estate, it could have been a very different story for the land comprising the Crichton Estate, as we shall look at below.

If we were to return to Period 0, we would find our 40 hectares of the Crichton Estate in somewhat contrasting surroundings, almost entirely agricultural land as noted earlier from the Roy map. If this land had remained in agricultural use to this day, for arable or pasture, it is likely that the field margins would be largely unchanged from those indicated on the Roy map or the OS 1st Edition, given the enforced boundary of the Bankend and Glencaple Roads. There would also likely have been none of the diverse array of plants, trees and shrubs that have been planted and nurtured over the last 175 years, and the associated plethora of habitat for birds, insects and small animals to reside in. Although large areas of the present Crichton Estate are neatly mown grass, the whole of the grounds benefit from the strategic planting and management designed to retain the historic landscaped feeling.

Buildings are screened to promote the ambience and this screening provides varied habitat for wildlife along every avenue, access road and the surroundings of each building. There is also evidence that the Crichton grounds were not always managed to the pristine levels that are evident today. Observations by the head gardener in 1968 noted that the southern half of the estate was being maintained at a much lower standard and that apart from the ward gardens, which were close mown, the grassland was left to grow long and harvested as hay (Turner, 1980, p221). Today such practise is recommended for agricultural land as part of crop rotation, as unimproved hay meadows typically contain a high diversity of plant species (Ausden, 2007, p96). In our Period 0 the bulk of the natural diversity is limited to the trees and hedgerows of the field boundaries and their respective margins. It is here that we arrive at a seemingly paradoxical conclusion, that the biodiversity has increased with the periods of change that brought ever-increasing development with buildings and roads. It is apparent simply from observing the succession of the OS County Series maps that during the Crichton Journey from Period 0 through to Period 3 that the tree cover became steadily greater and the habitat for wildlife became increasingly more available and diverse.

To go a step further, we could tentatively suggest that the available habitat might have in fact decreased had our 40ha remained as farmland. Taking the example of farmland birds, populations across Europe have declined markedly over the last quarter of the 20th century, representing a severe threat to biodiversity (Donald et al, 2001). In Britain, populations have declined more than 50% since 1970 and for some species, such as the Tree Sparrow that figure is as high as 80% (Robinson et al, 2001). Studies indicate that these declines are a consequence, direct or indirect of the intensification of agriculture through the 20th century. As farms have become more specialised, the greatly increased use of machinery has made operations quicker and more efficient, but has resulted in the removal of 50% of the UK’s hedgerow stock (Robinson and Sutherland, 2002). Birds have accordingly lost their nesting sites, while their sources of food also suffer from the monoculture of crops and the use of pesticides. Turner notes that even in the Crichton arable plots the head gardener complained in 1970 of a lack of crop rotation due to the intensity of cultivation and that crops were showing signs of disease (Turner, 1980, p247), so even inside the Crichton grounds this was still an issue. Of course it is not certain that the land would have remained in agricultural use and the fields could likely have become a residential area. One need only look at a modern map of Dumfries to see the radial spread of residential developments, for example Georgetown, Lincluden and Heathhall. In fact the Crichton Trust were aware of this possibility, which led them in 1875 to acquire 40 acres of the Maryfield estate to “secure the amenity of the institution against the ever advancing wave of town improvements” (CDC, 1998, p6). Had a new residential area been developed in place of the agricultural land we might expect to see an increase in the biodiversity with the associated gardens to each property but this is unlikely to be any comparison to the scale of the Crichton Estate.

Ecological Footprint

So far we have looked into the physical journey of the Crichton Royal Estate, where we observed the changes in land utilisation, successive stages of structural development and

accommodating delegates from all over the world. However, despite the evolution of processes being a significant factor in influencing change and attracting international recognition, the use of the social facilities continue to fail in attracting those who are now becoming central to the Crichton Estate – the students.

Few initiatives, changes or advances have been driven and aimed for the student market. In addition, the sheer expense of hiring the social facilities and furthermore the extortionate charges for food and beverages can be unmanageable, especially for the undergraduate sector. It is assumed that it would be extremely beneficial, in terms of attracting increased business as well as economically advantageous, to introduce and make available a student union into the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall, perhaps featuring a variety of performers and events, or simple facilities such as a large screen television, a pool table and accommodating refreshment prices. It is proposed a social facility of this nature could be profitable and would indeed be progressing to accommodate evolutionary process. Therefore, the evolution of processes have participated in influencing change, especially in developing new features and more advanced practices to the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall, however have declined to emerge into the student sector and, in addition with current economic pressures, it is questionable whether this advancement can be maintained let alone be continuous.

Economic pressures have driven change of the use of social facilities at the Easterbrook Hall. With the Easterbrook Hall producing its ‘Best set of results ever' (The Crichton Trust and Crichton Development Company Ltd, 2008, p5), as highlighted by an internal publication in period 2007/2008 this allowed for justification of improvements and advancements to facilities. A steady rate of economy in 2008 witnessed the introduction of company corporate events, such as clay pigeon shooting, shooting and archery, with clients using Easterbrook Hall facilities to meet before the outdoor event and subsequently arriving back for refreshments. In addition, adding to the facilities, an outdoor terrace was created, accessible from the Duncan Rooms. This indicated that the period of increased business allowed for further expansion of facilities.

However, during periods of economic hardship the use of the social facilities are also likely to decline. Moreover, with the Gross domestic Product; the measure of National income in decline and unemployment rising (HM Treasury, January 2009, p3), it is uncertain whether many businesses will be able to afford to host their organisational conferences and celebratory parties in the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall. Therefore, with the current economic pressures, it is questionable whether the 2009 recession will influence further change to the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall.

In conclusion, from 1995 the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall underwent substantial change, as they were transformed away from accommodating the social needs of patients and emerged into the commercial and business sector. Within this period Easterbrook Hall progressed into a contemporary function suite offering modernised facilities, advanced technical equipment and a range of extraordinary amenities aimed specifically at the high

In conjunction with the renovations of the main auditorium, the different rooms within Easterbrook Hall also underwent refurbishment. On the opening of the Duncan Rooms, Gordon Mann, Head of the Crichton Development Company was reported by a local publication as saying ‘we are really pleased to be delivering on this next major phase of restoring the Crichton’ (Dumfries and Galloway Standard, 7th November 2006). Subsequently, as was suggested by the media, various smaller, versatile rooms were the result of renovations, which were promoted as perfect facilities for meetings, presentations and lectures.

However, despite such radical changes in parts of the building, the entire right wing lies destitute in its original state. This area, previously comprised of social facilities, such as a heated swimming pool and hairdressing cubicles, currently remains restricted from use. Despite minimal use and no interim plans for renovation, this wing continues to be costly to maintain as it requires consistent heat to avoid further disrepair. Therefore, despite radical renovation and refurbishment to the Easterbrook Hall an entire wing remains unchanged and void from use, indicating that advancement of the times has minimal influence on its refurbishment.

Subsequent to renovation adjustments, major technical improvements advanced the use of social facilities further. The implementation of state of the art technicalities, such as high quality video conferencing, efficient internet access and audio visual equipment developed the facilities into a prime function venue for conferences as it offered a range of high quality equipment ‘providing up to 12 microphones, including tie clip radio and radio roving microphones and professional lectern[...]full multi media facility with video, computer and video conferencing’ (Crichton Development Company Ltd, n.d., p6). With the evolvement and incorporation of technical equipment into the Easterbrook Hall the use of facilities changed and extended their use to a professional sphere and into business use.

The social facilities available within the Easterbrook Hall were enhanced and able to cater for a wide range of events. This advancement was demonstrated during the late 1990’s, as a catering service was launched to accommodate available refreshments at social events, which was initially provided by external firm and more recently expertly prepared by an in house team. Catering offered the opportunity to cater for increasing number of annual dinners and prestigious events (Crichton Trust, 2003) and moreover provided a varied and heightened attraction to social functions at the Easterbrook. Taking advantage of the new professional catering, the facilities of the Easterbrook Hall were enhanced by the launch of wedding packages, incorporating the Crichton Memorial Church, function amenities, and more recently the Aston Hotel, to offer convenient, entire wedding day bundles situated in one area. In 2005 an internal publication stated that these types of packages were beneficial for the Easterbrook Hall, and ‘continued to be an important and growing part of the business with a 20% growth in the number of weddings’ (Crichton Trust, 2005). The success of enhancement was further reflected by the launch of an increased variety of social events, such as Christmas Party Nights and Singles nights. In addition, the attraction of the advanced social facilities was evident in encouraging new cliental; moreover international cliental, as in the near future it is proposed to host the World Mountain Biking Conference,

some of the management of the ecology surrounding this. Following the rebirth of the estate in its present incarnation as a centre for business and education, I would like to draw from and tentatively apply a real world method of accounting for biocapacity and land use, in the form of an Ecological Footprint.

The concept of the Ecological Footprint was conceived in 1990 by Mathis Wackernagel and William Rees at the University of British Columbia as a method to attain a measure of humanity’s demand on the world’s natural resources. It provides this by measuring the amount of biologically productive land and water area required to support an individual, population or activity and to absorb the waste they generate. Thus an ecological footprint will incorporate the sum of all the cropland, grazing land, forest and fishing grounds required to produce the food, fibre and timber we consume. It will account for the space required to provide for our infrastructure and account for the wastes emitted when we use energy and generate electricity. In our consumptive economies in the modern world, the technique has become a useful tool widely utilised by scientists, governments, businesses and institutions working to monitor ecological resource use and advance sustainable development. In their 1996 publication Our Ecological Footprint: Reducing human impact upon the Earth, Wackernagel and Rees demonstrated how it was possible to account for almost every action of life in a modern developed country. Their concept permitted the calculation of the average humans requirement of ecologically productive land to provide them with clothing, housing, delivery of goods, even their entertainment, and this could be expressed in the form of a single figure. As Wackernagel and Rees put it, “to communicate simply and graphically the general nature and magnitude of the biophysical ‘connectedness’ between human kind and the ecosphere” (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p78). This is one of the great strengths of the Ecological Footprint analysis, its ability to undertake a vast and complex calculation of a global issue and ultimately reduce it to a single number, whereby anyone in the world can see how their country, their town, their lifestyle compares against the rest of the world. Illustrated in this way the Ecological Footprint can make a striking point, the figure free from scientific jargon and hard to dismiss off hand. The measure of an ecological footprint is commonly expressed in units of global hectares (gha). A global hectare can be defined as an area of land, equal to that of a standard hectare, that has been normalised to have the world average productivity of all biologically productive land and water in a given year (Kitzes et al, 2007). Thus because of international trade, travel and the dispersion of wastes (e.g. atmospheric carbon dioxide emissions), the hectares demanded can be physically located anywhere in the world. The 2008 Living Planet Report notes that over three quarters of the people on earth inhabit nations that are ecological debtors, having surpassed their country’s biocapacity. That is to say, simplified, they use more resources than are available within their own borders. It is important to note however that it is mostly developed nations who are ecological debtors and that less developed nations tend to be creditors. Based on data gathered in 2005, the

total productive area of biocapacity available on Earth was 13.6 billion gha, equating to 2.1gha per person. The calculated figure for the global Ecological Footprint was 17.5 billion gha, equating to 2.7gha per person (Living Planet Report, 2008, p14). Thus the average present lifestyle of humanity has a deficit of 0.6gha per person, which may not sound much but consider that this amounts to almost 4 billion hectares – an area slightly greater than that covering the surface of the moon. By using the figures published in the Living Planet Report 2008, we can perform a simple calculation of our own to derive the area of global biocapacity required to support a population. This figure may then in turn be compared with the area in which that population resides and a ratio obtained. If we look at the United Kingdom as a case study: - 59.9 million people residing on 24,482,000ha - Average Ecological Footprint calculated to be 5.3gha per person. - 59,900,000 (UK population) x 5.3gha = 317,470,000gha required The total global biocapacity required to support the United Kingdom at present is calculated to be 317,470,000gha. - 317,470,000gha / 24,482,000ha (UK land area) = 12.97 The figure above, and those of ratios in table.3, note the extent to which a population has exceeded its available biocapacity, with any value greater than 1.0 equating to an overshoot, or ecological debt. Thus from this calculation the population requires an area of land a fraction under thirteen times greater than that contained within the United Kingdom in order to maintain its 2005 consumption levels.

Table 3: Ecological Footprints of selected populations

By using the same simple calculation it can be seen that the population of Dumfries and Galloway requires, or it could be said ‘borrows’, around a third more land than it possesses to sustain present levels of consumption. Although above the threshold of global capacity this figure is roughly in line with global demand and almost ten times lower than the requirements of the United Kingdom as a whole.

Population

(million) Area (ha)

E c o l o g i c a l F o o t p r i n t (gha/person)

Required Biocapacity (gha/person) Ratio

World 6,481 13,600,000,000 2.7 17,500,000,000 1.29

UK 59.9 24,482,000 5.3 317,470,000 12.97

D&G 0.1483 642,600 5.8 860,140 1.34

A significant decline in the number of patients within the Crichton Institution determined the deterioration in use of the social facilities, especially on such an immense scale as what was provided within the Easterbrook Hall. Due to new state legislation patient care within the Crichton was minimalised into the occupancy of a few buildings, which was a huge transition from the entire occupancy of the estate. With fewer patients to accommodate, nurture and entertain the need of the use of social facilities within the Easterbrook Hall diminished. The main factor influencing the decline in use of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall was the Government policy of institutionalised care being integrated into the community. As shown in Chapter two, Thatcher’s Mental Health (Patients in the Community) Act of 1995 heavily influenced the dilapidation of the Crichton Institution, as this act called for vulnerable people to live independently within society and be provided with care in their own homes instead of being segregated from the community by being placed into institutions. The implementation of this policy resulted in a reduction of patients, which consequentially decreased the patient usage of the social facilities and was indeed instrumental in driving change in use of the social facilities at the Easterbrook Hall.

Change, in 1995, was evident in the Easterbrook Hall as it began its transformation away from the care and health service sector into a social hire facility venue, playing host to different public and private functions; such as annual celebrations, dances and quiz events. The Easterbrook Hall was re-launched as a business venture, and across a short period of time it began to get used for a range of different functions, including recitals, society congregations, promotional cultural opening ceremonies and debates. It was evident the Easterbrook Hall had changed to accommodate public social facilities and furthermore, increased change was inevitable with the change of ownership.

Dumfries and Galloway Council bought the Easterbrook Hall, and many surrounding buildings within the Crichton Estate, from the local National Health Service and leased it to the Crichton Trust and the Trust’s wholly owned subsidiary company, the Crichton Development Company Ltd. It was clear from the outset, that adaptation and furthermore change in the use of facilities would certainly be occurring under the new ownership of the Easterbrook Hall. A local newspaper reports ‘The renovation of the former gymnasium as the Gilchrist room is the first phase in the refurbishment of Easterbrook Hall. And its opening marks the beginning of the regeneration of the Crichton Estate’ (Dumfries and Galloway Standard and advertiser, 1996, p5). This public media report implies that renewal and transformation of the social facilities was a certainty, a fact which was confirmed by an internal Crichton Development company report which named the Easterbrook Hall as part of a regeneration project, subjected by its new owners.

Entering into the 21st century change in the social use of facilities at the Easterbrook Hall were further expanded, as it is transformed into a contemporary function hire suite, advertised in marketing material as offering ‘an extensive range of facilities’ (Crichton Development Company Ltd, n.d., p2). Confirming this piece of marketing material, the expansion of features subsequent to renovation, advances in technical processes and enhancement all contributed to this development as it became evident that advancement with the times was a factor influencing change to the use of social facilities.

Coinciding with the period of the Lockerbie bombing enquiry, the use of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall experienced further change, this time developing from solely patient use into the public sphere of opening a Museum facility. An area of the west wing, now referred to as the Duncan Rooms, accommodated the new Crichton Royal Museum. The Museum was officially opened in 1989 by Prince Charles and was open to the public to view a representation of the history of the Crichton. Furthermore, the social facilities were again acquired in June 1994 and changed to host and accommodate the polling station for the European Elections. The social use of the general hall was also utilized by nurses to host training sessions, meetings and prize giving ceremonies. The change in the use of the facilities of the Easterbrook Hall away from offering facilities strictly for patients into hosting social functions for the public signifies and almost contemplates the influences of the coming proposals of Conservative Government.

The introduction of the Community Care Act 1990 (National Health Service and Community Care Act, 1990), under Margaret Thatcher’s Governance significantly influenced change in the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall. An aim of this act was to increase individual self reliance of those with mental health problems, which played a major role in the rundown of institutional care and an increase in patients being integrated into the community. With fewer patients treated on the Crichton site the use of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall were becoming destitute. This was confirmed when the Board general Manager admitted, in an interview for a local Newspaper, that ‘the Easterbrook Hall building would not be needed in the long term’ (Dumfries and Galloway Standard, 1994, pp28-29). It is evident from this statement that the implementation of the Community Care act did indeed threaten the future use of social facilities within the Easterbrook Hall and furthermore prompted change.

Within this period of 1934-1995 change in use of the social facilities was radical. Within a 60 year period the Easterbrook Hall developed from hosting a variety of social entertainment events, offering a range of recreational and sporting activities and serving beverages, confectionary and haircuts exclusively for patients to being transformed into a major inquiry courtroom and a public museum. Moreover, the state influence in the decline of institutionalised care was detrimental, as it subsequently reduced patient numbers and their use of the Easterbrook Hall and furthermore threatened change in the future use of the social facilities.

1995-2009 During the period from 1995-2009, the Easterbrook Hall went through a major transition as it was now moving away from providing amenities for restricted patient use and venturing into the professional business sphere and public enjoyment sector. The most significant change during this period was the introduction, and subsequent consequences of damaging Government legislation. There were various factors which have driven the change in use of the social facilities at the Easterbrook hall, including definitive state legislation, new ownership, advancement of processes and most decidedly the economic climate.

The Crichton Footprint

What would happen if we were to apply this same calculation to the Crichton Estate in its modern day status as a business and educational campus? As noted earlier, the Crichton Estate comprises an area of 40ha containing managed ground and gardens, buildings and a network of roads and car parks. The working population of the Crichton Estate was calculated to be 966, incorporating 223 staff and students from the University of Glasgow in the Rutherford McCowan building (Anderson, 2009), and 743 staff working in and around other buildings and the business park* (Mann, 2009), although this figure does not take account of remaining patients in Crichton Hall and the Hospice, As with Dumfries and Galloway in table.3, the Crichton calculation is performed using an average Ecological Footprint for Scotland of 5.8gha per person, obtained from a report by the Scottish Parliament Information Centre (Cook, 2005). - 966 people x 5.8 gha = 5603gha - 4309gha / 40ha = 140.07 Thus, by this calculation, the Crichton Estate would require an area of biological productive land over one hundred and forty times that which it occupies to sustain its population. This certainly adheres to the statement made earlier, where the single figure can serve as such a striking point that makes it hard to be ignored, but we should consider this figure critically. Before we start, it is worth considering that although the Crichton Estate has yielded a very high figure, this is not anomalous or indeed unusual in the United Kingdom (or any developed country for that matter). In 1996 London’s Ecological Footprint was calculated to have a biocapacity requirement 120 times greater than its own area (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p91). In 2002 this requirement was recalculated to be 49 million global hectares, which is 293 times London’s geographical area and roughly twice the size of the whole of the United Kingdom (Cook, 2005, p8). There are several explanations we might offer as to how the Ecological Footprint of the Crichton Estate is so much higher than the regional average. To begin with, Dumfries and Galloway is a rural region dominated by agriculture and forestry with a comparatively low population density compared to the rest of the United Kingdom, and thus the population density of the Crichton is unusually high for the region. Then we must consider that the Crichton population is predominantly a working one, not a residential one, so many of them will spend the majority of their time outside of this area. Some of the population are only working part time, which will further lower their requirement for resources whilst on the site. ————————————— *Figures for working population are based on a 2008 survey which included full and part-time staff, and exclude staff and students from the new Dumfries and Galloway College which is located outside the historical defined boundary of the Crichton Estate. Now what would happen if we were to try to apply the Ecological Footprint calculation to the Crichton Estate in each of the previously determined periods of time, not just the present

day? The National Footprint Accounts 2008 published figures for the global Ecological Footprint at intervals of five years going back to 1961. Back then the calculated figure was a global demand for seven billion gha to sustain humanity, less than half today’s figure of 17.5 billion gha (Global Footprint Network, 2008). But we cannot simply extrapolate this rate of change back to the 1860’s in order to derive a figure, and to conduct an Ecological Footprint calculation from scratch is a truly enormous undertaking which may take years. Obviously it goes against common sense and is simply not fair to also apply the figure of 5.8gha per person to a patient, nurse or groundsman in the mid 19th century and we can be certain that the Crichton Ecological Footprint was much lower in the past – precisely how much lower we cannot be certain about here.

Our Ecological Footprint divided global land area into four main categories with eight sub-categories of land use as follows:

Table 4: The main land and land use categories for Footprint assessments

(Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p68)

While studying the historic maps of the Crichton Estate earlier, it was noted the degree to which land use had visibly changed since its establishment in 1834. Throughout the Crichton journey however, the Crichton Estate has predominantly remained as what is classified above as category iii land, with pasture and cropland steadily giving way to the gardens we see today, albeit with an accompanying significant increase in the built or degraded land too. From the analysis of maps earlier we were able to calculate the areas of consumed land relative to the overall size of the estate. Over the 175 years of the Crichton Estate there has been a steady increase in this consumed land, a five-fold increase from during Period 1 to the present day. Wackernagel and Rees produced a breakdown of the Ecological Footprint into the required land consumption of each category (albeit in their case for the average Canadian). Energy land was significantly the largest category, owning around 55% of the overall footprint but it is the consumed and currently used land that I wish to highlight. Degraded land accounted for 0.2gha per person in their results, while garden, crop and pasture (0.02, 0.66 and 0.46 gha respectively) combine to account for

i. Energy land Land ‘appropriated’ by fossil energy use (energy or CO2 land)

ii. Consumed land The built environment (degraded land)

iii. Currently used land Gardens (reversibly built land), crop land (cultivated systems), pasture and managed forest (modified systems)

iv. Land of limited availability Untouched forest (productive natural ecosystems) and non productive areas (deserts, icecaps)

element in assisting recovery.

Patient integration and socialising was further advanced by the growth of the sport facilities at the Easterbrook Hall. Swimming baths were incorporated into the new building in combination with the large range of other recreational activities. Integration activities, such as sports and games were organised and ‘carried out under qualified instructors’ (Crichton Royal Dumfries, n.d. p8) encouraging social participation and good sportsmanship. This feature, which was contained in an 19th century Crichton Institution advertising brochure, is reflective of the advancement of sporting facilities in order to encourage patients to the Crichton institution, indicating that they had exceptional facilities. In addition, many different sporting activities were advocated within the gym of the Easterbrook Hall; squash, badminton and even judo were held. The growth of the leisure industry was reflected in the adaptation of the social facilities now offered at the Easterbrook. It received recognition as offering great amenities, and was acknowledged by a local newspaper:

There is perhaps no better known institution of its kind anywhere than the Crichton Royal, which yesterday took a great step forward by the opening of the Easterbrook Hall, an imposing block of buildings with a great central hall capable of seating a thousand persons, flanked by suites of rooms which provide amenities for the treatment of mental illness unsurpassed in any hospital in this country or abroad (Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser, 1938, p9).

Highlighted and enthused by this media source is the radical growth of social facilities available for patient use, which could be interpreted as a promotional tool to encourage patients to the institution by advertising new available amenities. Although such growth in the leisure industry influenced major change in the use of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall, more radical changes were yet to come.

During the period of 1990-1991, just over 50 years since it opened, the Easterbrook Hall was taken over by the Scottish Criminal justice system. The social facilities available were made out of use to patients, and completely transformed by the Scottish Law Courts into a court room facility to host the Lockerbie Bombing Enquiry. Presumably this would have been an inconvenience to patients who wanted to use the facilities. However, the use of the Hall was complimented, in an internal Crichton publication, by an external representative as providing an excellent courtroom function ‘in fact, Crichton Royal, has given us better facilities than we ever have had in any court house’ (Crichton News, 1990, p2). Despite this enhancement of the facilities of the Easterbrook Hall, there is no mention of any detrimental effect to the patient, during this transformation. Furthermore, with the change in facilities advanced security was implemented, with the application of close circuit television screens and was consistently guarded by officers and patrol dogs, who also maintained vigilance on the roof. (Dumfries and Galloway Standard and Advertiser, 1990, p3). Professional and invited access only to the facilities of the Easterbrook Hall reflected a major change in the use of the social facilities, which were previously restricted to use by staff, patients, and their guests.

swimming bath and, for each sex, a suite for hydrotherapy and special appointments for electrotherapy, dentistry, manicure and chiropody (Easterbrook, 1936, p18).

Here Easterbrook advertises and promotes the exciting, contemporary and large variety social facilities available to patients within his institution. For this period the opportunity for patients to use such an assortment of social facilities was indeed a radical change.

In conclusion, up until 1934, the professional knowledge concerning the welfare of the patient and Easterbrook’s encouragement of progressiveness impacted and encouraged change and by 1934 proposals offering social facilities looked positive and to be developing more efficiently. Despite such encouragement, it was the state influence of WWI which halted the proposal and structural progress on the Easterbrook Hall, which inferred that up until this point the change in the use of social facilities, was stagnant.

1934 –1995 During the period of 1935-1995 change in use of social facilities was extremely fast paced, especially within the initial period of 1935 up until 1940. This period was the opening of the Easterbrook Hall, which gave patients full use of the new social facilities. Nearing the end of this period the infusion of Government policies threatened the prospect of further change of the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall. There were three main elements which influenced change from 1935, which were the growth of the social leisure industry, and State intervention of both the Scottish Criminal Justice system and more prominently the Community Care Act.

The Easterbrook Hall was officially opened in 1938. The social facilities on offer within the Easterbrook Hall were extraordinary, contributing to its reputation as being ‘one of the finest institutions of its kind, not only in Britain, but probably in Europe’ (Easterbrook, 1840, p607). The growth of the social facilities available in the Easterbrook Hall included the construction of an entertainment hall, which included a hosting platform facing a seating area, for a variety of social functions, such as concerts, dramatic performances and acts. It also provided the ideal space for patients to participate in dances, ceilidhs and balls; in which they could enjoy each others’ company.

A large canteen, in which refreshments were available, provided a general meeting area where patients could converse with their visitors, their family and friends, a tearoom and a shop, selling items such as newspapers, confectionary and cigarettes. There was even a cinema theatre, comprised of a private room showing the 16mm films from a projector on a table. Morag Williams, curator of the Crichton Royal Museum believed that the children of Crichton staff members also sneakily attended to catch a glimpse of the viewings (personal communication, 3rd February 2009). This infers that it was not just the patients who were keen and eager to attend the modernistic social amenity. These facilities provided the ideal social opportunity to engage in conversation and companionship with others, family and staff, which, as we saw in Chapter 1, was suggested by Easterbrook as being an important

1.14gha per person of currently used land (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p82). The ratio between the built and used land is markedly similar to that of those calculated for the Crichton Estate for Period 2 (and would have carried through most of Period 3 until the 1990’s) noted in table.2. Thus although the Crichton Ecological Footprint is well above the regional and national average we can see that this is largely influenced by the population size and its energy consumption, while the existing land on the Crichton Estate broadly fits with the model defined for a developed country.

The British have been formidable consumers over the past two hundred years though, and it is probably fair to say that our Ecological Footprint in the early 19th century was further above the global average in those days than it is today. As the leading imperial power during the industrial revolution Britain was able to draw on resources from every corner of the globe to a historically unprecedented degree (Wackernagel and Rees, 1996, p92). While the environmental costs of energy and food production, transport and packaging of goods has escalated through the 20th and into the 21st century, the Crichton Estate was less reliant on such services in the past. The arable land within the Crichton boundaries served not only as gainful employment and work therapy for patients but also as a valuable source of food and self-sufficiency for the institution, particularly during the war years early in Period 3, and would have lowered the demand on resources and the Ecological Footprint at that time. The Crichton Estate also generated its own electricity with a power plant on site which ran from 1895 right up to the end of Period 2 in 1939 (Turner, 1980, p30). Another factor that we certainly must not overlook is the construction of the buildings themselves. The scale of construction in terms of physical size, time and human endeavour in Periods 1 and 2 dwarfs that of Period 3, indeed Period 2 saw more buildings erected than the Periods 1 and 3 combined. This too would have had a substantial effect on the Crichton Ecological Footprint in Periods 1 and 2, pushing them above the relative average value of their respective times.

The past fifty years has seen an explosion in the global human population, as noted earlier, but this population trend is not shared by the Crichton Estate. The first year of the Crichton Royal Institution in 1939 saw the admittance of 63 patients and by the middle of Period 1 in 1864 patients numbered 173. By the end of Period 2 average patient numbers had risen to around the one thousand mark and in Period 3 peaked at over 1200 in the 1950’s (Turner, 1980, p272). The average number of resident patients dropped further to a little over 900 in 1970 and around 400 in the early 1990s. Although the present population, noted earlier as 966, marks an increase in population again it is still below the peak figure of the 1950s and certainly does not follow the global population trend noted earlier. It is also worth taking into account the fact that the majority of the nurses and domestic staff of the working population of the institution lived on site throughout Periods 1, 2 and a large part of Period 3 (Turner, 1980, p2), therefore the population figures would be higher than those noted. Turner acknowledged, however, that due to staff records being lost or disposed of there is no record of the number of staff who worked in these periods. So to sum up the Crichton Ecological Footprint there are many factors influencing, some in

line with global trends, some very much against. Today our calculated Footprint seems initially rather high, but on consideration is reflective of a town or city in the United Kingdom, with a land ratio of degraded to used land broadly in line with the model for a developed country. The working demand for energy and transport resources will have been considerably lower than today the further back on the Crichton Journey we look, however the population on site is lower at present than 60 years ago, going against the global trend. The present population is also largely a working rather than residential one, and many of those working part time, although any reduction in the footprint we might attribute to this could be cancelled out by the environmental cost of travelling to and from work every day. The calculated 77% of the Crichton Estate that is not categorised as degraded built land is predominantly landscaped garden, this having a much lower contribution to an Ecological Footprint than the arable land of the past. While some of these factors will contribute to helping the Crichton Footprint remain lower than it might be in the modern world, and caused it to fluctuate above and below average over the past 175 years, it is the growth of humankind’s requirement for energy that will ultimately have shaped the Ecological Footprint along the Crichton Journey. Conclusions Through this chapter we have taken a look at three aspects of change along the Crichton Journey from both a historical and an environmental perspective. The physical structural development of the Crichton Estate occurred in three distinct periods, building up effectively from scratch to cover nearly 23% of the grounds. Each phase of development was accompanied by an enhancement of the grounds, landscaping and developing the local environment for the benefit of the patients and staff, creating an ambience to aid therapeutic treatment. This designed landscape has also been to the benefit of natural diversity, providing secure and varied habitat for a variety of wildlife, and in particular the plant species diversity, that might otherwise have never happened. Finally we examined the Crichton Estate and its journey through the scope of Ecological Footprinting. While our example of the Ecological Footprint was a simplistic one, the fluctuation of population, resource requirements, structural and land developments amongst other factors illustrate the complexities involved in conducting a calculation for real. After examining just a few of the many variables there are in just 40ha on the Crichton Journey, imagine the complexity of conducting this analysis for a city, let alone a country or the world. However, with a hospital, university, business park, social facilities, parkland and a historical journey lasting 175 years, one could be forgiven for confusing Crichton for a small town! The Crichton Journey does not end here however and, as my colleagues have illustrated, the flurry of change in the past decade has reinvented the Crichton Estate for the next step along the way.

the use of social facilities and brought the formation and occupied use of the Easterbrook Hall. Easterbrook’s interpretation of progressiveness initiated that he supported change which would result in advancement and improvement onto better things. He looked to ‘obtaining further information as to any new developments in buildings, equipment and methods of treatment which might with advantage be introduced’ (Easterbrook, 1940, p363). This infers that Easterbrook encouraged the use of progressive policies by adopting advanced and revolutionary treatments to assist in patient aid. A consequence of his progressive attitude was that he liked to be aware of advanced therapies, which played a significant part in encouraging change and the adoption of his idea that a central recreational and therapeutic building, later to be called Easterbrook Hall, would provide the space and facilities necessary to provide such advanced social facilities. In order to fulfil his ambition he undertook a trip to visit psychiatric institutions in Canada and America, to investigate the facilities they offered to patients. On his return, in 1913 he published a booklet of his findings and highlighted his interest in having such facilities at the Crichton. Easterbrook’s encouragement of progressive practices was important in the creation of the proposal for the formation of the Easterbrook Hall and therefore in change in the social facilities available. Dissimilarly however, change was severely halted and furthermore influenced by WWI.

The first recorded mention of a building offering such facilities was in 1908, in Easterbrook’s annual report, under the plan of the General scheme; in which the Central Recreational and Therapeutic building was intended for the general use of the Institution. Developments of this building were put on hold, as men, women and materials were more important in aiding the war than in building a new function hall. The minimal advance in the progress of the Central Recreational and Therapeutic building is further highlighted as Easterbrook fails to make any reference to it in his Annual Reports (Easterbrook, 1940, pp338-513) between the period of 1915 and 1929, which indicates its unimportance at this time. The progression of change during the period of the WWI, and after, is extremely slow, and as a consequence the plans for the social facilities at the Easterbrook Hall were undeveloped. The Great War had a significant, detrimental, impact on change at the Easterbrook Hall.

The physical building work of the Easterbrook Hall did not begin until 1934, when The Clerk of Works; James Fleet, was issued with approval from the Board of Directors to proceed and begin works on the large building. Inevitably, this meant that the social facilities were not available until a period subsequent to 1934. However, for the first time, the specific details of the range of different functions of the Easterbrook Hall were announced. Included in this were the proposed social facilities, which were to include a hall to host amusement and entertainment acts and productions, refreshment and an eatery establishments and a gym to participate in recreational activities:

It is intended that this building shall contain a large and general amusement hall; suitable for concerts, lectures, dances, theatricals and cinematographic entertainment; a supper room, canteen and shop; a library with a reading room and lounge; arts and crafts studios; gymnasium; squash rackets court and bowling alley; a

carried out and to host domestic duties. The estate was an enclosed area: it had high sandstone walls, tall metal railings and large ornate gates erected around the site. This ensured a high level of security was kept, as patients were not allowed to leave unaccompanied and unauthorised visitors were not allowed to enter. This meant that while the patients were under the care of the institution they predominantly spent their time enclosed within the estate. However, during the early stages of its existence, despite the Crichton Institution being referred to as being a mental institution of ‘the most perfect in Europe’ (Easterbrook, 1840, pix), it offered little in the way of social amenities, such as events, suitable recreational facilities or practice of routine activities, which indicated a major weakness.

Social activities available in 19th century mental institutions may have included developing creative skills; such as art and craft workshops, attending entertainment events; such as concerts, theatricals and dances and visiting general amenities, such as a hairdresser, a canteens and the shop. Such activities were supported and advocated by Easterbrook, as he believed that to enable the mind to recover and improve the body must be treated as he emphasises:

It is a psychiatric axiom that the body and mind are indivisible and merely different aspects of the individual, and it follows from this that the attack on mental disorders is often best made via the bodily mechanisms (Easterbrook, 1940, p607).

This suggests that Easterbrook encouraged integration with others and participation in recreational activities as these physical factors would contribute to aid the recovery of the patient’s mind and their overall well being. To assist in patient well being Easterbrook knew that something must be done to increase the use of social activities within his institution.

Dr Easterbrook believed that the inclusion of social activities were essential elements for patient recovery. Furthermore, a facility offering such social functions was necessary to develop the mental health of the patients. According to one Crichton Institution marketing brochure the contribution of such a facility would be advantageous to the patient ‘to create good physical and mental health, promote a sense of well being and introduce and teach new recreational activities’ (Crichton Royal, n.d). This marketing brochure, believed to date from the mid 20th century due to the references to treatments and services on offer at the Crichton Royal Institution, encourages the beneficial factors of participation in social facilities and infers the importance and significance for patient well being. Therefore a key change, prompting the formation of the Easterbrook Hall was to accommodate the welfare and the social needs of all residents, as providing patients with the opportunity to use social and leisure facilities and to integrate with other people was important to Easterbook.

In addition to the concern of patient well being, Easterbrook’s development of progressiveness on the Crichton estate was another factor which influenced the change in

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the treatments administered at the Crichton Royal Institution

By Kerrie Ross

Introduction

This essay looks at the treatments administered at the Crichton Royal Institution, from 1839 to the present day. Although technological developments are vital in determining which treatments can be employed within a medical facility, this essay concentrates on the social reasons for the employment of these new technologies by the Crichton Institution. It proposes that changes in treatments have reflected the era in which they were administered. In particular, it considers and critiques the use of experimental treatments during the mid-20th century.

This essay begins by providing a historical background to the Crichton Royal Institution, starting with the first intake of patients in 1839, and will establish the treatments available in the period up to 1937. Secondly, it examines the period of 1937 to 1957, and assesses the experimental and invasive treatments of this era. Thirdly, the period of 1957 to the present day and the move to care in the community is considered.

1839 - 1937: Art, Theatre, and Fresh Air

From 1778, patients suffering from mental disorders had been cared for at the Dumfries Infirmary (Williams, 1989, p.7). In 1833, ten years after the death of James Crichton, it was agreed that £30,000 of his legacy would be spent upon the construction of a dedicated ‘lunatic asylum’ (Anderson, n.d., pp.68-69). The brand new Crichton Royal Institution initially catered for up to 120 patients, situated in the Crichton Hall (Easterbrook, 1937, p.14). In the period of 1839 to 1864 a total of 871 patients were admitted to the Institution (Stewart, 1862-63, p.19), with the number of buildings on site growing proportionately, as detailed in Stephen Ross’ essay.

On the 4th of June 1839, the first patient was admitted to the Crichton Royal Institution: a thirty year old woman suffering from delusions thought to have been caused by ‘a fit of jealousy at seeing her husband hand his snuff box to a good looking young woman in the next pew during a church service’ (Williams, 1989, p.17). Dr. Hugh Stewart lists the ‘most curable forms of mental disease’ as ‘mental anxiety, religious excitement, dissipation [shamelessness], intemperance [overindulgence], bodily ailments, poverty, and the puerperal state [giving birth]’ (Stewart, 1862-63, p.9). Today many of these behaviours in extreme forms could justify a diagnosis of a mental illness, yet it may seem surprising that situations such as being in ‘poverty’ could constitute such a diagnosis. However, it is possible that the term ‘mental illness’ may have been applied to individuals who, for example, fitted stereotypes that the community held about certain social classes. As

indicated in Annie McKie’s essay, in the 19th century individuals with mental health disorders were often viewed as criminals who must be separated from the community. Evidently, there was an element of fear regarding the danger that these individuals could pose. Thus, the diagnosis of mental illness may have been partially founded on the fear of a stereotypical image of those living in poverty.

Between 1838 and 1857, the Institution was headed by Dr. William Browne. Browne is described as having ‘devoted much of his institution’s not inconsiderable resources’ (Scull, 1993, p.296) to the creation of a comfortable environment for the rich. The Institution became ‘a particular favourite of many well-to-do English families’ (Scull, 1993, p.295), as its geographical situation meant patients were ‘beyond the surveillance of the English Lunacy Commissioners’ (Scull, 1993, p.295). Browne’s book on the ideal asylum had changed the image of mental institutions, helping to make them appear as ‘the place of first rather than last resort’ (Scull, 1993, p.295). Morag Williams, retired curator of the Crichton Royal Museum, quotes him directly when she writes:

Conceive a spacious building resembling the place of a peer, airy and elevated, and elegant, surrounded by extensive and swelling grounds and gardens. The interior is fitted up with galleries, and workshops, and music rooms. The sun and air are allowed to enter at every window [… The patients] all seem to be actuated by the common impulse of enjoyment, all are busy, and delighted by being so. The house and all around appears a hive of industry. (Williams, 1989, pp.19-20).

Browne’s vision of the ideal institution describes a picturesque and bustling centre of activity, rather than a hospital for patients suffering from serious mental disorders. It is not clear how closely this vision resembled the Crichton Institution itself, but it seems possible that something close to this could have been achieved. As we saw above, patients could be classed as suffering from conditions such as ‘poverty’, which would not necessarily cause the individual to display any continuous, acute, or violent symptoms. In addition, due to the Crichton’s appeal to the English upper-class, it is possible that some patients had admitted themselves voluntarily in order to obtain a period of relaxation or a break from their everyday lives. Thus, if many of the patients were not suffering from a serious mental illness, this could potentially make Browne’s vision achievable.

The treatments which Browne administered during his time at the Crichton Institution certainly fit with this image of the picturesque and bustling institution. Williams claims that Browne’s treatments were an early version of occupational therapy (Williams, 1989, p.22). Occupational therapy is defined by the National Health Service as ‘the assessment and treatment of physical and psychiatric conditions using specific, purposeful activity to prevent disability and promote independent function in all aspects of daily life’ (NHS, 2009). It is evident that occupational therapy in the 21st century is a highly specialised area of medicine, yet we can certainly see the beginnings of this in Browne’s focus upon a combination of day-to-day tasks and social events in order to assist the recovery of his

The Crichton Journey: Exploring change in the social facilities of the Easterbrook Hall

By Annie McKie Introduction This article will examine the changes in use of the social facilities available at the Easterbrook Hall. To clarify further, the social facilities investigated include communal gatherings and sports and recreational amenities in use at the Easterbrook Hall. I will be examining the changes, and the influences behind these changes, from 1834 to the present day. My aim here is to enquire into a range of internal and external factors driving change and propose that State influences have been most dominant.

In order to achieve this aim, this article is split into three chapters. Chapter one shall consider the initial influences of change in the period 1834-1934, in the lead up to the formation of the Easterbrook Hall. Chapter two shall examine the changes during the period 1934-1995 and examine the influences of such change. Finally, Chapter three examines the factors which have driven change from 1995-2009.

1834 -1934 During the period of 1834–1934 the Easterbrook Hall was merely a building proposal for the Crichton Estate. It was planned for this building to host social activities for the patients of the Crichton Institution. Throughout this period ideas and proposals for the creation of such a hall changed, developed and were postponed. The biggest change within this period was the actual laying of the foundations of the building, finally substantiating the creation of the building. This was not until 14th May 1934, on which, progression started on the site of the Easterbrook Hall with the initial task of the removing turf in order to build the foundations. This eventual change at the Easterbrook Hall was impacted by both interrelated internal and external factors, including the concern of the wellbeing of the patient, as discussed in detail in Kerrie Ross’ chapter and Dr Charles Easterbrook’s policy of progressiveness, but has been greatest affected by State influences, such as World War I.

During the 19th century people with mental health issues were treated as criminals and it was believed they should be separated from normal society or be ‘locked up in closets or outhouses and even chained in manacles and fetters’ (Easterbrook, 1840, pix). The institution provided residential accommodation and medical treatment for such sufferers. The institution was made up of several different buildings some of which played host to accommodating patients, segregating different genders and the varieties of class or status. One such building was the Rutherford McCowan building, which hosted female living quarters and was originally two separate buildings - this will be further explored by Ian Martin as he investigates the structural change of the building.

The other buildings were used for medical staff to reside, for medical treatments to be

i i) Rear view of Rutherford McCowan building © Ken Carew 2009.

Plate 8(i) Front view of Rutherford McCowan building © Ken Carew 2009.

patients.

The landscaped gardens, for example, provided the patients with a place in which they could both work and relax (Williams, 1989, p.46). In addition to gardening, patients took part in other work opportunities around the estate. For men this may have included digging trenches, copying case notes, gardening, and shoemaking, whilst for women this may have included sewing blankets and flannels for the poor (Monteith, 1857, p.783). In 1857, the Crichton Royal Institution was noted as the only psychiatric institution in Scotland to have successfully engaged their patients in manual labour (Monteith, 1857, p.93). This does raise questions about the motivations of the staff, as it could be argued that Browne introduced these activities as they would be beneficial to the upkeep of the estate, rather than to the patients. However, it may be argued that these tasks would be engaging and rewarding for the patients, or alternatively that they would keep the patients deeply involved in a task resulting in a reduction of the severity of their symptoms, subsequently meaning that they were easier to care for.

Patients also had access to activities which were focused upon their enjoyment and sociability. Theatrical productions, for example, became an integral part of life at the Crichton (Easterbrook, 1937, p.23; Scull, 1993, p.296; Williams, 1989, p23). Browne stated that 'no patient […] is obliged to go to theatres or concerts, and every scruple is respected but on principle, I do constantly send them' (Monteith, 1857, pp.770-771). Evidently, it was considered important to encourage patients to attend the theatre, and to act in and stage their own productions. This would require a large amount of commitment and enthusiasm from patients, suggesting that it was the patients themselves who enjoyed and benefited from this.

In addition to the theatre, patients enjoyed trips out of the Institution to museum exhibitions, concerts, and the circus (Scull, 1993, p.296). Inside the Institution, Browne encouraged activities including gymnastics, singing, painting, learning various languages, and keeping pet animals (Scull, 1993, p.296). Other enjoyable pursuits included the production of the New Moon Magazine, first published in 1844, and the first ever journal to have been published in a psychiatric hospital (Williams, 1989, p.23). This provided another outlet for the creativity of the patients.

Occupational therapy, in the form of engagement in various tasks and activities, was clearly in operation at the Crichton Institution during Browne’s time there. The aim was to create a busy environment, as seen in Browne’s vision of the ideal institution, which would benefit the patients and prevent them from becoming bored (Scull, 1993, p.296). In the available literature, it is evident that these activities were the main, or possibly the only, treatments administered at the Institution during this period. This may have been due to the limited medical technology available, but it is also possible that this was due to the society of the era. In particular, Browne’s image of the ideal institution could be seen as a direct result of the society in which he was living. Victorian writers, for example, are known to have

romanticised the reality of the society in which they were living. In the same way, Browne could be accused of approaching patient care in this fashion, and believing that he could cure mental illness purely by providing the patients with a pleasant and engaging environment to live in. Of course, given the illnesses which it has been suggested many patients were admitted with, perhaps the beauty of the Crichton Estate and the activities on offer could have been enough to lead to a full recovery.

In the years following Browne’s retirement, the Crichton Institution welcomed Dr. James Gilchrist in 1858, Dr. James Adam in 1880, Dr. James Rutherford in 1883, and Dr. Charles Easterbrook in 1908 (Williams, 1989, pp.29-30; Williams, 1989, pp.44-45). The available literature suggests that the treatments administered during this period generally followed on from those which Browne instated.

By 1937, the Crichton Estate had seen the construction of numerous buildings and facilities, for example the Rutherford building as discussed in Ian Martin’s essay. Despite this, the treatments on offer at the Crichton Royal Infirmary remained reasonably constant throughout this period, as we have seen. Although technology ultimately controlled what was available to the doctors, this did not prevent the Crichton Royal Institution from adopting several fairly innovative techniques, perhaps most notably the use of drama. The true motivation for encouraging patients to undertake manual labour remains debatable. However, activities such as drama would have required a high level of commitment from the staff, without presenting an obvious route for self-gain. Thus, it seems reasonable to propose that these treatments were administered because the doctors believed they were engaging, enjoyable, and ultimately beneficial for the patients.

1937 - 1957: Medicine and Technology

The year 1937 was significant in the life of the Crichton Royal Institution, as it marked the arrival of Dr. Peter McCowan. McCowan, Easterbrook’s successor, was the Physician Superintendent from 1937 to 1957 (Williams, 1989, p.58). The end of the 1930s would also see a dramatic change in the treatments administered to patients of the Crichton Royal Institution. In 1938 the Easterbrook Hall was opened to patients, providing a range of new facilities and treatments for the patients, including an operating theatre and a hydrotherapy unit, as discussed in full in Annie McKie’s essay. This meant that a number of new treatments became available to the patients.

One such treatment was Convulsion Therapy, also known as Electro-Convulsive Therapy (E.C.T), where medication is administered to the patient to induce a convulsion. In observations of patients with epilepsy, it had been discovered that these individuals did not suffer from schizophrenia. Thus, doctors believed that simulating an epileptic seizure in patients suffering from schizophrenia may cure them (Williams, 1989, p.61). Andrew Wyllie, Deputy Physician Superintendent to McCowan, writes:

Plate 7 Elevations as Existing © Robert Potter and Partners Chartered Architects 1997.

Plate 6 Ground, First and Second floor plans as proposed © Robert Potter and Partners Chartered Architects 1997.

The introverted schizophrenic or melancholic may be likened to a walled city which had closed its gates and refuses to trade with the rest of the world. Methods of persuasion having failed [… convulsion therapy is used,] a breach is blown in the wall, and relations with the world are re-established. (Wyllie, 1940, p.248).

Wyllie’s description of E.C.T. uses metaphors that are reminiscent of war and combat, and displays the treatment as a method of gaining entry into the mind of an individual who has shut himself off from the rest of the world. There is a clear contrast to the enjoyable and sociable activities which Browne administered to patients as treatments during the 19th century. Patients were still able to take part in social activities, for example in the Easterbrook Hall, but some were now also being subjected to more invasive treatments such as E.C.T.

The use of E.C.T. raises several pertinent ethical questions. In particular, it could be argued that the patients which Wyllie describes did not necessarily wish to reconnect with the world, and that using an invasive treatment such as E.C.T. would be a breach of their individual right to withdraw from the people around them. Clearly, it would be equally dubious if those suffering from serious mental illnesses were left untreated due to the desire of the doctor or the patient’s family to respect the patient’s right to withdraw. However, the responsibility to help the patient does not automatically justify the use of treatments such as E.C.T.

In addition, E.C.T. had low success rates, high relapse rates, and could lead to complications including dislocations, tuberculosis, and death. In a study of 144 patients treated at the Crichton Institution, Wyllie reports that many subsequently suffered from high blood pressure, which posed a risk to their physical health. In addition, Wyllie states that while the symptoms of the original mental illness improved in 42% of his 144 patients, only 25% made a full recovery from the original illness, and 33% of patients showed no improvement (Wyllie, 1940, p.254). Wyllie writes that a number of patients displayed 'astonishing' results, as some individuals 'who had long ago been given up as hopeless [became] accessible, rational and employable' (Wyllie, 1940, p.254). However, from Wyllie’s own figures we can see that E.C.T. did not benefit one-third of his patients.

The pre-frontal leucotomy, introduced to the Crichton Institution in 1943, was first performed just seven years earlier, making it another experimental technology for the Institution (Williams, 1989, p.61). This is an operation to the brain, with the aim to simulate the brain damage that could be caused by an accident. The rationale was that, in observations of patients with brain damage, it had been noted that these types of injury could result in happiness and 'a generally carefree attitude' (Williams, 1989, p.61). However, as with E.C.T., the pre-frontal leucotomy had a low success rate. McCowan reported in 1952 that only one-third of the patients who had undergone this treatment at the Crichton Institution had recovered sufficiently to allow them to be discharged (Williams, 1989, p.62).

Both E.C.T. and the pre-frontal leucotomy were relatively experimental treatments when they were first administered at the Crichton Royal Institution. In addition, both treatments had low success rates and could result in serious complications. This is problematic when we attempt to justify the highly invasive nature of both treatments. Thus, we must consider the reasons why the Institution chose to use these treatments in the first place. This could, quite simply, have been due to a lack of other options. Consultant psychiatrist Allan Beveridge recognises that for many patients it may have been more beneficial to have received no treatment than to have received treatments such as E.C.T.. However, he argues that the doctors 'were motivated by the clinical sentiment that it was better to do something, rather than nothing, to try to ameliorate mental distress. It is an attitude that will be familiar to clinicians today' (Beveridge, 1999, p.50). It is possible that these treatments were founded upon the principle that a doctor must do their best to help their patient.

The mid-20th century also saw the introduction of a range of medications which could be used to treat mental illness. However, as with E.C.T. and the pre-frontal leucotomy, these were often administered to the patients before a great deal of substantial research into their effects had been carried out. Elliot Valenstein, Professor Emeritus of Psychology and Neuroscience, discusses the use of new medications in the 1950s. He states that:

Despite virtually no knowledge of how [the early psychiatric drugs] worked and some serious adverse effects, the drugs were readily adopted. With no effective treatment of mental illness, the need was great, and almost anything that held out any hope was considered worth trying. (Valenstein, 1998, p.57).

Treatments such as E.C.T., the pre-frontal leucotomy, and the new medications were evidently relatively new and un-researched during the mid-20th century. As a result, there appears to have been insufficient understanding of the complications and side-effects which they could potentially produce in patients. In comparison to the occupational therapy of the 19th century, these treatments appear invasive and could pose a high risk to the health of the patient. However, as both Valenstein and Beveridge argue, medical staff had few other options, and felt it was their duty to help their patients in any way possible. Whilst it is easy to criticise the decision to administer these experimental and risky treatments, it is also obvious that these decisions were undertaken with the desire to help the patients at heart.

It is also possible that the nature of these treatments could also represent the general attitude of medicine towards mental illness during the mid-20th century. Valenstein explains that ‘today, physicians are routinely informing patient with mental disorders that their condition is caused by a biochemical imbalance that can be corrected by drugs in the same way that insulin treats diabetes’ (Valenstein, 1998, p.3). Valenstein is arguing that, in recent years, medicine has often tended to attribute mental illness to a chemical or hormonal ‘imbalance’ in the patient, and that as a result medication is often viewed as the answer. It could be argued that this approach was also evident in the treatments administered during the mid-20th century.

Plate 5 Easterbrook Hall facilities c1939 © Crichton Royal Dumfries.

Plate 4 (i) View from Therapeutic Rock Gardens on Crichton Estate © Stephen Ross 2009.

(ii) Easterbrook Hall, main function suite c2008 © The Crichton Development Company Ltd

Thus, the treatments employed at the Crichton during the period of 1937 to 1957 suggest that the doctors prioritised the prevention or reduction of symptoms above gaining an understanding of the patients’ psychology. This demonstrates objectification of the patients, as the doctors attempted to cure the symptoms rather than understand the individual. Arguably, this could be a reflection of the attitude of the wider society during the same period of time. This may be demonstrated by situations such as child-rearing, which during this period often revolved around techniques which dealt with the child’s behaviour rather than enquiring into the reasons for his actions. This is a vast topic and one which I cannot do justice to here, however it presents a possible area of future research.

The year 1957 marked the retirement of McCowan, and the end of a period of important change within the Crichton Royal Institution. The new treatments employed during this time appear to have reflected a wider belief in both medicine and in society that it is sufficient to treat the physical symptoms and behaviours, rather than the possible underlying psychological reasons. However, as we have seen, the use of these experimental and invasive treatments can be partly attributed to the doctors’ belief that it was their duty to do their best to help the patient, even if this meant adopting potentially risky new technologies.

1957 - 2009: Psychology and Community Care

The final period in this examination of the Crichton Royal Institution takes us up to the present day. In comparison to the period of 1937 to 1957, the period of 1957 to 2009 would see a more gradual rate of change, but would witness several important new treatments, including the increasing use of psychiatry, and a move towards community care. Following the retirement of McCowan in 1957, the role of Physician Superintendent was passed to Dr. James Harper. During his time in control, the Institution saw the formation of the Crichton Royal League of Friends in 1960, a voluntary and charitable organisation raising money to pay for entertainment and resources for the hospital (Williams, 1989, p.71). The establishment of this organisation demonstrates the community’s desire to help those in the Institution, and a more positive and supportive attitude than the fear of the mentally ill which was seen in the 19th century.

Harper was succeeded by Dr. Allan Tait in 1966, who would be supported by the new Director of Psychological Research, Mr. James Drewery (1964-1975). Although much of Drewery’s energy would initially be focused upon research, this gradually moved towards therapeutic applications of psychology (Williams, 1989, p.72). Drewery’s successor, Dr. Miller Mair, would continue to encourage the provision of psychiatric help throughout the region of Dumfries and Galloway.

However, during the second half of the 20th century, the Crichton Institution fell prey to the changing political system. With an emphasis upon caring in the community, significant change was happening within the hospital, and around the country.

The 1959 Mental Health Act abolished the distinction between psychiatric and other hospitals and encouraged the development of community care. […] Through the 1960s, the tide continued to move against the big hospital institutions. Psychiatrists questioned traditional treatments for mental illness (BBC News, 1999).

Mental health legislation was changing the ways in which institutions could treat their patients. In addition, the increasing use of psychology meant that doctors were beginning to enquire deeper into the reasons for patients’ behaviour, rather than immediately employing the invasive treatments of earlier years. However, despite the establishment of organisations such as the Crichton League of Friends, the attitude of wider society was not entirely favourable towards mental illness.

The late 1960s and 1970s saw the disintegration of the hospital community and culture as society’s regard for mental hospitals became increasingly negative […] Throughout the 1980s the closure of mental hospitals proceeded more rapidly and many elderly patients who had spent much of their adult lives in hospital were relocated to residential or nursing homes or to hostels leaving a small residue of long-stay patients (Prettyman, Milton, & Arie, 1994, p.91).

With the closure of many mental institutions across the country, the emphasis shifted to moving patients into the community where possible. More effective medications helped to make this a possibility, although even today some mental illnesses remain difficult to treat. Schizophrenia, for example, can involve a combination of medication, cognitive behavioural therapy, and occupational therapy, however only around 20% of patients will experience a full recovery without relapse in the two years after treatment, and a further 20% of patients will be 'resistant to treatment' (NHS, 2008). It is clear that treatment for mental illness remains challenging today, despite the continuing research into and increasing availability of medication.

In recent years, the emphasis on community care has led to a decrease in patient numbers at the Crichton Royal Institution and in the number of buildings upon the Estate which are dedicated to mental health. In 1989, there were three day hospitals upon the Estate: Cairnsmore catering for approximately 55 patients aged 18 to 65; Cree West catering for approximately 52 geriatric patients; and Hestan House, catering for approximately 30 patients with alcohol-related problems (Williams, 1989, p.63).

The reduction in patient numbers and buildings has been so immense that visitors to the Estate today may find themselves wondering if there are in fact any mental health facilities remaining upon the site. The University of Glasgow and the University of the West of Scotland have been accompanied by numerous businesses who now have offices situated

Plate 3 Ordnance Survey County Series 3rd Edition 1931 © Crown Copy-right and Landmark Information Group Limited 2009.

Plate 2 Ordnance Survey County Series 1st Edition 1860 © Crown Copyright and Landmark Information Group Limited 2009.

upon the Estate. However, those who look closely will see history everywhere they look, from the verandas behind buildings such as Rutherford-McCowan as discussed in Ian Martin’s essay, to the un-renovated rooms in the Easterbrook Hall as discussed in Annie McKie’s essay, to the Crichton Gardens as discussed in Stephen Ross’ essay. Many of the buildings now have a new function, yet they remain a symbol of their former use.

Conclusion

Today, the Crichton Royal Institution is a small mental hospital, situated within historic buildings upon the Estate which has been its home since it was first established in 1839. The treatments have undergone important change in the period of 1839 to 2009, and this essay has attempted to highlight some of the major changes. Several important areas have been dealt with in insufficient depth here, but the necessity of carrying out future research into some of the issues raised has been made evident. In particular, study of the period of 1937 to 1959 has raised questions regarding the justification behind the experimental treatments administered at the Crichton Royal Institution, and the link between these treatments and the attitude of wider society.

To conclude, in the course of this essay we have seen that changes in treatments have been limited by the technologies which were available to doctors at the time. However, we have also seen the links between the treatments administered and the wider society. During the period of 1839 to 1937, for many the Crichton was a retreat for the wealthy, and treatment revolved around a primitive version of occupational therapy which focused upon engagement and enjoyment. In the period of 1937 to 1957, technological advancements meant that new treatments were made available, but the employment of these treatments was ultimately a result of the approach of the field of medicine, and arguably of the wider society, towards the patient. In the most recent period, 1957 to the present day, changes in treatment have reflected a desire to understand the patient’s behaviour through psychiatry. However, society’s negative attitude towards mental illness has partially been responsible for a government promotion of care in the community, and this has in part been made possible due to advances in medication. Thus, the treatments administered at the Crichton Royal Institution have undergone important change, and most influential to this have been social factors. Evident throughout this essay has been the continuing desire of the medical staff to help the patients, and the ways in which the society at the time has shaped the doctor’s perception of what was best for the patient.

media_124416_en

Documents

Transcript of media_124416_en