Relative Power Seeking though Identity Politics in the Sudan

A thesis submitted to the faculty ofSan Francisco State University

In partial fulfillment ofThe Requirements for

The degree

Masters of ArtsIn

International Relations

Robert Leo Silva II

San Francisco California

May 18, 2009

Copyright by Robert Leo Silva II

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CERTIFICATION OF APPROVAL

I certify that I have read Relative Power Seeking through Idenity Politics in

the Sudan by Robert Leo Silva II and that in my opinion this works meets the criteria

for approving a thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the request for the degree:

Masters of Art in International Relations at San Francisco State University.

____________________________

Mahmood MonshipouriProfessor of International Relations

_____________________________Aguibous YansaneProfessor of International Relations

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Relative Power Seeking though Identity Politics in the Arab-African Region

Robert Leo Silva IISan Francisco, California

2009

This paper looks at the history of Sudan with a focus of the Sudanese Arab

establishment treatment of its citizens. The paper looks at the changing of practices

of state in the context of international human rights norm concerning human rights

infringements. This paper supports the ideal that the goal of Sudan’s current

leadership is to change international norms by directly challenging the United Nations

rights enforcement system. The method of analysis is a psycho analytic approach

looking at the effects of perception and the framing of the situations. This method

promotes the agent as the causal factor for behavior and policy. The implication of

this approach is that reflective monitoring does not occur. This is in opposition to the

structural methods of analysis that focuses on schemata and propensity models. The

paper argues in this Sudan situation that relative power seeking behavior against the

perceived enemy is based on symbolic/emotional causes. This can explain human

rights breaches and changing of treatment of civilians by the State.

I certify that the Abstract is a correct representation of the content of this thesis.

___________________________ ______________Chair, Thesis Committee Date

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PREFACE AND/OR ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction………………………………………….8

Chapter 1…………………………………..………..18

Chapter 2…………………………………………...28

Chapter 3…………………………………..……….35

Chapter 4...................................................................54

Chapter 5…………………………………………....70

Conclusion…………………………………………. 79

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List of Figures

Perception Model “Dogmatic Cognition…………..21

Enemy Creation Model…………….……………..24

Alignment Model…………………………………26

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Introduction

Why study identity and relative power seeking in Sudan?

The trend in oil rich states is monarchies with an immigrant work force. The

displacement of certain identities is to create an easy to manage pool of labor. An

article, by Krikorian Immigration, Saudi Style A radical disconnect, refers to the Saudi

Arabian model to promote this type of immigration: "That country (Saudi Arabia) and

its Gulf neighbors are home to a permanent guest worker class, millions strong,

lacking any real possibility of becoming full members of the host society." 1Is this

model of society being transplanted to other geographical regions where oil rich states

exist? The purpose of the state could be perceived to promote the relative power of

the ethnic group that has domination over the state’s institutions and weakening the

un-established group. Could this trend being transplanted to Sudan?

1 Mark Krikorian Immigration, Saudi Style A radical disconnect . January 13, 2004, 11:30 a.m.By www.nationalreview.com/nr_comment/krikorian200401131130.asp

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In 1989 Osama Bin Laden and the National Islamic Front overthrew the

existing government of Sudan. This could have been perceived as a strategic move

because of the historical relationships with the United States and the war in

Afghanistan against the Soviet Union. The goal of this Islamic movement was to

promote a caliphate or monarchial political and social system through out the world

based on the interpretation of religion of Abraham by Muhammad of Medina and

existing traditions of the Arab culture.

In Sudan after 1989 revolution they began Arabization of Sudan through

indoctrination.2 The traditional Arab cultural schools were based on orthodox Sunni

religious belief systems. This was done by government institutions in the Sudan and

the schools were funded by Saudi Arabian backers, but not directly related to the

government of Saudi Arabia. The goal was to replicate this process throughout the

world. This movement is considered modern and contemporary. It plays on Arab

centered religious perspective, but draws on other Islamic mythical narratives for

legitimacy over territory.

The group known now as Al Qaeda, but previously known as the

“mujahedeen” used Sudan during the early nineties as a staging and training ground

for paramilitary activities to influence other countries such as Somalia, Algeria,

Bosnia and Afghanistan.3 They created an office in Khartoum so all the jihadist

groups from India, Pakistan and Palestine could meet to help organize an “Islamic

2Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p.192

3 Ibid p.194

renaissance.”4This was done by Osama bin Ladin and Turibi, and other important

Islamic terrorist leaders.5 Sudan allowed entrance to members of these groups

without Visa, and then granted Visas once in the Sudan.6 Their goal was to influence

other countries sociologically-- through the spreading of Sunni Islamic traditional

values by the way of the mosques and complex business networks, and then through

violence. The goal was to remove western influence from Saudi Arabia and the

traditional greater Islamic region.7 Their reason was that Al Bashir and Turibi felt

during the first gulf war against Iraq in 1991 Arabs from Saudi Arabia were

humiliated.8 They did not like the idea of Saudi Arabia being subordinate to the

western world and the United Nations because of lack of military might to defend the

Arab homeland of Saudi Arabia from regional aggressor such as Iraq.9 Saudi Arabia

was dependent on the United Nations and United States for security. This promoted

an inferior image of the Arab identity to the world.

Al Qaeda has been historically aggressive and hostile towards the United

Nations system, and has activity thwarted United Nations peace keeping missions in

North East Africa. Al Qaeda staged attacks against symbolic western institutions

such as the (World Trade Centers in 1992), (USS Cole in 1994), and diplomatic corps

(US missions in Somalia).10 The center of operations has been in Khartoum Sudan,

4 Ibid p.196

5 Ibid p.196

6 P.194-197

7Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 Ibid. p.194

8 Ibid p.194

9 Ibid. p.199

10 Ibid. p.19910

but then moved to Riyadh Saudi Arabia in 1992.11 The purpose of this movement was

to remove western influence from Saudi Arabia politics and make the Arab

establishment the centre of the Middle East. The last major attack of Al Qaeda was on

the World Trade Center in 2001, September 11, which invoked a reaction from the

United States. Namely, the United States invaded Afghanistan-- a historical ally of

Sudan which Sudan was an ally with Iraq. The U.S. attack was because the Al Qaeda

had training camps in Afghanistan. This was because Afghanistan still allowed Al

Qaeda to flourish and use territory for training. In Sudan still offers a place of training

because of the lack of strong government and private militias fighting against African

militias. I am putting forth the lack of international monitoring and government

transparency in Sudan could allow Al Qaeda to use it as a training ground and a place

organize because of internal conditions.

The goal of this group is to undermine democratic practices and promote a

monarchal type world system with Arab hegemony (or equality based) on the threat of

violence through covert means; in essence, extortion. This paper is about the historical

struggle and the internal ethnic conflict in Sudan against the policies of traditional

religious zealots that influence governmental structures for the purpose of spreading

their ideology through the world. This ideology undermines democratic practices and

human rights because of primordial beliefs and myths. This movement could be

considered a contemporary movement that is based in Arab cultural space. It is

expanding into greater historical Islamic territory. It draws on myths for legitimacy.

Problem Formulation:

11 Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 Ibid. p.19811

Why is this different? I am arguing that the creation of identity (subjective

constructs) stems from emotional association based on archetypes which are

psychological frameworks. Ideologies are manifestation of the unconscious mind

rooted in abstract symbols and emotions. The desire to control the perceived different

group is steeped in security seeking. Why this is not a realist study is because the

objects of study are non-state actors. The Realist theory only studies states as the

objects. Also, the actors are usually considered black boxes, and the structure is the

method to promote the explanation of behavior. This method looks at the actors

internally and how they perceive the structure, as well as what promotes this type of

perception. The feeling of insecurity promotes the desire to look for causes of

insecurity, this creates a cognitive dissonance. Then threat perception promotes the

creation of the enemy. This is where the actor begins to seek relative power over the

perceived threat--to promote security. The basis of this method is exploring what

affects perception of actuality. The notion I am putting forth as an explanation is

called "Dogmatic Cognition."

Why does a group not try to understand and try to collaborate or accommodate

the other group, or adapt practices to fit the needs to promote a peaceful co-existence?

The desire to protect the cultural complex is the desire to keep thinking patterns and

understanding the same could be an answer. This is associated to collective emotions.

Changing practices alters the archetypical explanation. This creates a heavy anxiety.

To explain further, the notion ‘to alter’ is associated with destruction and creation.

The desire for survival is to not allow destruction or alteration to happen to the

understanding of the common knowledge that is root in archetypical understandings

of actuality. This supports that change is met with hostile emotions, and promotes the

12

desire to protect and to not have practices change. For those who would alter or

reinterpret, this would destroy their notion of reality. Those who would alter the

paradigm would become an enemy, and could be explanation for the protection of the

cultural complex.

The study is based on individual levels of analysis that is projected to groups

and institutional levels of analysis.12 The method could be considered constructivist

but is a variation of the methodology. The goal is to understand why groups align:

through commonality, to reach common goals, or because of the necessity to survival

could be an explanation. The hypothesis of this paper is cultural complexes are the

influence of alignments that affects the social experience. The common social

experience promotes cohesion within the group. The goal is to cover how the enemy

identity is created to explain the Sudanese conflict and the growing unrest between

the Islamic and African identities in Sudan.

Literature Review

Sudan Blood Memories by Stephanie Beswick addresses the issues about the

legitimacy of the Dinka ethnic group in Sudan. The lack of a written traditional

history, begs the question can the oral traditions can be trusted.

Stephanie Beswick claims that the historical relationship between the

Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan is one of dependence. Although she makes the 12 See Appendix for visual understanding of extrapolation p.108

13

point that the Dinka and Nubians considered themselves brothers and kin.13 The

northern Arabs and Colonial powers often did slave raids of the Southern African

identities.14 In the view point of studying identity and in a legal fashion the lack of a

written history by the Dinka could have created the outside impression that they were

nomadic and had no legitimate ties to the land.15 The history of the Northern Arab

influence and Nubian shared a common heredity through marriage and conquest.

Nubian and the Arab commonality in identity because of a shared mythically narrative

that is derived from religious practices, and common heredity. The notion that the

Dinka and the other African identities did not intermarry and shared religion created

an appearance that they were just nomadic people estranged. This book was to remove

these perceptions of the Dinka.

The author points out the history of Egypt and Nubia which could be

considered Northern Sudan. The Kingdom of the Kush ruled Egypt for 600 years

during the years of 300 B.C to 300 A.D and goes through the history of the Northern

Sudan through the Christian Kingdoms to Ottoman Turks.16 This is to support that

Northern Arab Nubian legitimacy exists through written narratives, that the identity of

Arabs and Nubian cultural thrived and has roots in northern Sudan. The Dinka

narrative has been documented through oral traditions and observations of other

cultures in the region.

13 Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30

14 Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30

15 Ibid p.1

16 Beswick Stephanie, Sudan's Blood Memories University of Rochester Press 2004 p.2914

Stephanie Beswick explores the Dinka identity which was located in

Central and Southern Sudan between the Blue and White Nile.17 The Dinka think of

themselves as descendent of the Funj Sultanate.18 Also they had historical connections

with Nubians. The implied goal of this book was to support the notion that the Nilotic

and Dinka ethnicity had historical roots and have lived and cultivated the land. The

territory was the historical method of providing for the well being of the people.

Stepahanie Beswick explains the Dinka were a complex culture that

had been historically pushed by rival tribes to the South. The Dinka migration

patterns are based around weather patterns to find land to develop agriculture life.19

The use of war has been a method to force the Dinka historically into servitude and

pushed off of desired land. They had complex traditions and political systems. The

Dinka identity was historical predominately in the northern part of Sudan then forced

south by other Nilotic people.

The question of historical legitimacy is the question to the rights to self

determination and agency over the land. The important and the legal aspect to

legitimacy through identity could be seen when the nation of Israel was create in

1947. The Israeli identity proved that primordial ethnic ancestors lived and had

controlled the land. Thus was granted self determination and to sovereignty to the

land. The similarities between the Dinka and Israelite could be the force removal of

territory that happen approximately two millennia ago the ethnic identity forced into

slavery through threat of violence and separation from historical territory through

conquering imperial empire called Rome.

17 Ibid. p.186

18 Ibid. P.19

19 Ibid p.34-49 this chapter gives detail account of migration and practices of slavery.15

The important aspect in the Sudan situation is the rhetoric of Al Bashir

claiming historical and primordial roots in Sudan. The Arab identity and the share

heredity through the Nubian promoted a legitimate notion to have sovereignty over

Northern Sudan.20 Although the Dinka shared the same heredity and ties to the Nubian

ancestors. The implied claim is that the Arab identity laid claimed to greater Sudan.

The logical assumption could be the Dinka and Nilotic tribes were not sophisticated

and did not create a safe method or traditions of interaction that they were just

nomadic people travel to and fro. But the relationship of the Dinka and Nubians is

well document providing for the Dinka rights to Nubian heritage. The old concept of

Terra Nullis or abandon land or undeveloped land21 could be the reasoning behind the

Arab elite’s claims to have dominion over the Central and Southern Sudan, and limits

decision making from the other ethnic identities. The notions of Islamic practices are

superior and more effective methods of organizing and to maintain society could be

the basis of the exclusion and the discrimination against the Dinka and the other ethic

tribes.22

To look at Sunni Islamic notions of legitimacy are based is on the notion that

entitlement to leadership of political and economic institutions are based on heredity.

This could promote the justifications of exclusion of the African identity. It is the

families that the leaders of the community come from. The past heroics of the family

are more important than the new successes of the people of different families.23 This

20 Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle East

21 Malanzuk Peter, Akehurst Modern Introduction to International Law, 7th ed Routledge p.148

22 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 p. 54,56

23 Barnaby Rogerson The Heirs to Muhammad The Overlook Press Woodstock and New York 2006 p.19

16

promotes only certain actors could be considered for leadership position in the nation

or society this is based on heredity.24 This could be a past cultural practice transferred

to the Sudan from Sunni Islamic practices. The right to lead comes from heredity or a

small group of princes which are related to each other.

The perception of the African identity is that they were not a great empire and

not as sophisticated in technology and societal and culture structures. Following the

reasoning of the legitimacy of the Sunni Islamic tradition could be the Africans would

not be considered worthy to make decision for the community because the methods of

choosing leadership is based on the prestige of the family they are descended from.

The Arab considered the African ethnic groups as slaves. 25The Sunni Arab perception

could be the Dinka are not strong enough to protect the land and smart enough to use

the resources properly. This is based on the notions of Sunni Islamic practices on the

characteristics to choose the leaders of the community. The historical past of the

Dinka does not support they are worthy to lead and not associated with Islamic

practices. To be considered worthy to lead a person must be Islamic and have

demonstrated effectiveness in leading or performing tasks and duties. This could be

an explanation why the African identity was excluded from executive decision

making in the Sudan.

To support the notions of ethnic superiority of the Arab and Northern

Sudanese could be seen in the narratives of Egypt and Kush empires and then later the

Christian Sudanese empires then through the Islamic and then Turkish Empires over

the territories of Sudan, Egypt and Libya. The legitimacy of the Islamic Arabs

24 Ibid p.19

25 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 P.5617

superiority could be based in primordial beliefs. 26 This promotes the assumption that

the cultural does not change through the eras. They had complex writing systems and

practices, the method of empire were considered sophisticated and civilized. Through

common sense should not the Northern elite should take control because they would

make better use of the land. This could be explained by the primordial identity

construction because of the assumption that cultural do not change and does not learn.

The African identity would not develop the relationship could be considered the same

over the years. Plus the other ethnicities do not have a prestigious history method to

support notions of legitimate claims to the land because in the past their practices

were inferior. This could be a basis of exclusionary practices.

The Dinka and the other tribes were often at war with each other and nomadic

in appearance because of the following of the weather pattern to develop territory. No

real systems of writing or standardized method to record history of conflict resolution

as seen in the Arab tradition of the Sunnah and the Hadith.27 These stories of the

greater Arab territory could stem from mythical stories. The proof the Dinka linage is

based on oral traditions. The importance of being able to support claims of history is

to promote legitimacy and rights to access resources and legal rights. The perception

could be that the African identities are not as developed and not as technological

advance and descended from slaves the result they could not make good use of the

territory although the Africans share a common heredity with the Nubians. This

promotes the necessity for subordination in the perception of the Arab/Nubian elite.

The lack of writing system and imperial type system the African identities are

26Ibid. South thought they will be independent after British left the region. P.54

27 Gulf Times:http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?

cu_no=2&item_no=287895&version=1&template_id=47&parent_id=27 accessed 5/2/0918

perceived from historical lenses to the present era, as the Islamic ethnic group

perceives itself from ancient historical roots.

The Blood Memories of Sudan Stephanie Beswick gives a good description of

the genealogy of the Dinka and the tribes that were indigenous peoples of the

Southern Sudan. The book supports that they were a cultural and had complex

traditions and religious practices supporting that they were considered a society.

Slavery was the historical practice between the Islamic ethnic to the African

ethnic group. Although she does support the Dinka and Nubians were considered

brothers or equal before the Dinka migrated to southern Sudan which is the same

lineage Arabs are claiming. They capture slaves to work the fields

The next Book to look at that I believe to have major important work in the

Sudan studies is Sudan Race, Religion and Violence, by Gok Madut Gok.

The Book by Gok Madut Gok titled Sudan Race, Religion and Violence is

about the Sudan’s internal conflict. Gok Madut Gok is explaining that all the

conflicts in Sudan are interrelated even though each conflict is in a different

geographical region in the Sudan and deals with different ethnic groups but there is a

historical story connecting these conflicts together.28 The goal of the book is to dispel

the myth that Sudan is a homogeneous nation. He is promoting this because the past

accounts on political science, social and humanity scholarly works explained the

circumstances and reason through the homogeneous ethnic national lens of analysis.29

Gok Madut Gok argues that “Sudanese experience cannot be explain through logical

28 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.27

29 Ibid. p.2719

predictable progression.” 30that an overarching implication of these type of notion

supports that Sudan has a common cultural. He believes this understanding cannot

explain the cause of the internal conflict looking at the Sudan only having one cultural

narrative. This type of understanding of the Sudanese cultural cannot capture the

actuality of the situation in the Sudan and present a view into the relevant causes of

the internal conflict.

Gok Madut Gok supports this notion with detail major rebellions in the

Blue Nile, Beja rebellion, Nuba revolts.31 These internal Sudanese conflicts are in

different geographical regions and deal with different African identity groups

struggling against the core Sudan Elite that uses state militias, and private militias.32

The notion he is promoting as cause of conflict and the lack of national identity unity

is that the marginalized groups never recognized the authority of the Sudanese state.33

This begins to support the method that Gok Madut Gok uses to explain social and

political realities should be explain by the perception of local ethnic groups.

The reason the author supports this type of method of explaining the

realities in the Sudan is that most of the international coverage is based on genocide,

slavery, ethnic conflict, this is promoting the notion of a failed state.34 The

perception is that the Sudan elite are exploiting the marginalized groups based on

situation and beliefs. The beliefs are being used to promote the enemy identity. Those

who complain about poverty and bad living environment are associated with foreign

30 Ibid. p27

31 Ibid. p27

32 Ibid p.27

33 Ibid p.27

34 Ibid p.2920

power and view trying to undermine morality and promoting discord among the

population.35 The situation has to do with relative power and influence over

governmental institutions. Some groups support this type of international media

coverage to promote outside intervention as others think this hinders the process to

peaceful conflict resolution.36 The need to look at each ethnic group perceptions and

narrative is important because there is not a consensus or unified position that there

are different positions on how to quell the internal conflict. This support Gok Madut

Gok methods of analysis and objects of analysis of the Sudanese experience.

The reason Gok Madut Gok wrote this book is about explaining that a

national identity has not been created. The lack of a unifying identity is causing the

Sudan to be torn apart by competing ethnic identities for control of resources. He

argues that the fragmentation of the Southern Sudanese Identities is a driving force

behind the writing of this book. To support his notions he promotes that the Southern

Sudan never wanted to unify with the Northern part of Sudan. The South fragmented

groups sought ways to derail the unification process.37 I find this an interesting

perception that promotes the African identities could be not the total innocent victims

that the international media promotes. The notion of unified Sudanese identity

promotes that either the state is abusing and neglecting citizens or the population of

citizens are rebelling against the state. The reality could be that two different ethnic

groups with different historical narratives are promoting each own self determination.

And the state is control by one ethnic group that is using state authority to promote

35 Ibid. p.30-31

36 Ibid p.31

37 Ibid p.3221

peace through force to unify the separatist ethnic groups that never acknowledge the

sovereignty and the authority of the state.

The method that Gok Madut Gok acquired sources and evidences for

this book was through doing interviews of rebels. Asking why they think the conflict

is happening and why did they joined the rebel movement. Some responses were to

deter "Arab domination."38 The book studies the history from independence to the

present looking at the rise of Islamic militarize the method to explain this

phenomenon was through using historical accounts. The method of promoting

national unity was done through religion and racial stratified society.39 It could be

equated to fascist model or neo- feudalist organization in my systemic analysis. This

could support the notion why the fragmented groups do not unify with the Arab

controlled north is because the social system promote discrimination innately. The

study of ethnic reactions to Islamic military industrial complex and promotion of

these methods of societal ordering was study through the reaction of the non-Arab

ethnic groups that are in areas of contention and active rebellious activities.

The book explores the power relations and the resistance to Arab

domination through munities of military force and disrupting economic activity. He

uses structural arguments that promote the notion of resource competition and how

the marginalized groups use ideology to resist the use of state power is to promote an

assimilation to Arab centered social system40 which inherently promotes Arab

domination of the political and social system. The focus of the book is the resistance

to a unifying identity and the choosing of the ethnic and religious identity as identity 38 Ibid p.36

39 Ibid p.45

40 Ibid p.46-4922

marker. The Southern Sudanese desire to be free from the oppressive practices of the

Sudanese Arab elite. When complaints of treatment or practices is met with violence

which cause the Southern Sudanese identities to desire to break away to their own

autonomous regions. The method of supporting is looking at behavior and structural

constraints such as control of critical resources such as oil.

The author uses narratives and history to show the exploitation and

discrimination done through policy and through extra judicial forms through societal

pressures. He identifies cause of conflict building each case through each chapter.

Gok Madut Gok uses examples of situations to explain causes conflict

and promotes the rationality is to resist domination because of the acceptance to Arab

control would only promote subordinate position in society and open oneself to covert

violence and derogation of dignity. The refusal to allow Arab domination leads to

starvations, abductions, ethnic cleansing and mass murdering.41 Although the book

begins to delve in the psycho-historical context of the Arabs and their perception of

the African identity for the desire to dominated but does dwell into deep explanations

just the Arab want to control the land because that how it has also been.42 The religion

and political ideologies become a method to promote power and subordination of the

other not in the elite group. He does support clearly that the Sudan Arab elite rather

use military options rather than economic collaborative solution to settle grievances.43

Does support the desire to punish and promotes conformity through fear of violence

rather than meet the needs of the people of the same nationality but has different

ethnic and religious backgrounds. The perception that was put forth the Northern 41 Ibid p.107

42 ibid p.116

43 Ibid p.8023

Sudan elite wanted to remove other ethnic identity either through assimilation or

genocide. The books gives good accounts of how the Arabs promoted the

marginalization process and opted to use military violence and exclusion of resources

to promote their social and political order. The underlying theme in the book is the

promotion of the subordination of the African identity. The book gives good detail of

historical events on both sides of the conflict and promotes and understanding of

history.

In the conclusion of the book Gok Madut Gok argues that granting of

the present Northern Sudan's present agreement with the South has lead the

International Community to turn a blind eye to the Darfur.44 The perception of the

book Civil Militias is the militia’s are out of control in the Darfur that the government

cannot control them.45 The Gok Madut Gok’s book promotes military aggression

towards the African ethnic identities is systematic and calculated.

How could I extend this narrative is to support an overarching and

general theme is to look deeper into identity constructions looking at primordial roots

of the relationships between the Arab and African identity and causes of violence and

desire to promote subordination. The method Gok Madut Gok uses is through

narratives but does dwell in rational calculation of power or neo-realist structural

arguments.

44 Ibid p. 296

45 Ibid. p.296-29724

Layout of the Paper

The paper will first explore existing theories about identity and then existing

theories in relative power-seeking. This paper is arguing that actors begin to anchor to

archetypes that reaffirm their perception of reality. This is emotional based. This

could be considered part of a cognitive dissonance. Actors will promote an

understanding of the world and system to fit their emotional-associated archetype of

the world and notions about the enemy. This influences perceptions of actuality.

Groups with the same archetypes which influence the same social experience tend to

align in economic and security endeavors; and create enemies of groups that have

different archetypes. The result of this is that they have different cultural complexes.

The result of the creation of the enemy leads to the process of relative power

seeking. This is the next thing to be described because of the necessity of the seeking

of alignments to promote security. The actor must perceive the other actor as an

enemy to begin to pursue relative power. Alignments are relative power seeking

behavior. This paper is putting forth alignments are based on the archetype.

The theories addressed are constructivism and post constructivist methods of

analysis. These theories are not grand theories like Realism and Liberalism, but have

small theories that recognize past patterns of behavior. The goal of this analytical

strategy is to look at explanations of international ordering to explain international

security alignments, and then look at explanations of causes of conflict and

alignments. Most have been in the structural explanation of causes of conflict due to

resource competition. The enemy becomes more like a competitor that accepts the

25

rules of engagement. The Sudan case is an extreme case where all common norms are

ignored because of identity politics.

The empirical evidence to support assumption is provided and measured by

speech acts and observations of behavior. Speech acts represent the internal dialogue

and promote insights about how the actor perceives the ordering of the world. The

policy of each actor also gives insight about internal understanding of the world.

Observation of behavior can support patterns of behavior, which can represent

political and religious ideologies. The method is to do an analysis of historical

accounts through existing books written about the Sudanese experience. The sources

of this paper are scholarly articles, scholarly books, news and government sources that

are in different types of media such as website, new articles, and television and radio

transcripts.

The methods of the paper

The method of the paper is a constructivist and post constructivist

methodology. The method is to use psycho-analytical analysis using Jungian theories

of Cultural Complexes and archetypes to describe alignments and relative power

seeking behavior. This paper is arguing that language is not the only method of

transferring the cultural complex and enemy perceptions, but is also done through the

phantom process and the collective reflection. Although language does have an

influence on shaping perceptions and ideas, narratives but it is the transmitted

emotions is what creates the cultural complex and influences perceptions to promote a

shared social experience. Language is a vehicle and a container of knowledge, but

26

does not innately create the cultural complex. Thus, identity could be transferred

through the collective reflection.

A sub question of the paper is to explain how identity influences security

alignments. This is an important aspect to understand the Islamic and African ethnic

conflicts. The security alignment could be considered two groups of people, states,

nations, or ethnic groups that create an alliance to increase power to deter potential

threats. This could be through trade relations and military alliances. This is to explain

how ethnic groups and non-state actors can perceive the other as the enemy and begin

to seek relative power over other non-state actors in the domestic and international

systems. The relative power seeking is done through different levels of violence.

Violence is to promote suffering to get compliance. The exclusion to resources could

be considered violent behavior.

This paper is arguing that cultural complexes are the foundation of groups

aligning, which is grounded in shared emotions and unconscious ingrain heuristics.

This explanation could be classified under Social Identity theory because Social

Identity Theory uses psycho-analysis. The result of alignments promotes relative

power to non aligned groups because of exclusion. Groups that share a common social

experience tend to share common political and religious ideology.

The paper will demonstrate that Al Bashir and the Nile Elite is promoting

relative power over the Sudanese African ethnic people. This is enabled by identity

through the archetype that is defined as religious ideology. That identity of others

becomes a threat (concept of evil) because of the desire to protect the cultural

complex. The non Islamic archetype in the Sudan could be based in the democratic

political ideology. The motivation could be about defending cultural complexes 27

against competing cultural complexes. The threat perception is based on protecting

the cultural complex, and rooted in and associated with an emotional response that

could be based in primordial beliefs. This leads to different levels of violence. This

causes the conflict which could be a result of a cognitive dissonance. The promotion

of uncertainty promotes the power seeking behavior to deter the perceived threat. The

causation is rooted in different understandings of the world and how to operate in the

world.

Psycho-analysis is the basis of Social Identity Theory.46 The type of psycho-

analysis concepts I will be applying are Jungian notions about the collective shadow,

the phantom, cultural complexes, collective reflections, and the concepts of good and

evil. The cultural complexes deal with narratives and perceptions. The collective

reflection and phantom process deals with transmission of emotional energies through

psychic impressions which promotes understanding associated with norms beliefs and

practices. The collective shadow and the notions of good and evil could help explain

enemy creation. The transference of inferiority on the other, and the other is

associated with evil. This is associated to enemy creation which triggers relative

power seeking and the group aligning. Uncertainty and non-conformity could trigger

the desire to protect and lead to relative power seeking. Uncertainty is created by a

cognitive dissonance which is triggered by psychic impressions through rhetoric and

semantics and icons which are symbolic to archetypal understanding. It is a complex

causal chain, which perception emerges to policy behavior.

The desire to protect cultural complexes could lead to impulsive violence

without reflective monitoring because it is seated in deep unconscious levels of the

46 Bremmer B Marilynn, The many faces of social identities: Implications for Political Psychology Political Psychology Vol. 22 2001. p.116

28

mind. The simple explanation is the group begins to protect the cultural complex

because of ingrain methods of dealing ambiguity. The causation is emotional states

derogate cognitive thought processes through the promotion of heightened levels of

anxiety. The action becomes fight or flight (supported by neurological studies). Thus

consequences are not considered, and repetitious past behavior ensues. This leads to

self affirming notions about reality within the unconscious mind.

This paper promotes that groups are created by psychological frameworks

which manifest in religious and political ideologies. The desire to protect cultural

complexes leads to relative power seeking because of a perceived threat by an enemy.

29

Chapter 1

This chapter of the paper is to define the hypothesis. The hypothesis is:

perception is the causal factor in enemy creation and security alignment. The affects

on perception are archetypal and the cultural complexes. The perception affects the

interpretation of the social experience, which is compared to the archetype and

cultural complex.

Hypothesis

The theory that I am promoting is called the dogmatic cognition model. This

model is used to help explain security alignments and enemy creation. The theory is

based on an agent’s perception of the structure. The structure does not affect

perception or action, but rather it is the actor’s perception of the structure that 30

promotes policy and behavior. This model argues that in dogmatic cognition the actor

ignores structure and reasoning. It is a pre existing understanding of the world based

on unconscious and conscious patterns that exist already in the mind of the group, and

is associated with internal emotional feedback mechanisms. This theory is also

arguing against a rationality based on power seeking and resource gathering. Based on

calculations of the structure the actor does not change practices or adapt to the

structure, but uses the structure to promote an internal perception of the structure.

Power is used and acquired but is not the goal but a method to achieve goals. The

actor is trying to replicate the internal ordering on the world.

The group will not align with other groups based on access to resources and

power, but only if the archetypes are similar. The external understanding manifests in

the cultural complex, which are narratives and practices. This would be the external

expression of the understanding of actuality. The model argues that emotions are the

basis of the understanding, and that archetype and cultural complexes are accepted

because of positive emotional feedback. This gets into symbolic emotions, which

represents the patterns of reality. The archetypes and cultural complexes influence

perception, which promotes an interpretation of the social experience. This promotes

a subjective understanding of the structure, but also a dogmatic understanding because

the perception tends to reaffirm pre-existing understanding of actuality. The

archetype influences the norms and values of society. In Freudian terms, the id or the

drive is not check by the super ego or norms and values of the society. So it is okay to

act on the impulse and drive.

31

Thus, the agent is not influenced by the structure, but reframes reality so the

social experience meets preconceived internal notions. The model is not a grand

theory and does not discount that there could be groups that have dynamic cognition

models that change, adapt, and accept that response to the structure, but that would be

in their archetype. The Dogmatic Cognition model is to describe certain group

behavior when it comes to security alignments and enemy creation.

Dogmatic Cognition Perception Model

Perceptions

Drives and Impulse

Cultural Complex:

Historical repetition of stories and practices

Situation or event 32

Social Experience Social Experience

This is the foundation in the concept of dogmatic cognition. Dogmatic cognition is a

theory that states that the ability to learn a new method of understanding of the world

is influenced through archetypes and cultural complex; that the archetypes help create

historical narratives and practices. Archetypes could derive the relationship between

archetype and cultural complex is the cultural complex reaffirms the archetypes. The

method of how “importance” and “sacredness” is created through the emotional

association that is connected to the conscious and unconscious mind. The archetype

represents the unconscious understanding of actual reality which is expressed with

Archetypes:

Unconscious pattern of realty

Archetypes of situation agrees with Cultural Complex

Archetypes of situation does not agrees with Cultural Complex

Cognitive Dissonance:

Anchoring caused by emotions and symbolic meaning:

Reframing of situation to reinforce Cultural Complex

33

symbols and emotions. The cultural complex is the conscious manifestation, which is

expressed with a spoken and written language. The cultural complex is trying to

express the unconscious patterns and understandings through words. The unconscious

patterns are myths expressed through historical narratives. The influence is how the

group perceives each different situation and event.

The perception could be how the group observes the situation or event, which

is directly influenced by past narratives and practices which is the manifestation of the

unconscious.

That is, every event is compared to past historical events and expectations are

created. If expectations are not met, this creates a cognitive dissonance. The event is

reframed to meet expectations of the archetype or ingrain patterns of unconscious

mind. Other cognitive dissonance theories state that status, such as Social Certitude,

creates expectations. The assumption I am using is that expectations are from cultural

complexes. The notion of status inconsistency the desire to achieve lost prestige could

be within a narrative of the cultural complex.47 It is expectations of the archetypes

which creates the cognitive dissonance.

The viewer begins to anchor to unconscious patterns and desires to make the observed

reality fit within past patterns. This is based on expectation is formed out of

archetypes which emerges into the cultural complex. This is triggered through

emotional associated to archetype as the only truth, which promotes a reframing and

reinterpreting of the situation to fit within a cultural complexes expectation. When

47 Geschwender James, Continuities in Theories of Status Consistency and Cognitive Dissonance, Social Forces, Vol. 46 No. 2 1967 pp. 160-171 p. 163

34

perceptions do not meet with ingrained unconscious patterns and conscious

understanding this is motivated by negative emotional feeling that are associated with

event. This is described as tension creation.48 So each group will reframe the event to

subdue this tension, which could be an impulse to reduce anxiety.

This promotes a different social experience. So there can be different social

experiences to each event and situation, which is influenced by the archetypes and

cultural complexes. The different box shapes in the above diagram represent how a

situation is perceived, and how the reframing and re-interpreting set pre-conceived

patterns of reality. The situation could be associated with beauty or it could be

associated with evil.

In other psychological terms it could be a perverse empathy or delusion

process. By changing the meaning of the situation the result of the action means this

is, but not that. This is to fit within unconscious patterns of reality. A delusion process

is the changing of the perception, effects, and possible projected outcomes. One

example could be that there cannot be a possible effect, or the effect was by chance.

Another example could be to create a false causality, possibly misinterpreting the

action’s influence. Finally, one could see a causality that is not even there.

The perception model is the basis of creating enemies and promoting

alignments. The next diagram of the model is to explain enemy creation.

48 Geschwender James, Continuities in Theories of Status Consistency and Cognitive Dissonance, Social Forces, Vol. 46 No. 2 1967 pp. 160-171 p. 163

35

Enemy Creation Model

Established Group Un-

CulturalComplex

In this model actors become the situation and the event. Sometimes an

individual actor’s narratives about an event can promote an enemy creation. This has

Response to a situation or event by the other actor

Cultural Complex

Narratives and policy about social experience

Narratives and policy about social experience

Need to Protect Cultural Complex,

Lack of Conformity

Actor starts being perceived as an enemy

Perception Model

36

to do with comparing of the archetypes and cultural complexes. The methods to solve

a certain situation can create conflict. Thus, competing methods of solving problems

and goals for each given situation also promote insights into internal ordering. The

conflicting methods promote the perception of the enemy. Because the result is two

different social experiences.

This model explains that two actors have different social experiences from the

same situation. This promotes a new situation. The narratives become the object of

perception. The two groups go through the perception model (see perception model

above), then they compare each other’s narratives to unconscious and conscious

paradigms, which would be archetypes and cultural complexes. This is done on the

implicit and explicit levels of cognition. If there is conformity and a similarity in

patterns, then an enemy is not created. But if there is non-conformity, then possible

actors are viewed as enemy because of emotional triggering. This is not correct or

proper. This is cognitive dissonance and creates uncertainty. Thus, responding to

protect the group the actor starts to become the enemy. If the actor has a certain

pattern that is associated with preexisting notions of the enemy, then the actor is the

enemy no matter what the situation. It then fits with archetypical and cultural

complex patterns that the actor is considered innately the enemy. The explanation

about enemy creation can be defined as protecting the cultural complex. The enemy

creation section of this paper gives a deeper explanation of how this process operates.

This model is to describe the notion of uncertainty that promotes the creation of the

enemy because of fear. The inability to learn does not allow alliance creation if the

actor does not share the same underlying archetypes.

37

In the next section will be going over the Alliance Creation.

Alignment Model

Un-established actor

Establish group Outside Actor

Enemy Creation Model

38

Cultural Complex Policy and Practices Policy and Practices Cultural Complex

This diagram explains alliance formation. Concept groups that see the world in the

same way tend to align against groups that see the world in a different way. The process to

discern which group has the same archetype or different archetype is a complex process. In

this diagram and model the arrows represent process to relationships. The cultural complexes

influence policy and practices. The policy and practices and their outcomes are perceived by

the other groups. Either groups align with each other, or build coalitions against groups that

are perceived as enemies because of different practices. The different triangles and colors

represent that the two groups share the same archetypes. The colors represent different

cultural complexes, but the underlying pattern of behavior follows the same archetype. The

circle represents a group that has a total different archetype, which affects their policies and

behavior. The two groups with the similar archetypes but with different cultural complexes

and practices tend to align against the group that has totally different archetypes.

These models are meant for groups that have a “dogmatic” or static cultural complex.

There can be groups that have a dynamic or changing understanding of the world. The logic

process of a dynamic group could be based on promoting efficiency or finding the most

prestigious practices and understandings of the patterns of the world. This would allow for

learning, and enable collaborations with different groups. These models support that certain

This promote alignment against un-established Actor because archetypes are different

39

cultural complexes promote non-learning through emotional association. The goal of these

models is to give insight as to why certain groups have historical rivalry. Why through the

years of exposure and interactions they do not begin to understand each other and peacefully

co-exist. This model promotes an innate cognitive dissonance in the perception process that

is associated with emotional and neurobiological phenomenon that self affirms pre-existing

unconscious patterns of behavior and preconceived notions of conscious patterns of behavior.

The group’s reasoning process becomes based not on empirical assumptions, but to

fulfill emotional feelings about actual reality. They act on the impulse. These models is

designed to give insight about dogmatic cultural complexes, and why certain groups do not

empathize and begin to understand other groups; thus promoting the identity of the enemy of

some groups and aligning with others. The goal of this model is to explain why groups align

with other groups when they lack access to resources and power, and align against actors that

are more powerful and have access to resources. This model is to explain irrationality from

the structure and non-reflective behavior.

Chapter 2

In this chapter I am explaining why this study is relevant to the field of

International Relations. I use international law and universal norms, and compare

them to the behavior of the Sudanese government. This is to show that norm changes

are happening. The goal is to show that the Sudanese Islamic complex is breaching

norms and performing acts that do not follow international accepted norms, and

showing that international law is being breached. This is to give insight into beliefs

40

and practices manifesting in behavior. Thus, the changing of the democratic paradigm

of reasoning and perception of human being is changing from a natural law paradigm

to a more positivistic reasoning. This is necessary because paradigms of the definition

of human rights are changing.

The goal is to maintain and promote a democratic order in the international

system, which is rooted in individual human rights. The relative interpretation of

rights versus the notion of universal norms about rights could influence the rise of

ethnic identity. This is important because of the notion of minority rights, treatment of

civilians, and dealing with conflict in regards to the treatment of the perceived enemy.

The revision of concepts for the purpose of the state and use of force could be to

promote stability. It may not be in the promotion of security, but stability is associated

with status quo maintenance. This notion is supported in the Sudan with the militia

group known as Janjaweed; it is becoming one of the richest groups in Sudan.49 They

are Sudanese militia made up of the Arab clans of Irayqat, Ouled, and Zed.50 Their

purpose is to promote counter insurgency against the SPLA and other African militias

in Southern Sudan, but they have been burning villages and looting in the name of

promoting security.51 The underlying assertion, to obtain wealth and influence through

conquering, is accepted by the other Arab elite because they are one of the new elite

in Sudan. This practice entails the denial of human rights of the perceived enemy

which are the non-Arab and non-Islamic ethnic groups with the same nationality. Is

49 Francis J David, Civil Militia; Africa’s intractable Security Menace? Ashgate 2005 p.147

50 Ibid. p147

51 Ibid p.15241

not the modern state to promote democracy and the promotion and the enforcement of

human rights?

Crimes against humanity and acquiesces of the international community

promotes the changing of domestic and the international practices of the treatment of

civilians by their states. This can be supported by the practices of the Baggara an Arab

militia in Sudan during the nineteen eighties. Their original purpose was to counter

the Sudanese People’s Liberation Army (SPLA). The result was stealing African

cattle and burning down African villages.52 The United Nations have also designated

the Janjaweed as responsible for the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.53 These are

not within the scope and the legitimate aim of the use of military force that are

sanctioned under a state. These acts undermine international law. The duty of the

international community is to promote the rule of law by enforcing international

norms about the treatment of civilians and perceived hostile actors.

The norms that are changing are due to the changing of identity marking

which affects the use of force to subdue hostile and belligerent actors;

1) proportionality

2) treatment of minorities

3) treatment of civilians,

4) self-defense definitions

5) treatment of perceived hostile and belligerent civilians and prisoners of war.

52 Ibid. p201

53 Ibid. p.142

In the early history of Sudan the Military tribunal oversaw each civilian court.

This lasted from May 1984 to 1985.54 Christians were targeted for arrest and reports

of cruel and unusual punishment were reported from Amnesty International.55

Government Public ministers were punished for extra duty affairs and were subject to

degrading forms of punishment such as public lashings. The military take over of

civilian functions and work regulation enforcement could be seen as stretching self

defense definitions. The targeting of Christians and the use of public lashing could be

seen as a degrading method of punishment. The right to privacy, and socialization and

association are being infringed upon by the national government.

Human rights abuses are connected to strategic issues, such as the control of

resources. In 1998 the United States’ oil company Chevron pulled out due to civil

war. After this the oil rights were transferred to China, Iran, the Former Soviet Union

States, and Bulgaria. Loans were given to the Sudanese government. The Sudanese

government used loans to buy weapons on the credit of future oil exports from the

Sudan. 56 This was to protect oil extracting assets and oil pipelines. The companies

that created this arrangement were the Greater Nile Petroleum Company ( Northern

Sudan), Talisman Inc. (Canada), Petronas (Malaysian) and the China National

Petroleum Corporation. Human rights abuses occurred and were associated with the

oil production.57

54 Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 30, July, 1984 Sudan, Page 33009 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved.

55 Keesing's Record of World Events (formerly Keesing's Contemporary Archives), Volume 31, July, 1985 Sudan, Page 33700 © 1931-2006 Keesing's Worldwide, LLC - All Rights Reserved.

56 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.22, 188

57 Ibid. p.18843

The identity of the enemy enables the government leaders to enact the use of

many different levels of violence on perceived threats to the security of the state and

economic activity. It has been reported that the displacement of civilians has been

funded by foreign oil interest in Southern Sudan, because of the finding of oil

potentiality along the Nile River.58 This is associated with identity because most

identity in the Southern Sudan is considered Non-Arab or rebels. The purpose of

these actions is to displace the perceived hostile civilian populations that are

associated with an internal or international enemy this based on association of

identity.

The method of institutionalized subordination that is enabled through identity

promotes relative power over other ethnic groups. The governmental structure could

promote the derogation of rights,

1) to privacy

2) association

3) expression

4) income

5) movement

6) dignity

7) personality

8) access to government

58 Ibid. p.19044

These are key concepts that address current state practices to be civilized and

promote a community based on human rights and humane treatment of citizens.

The promotion of the enemy construct could be enabled by differences of

ethnic and religious identities. The loyalty to the state is made up of a core group

which represents the state in principle. Ethnic identity could then be perceived as a

hostile rival. For example, when the American Japanese were sent into internment

camps by the American establishment during World War Two. The Japanese had no

direct connection with Japan, but shared a common heredity and physical

appearances. The purpose of this example is the established group begins to view

national citizens with different ethnic identities. They become a potential threat and

are treated like an enemy; or there is a desire to dominate and control because of

possible threat potentiality that is associated with the concept of evil. The placement

in internment camps could be viewed as a method of conquering to dominate

movement. This is to exclude them from daily practices to promote relative power

when the actual threat potential was not observable. The goal of this paper is to offer

an explanation of the phenomenon through psycho analytical work through cultural

complexes.

The leaders of the state begin to promote 1) Propaganda for war, 2) Promotion

of racial hatred and violence against ethnic groups, minorities, or ethnicities that share

a common identity with foreign perceived threats, or rivals in the international system.

These notions are used to mobilize popular support, and promote hatred and

fear to promote different levels of violence against the targets of the propaganda. This

notion can be supported by “Arab and African ethnicities are very much intertwined

in Sudan. President Omar Hassan Al-Bashir's government used Arab nationalism, and 45

money, as a way to rally the landless Arab nomadic militias against their farmer

neighbors, who tended to identify themselves as African.” 59This is to ensure the status

quo of the established order in economic, government and social institutions are

maintained. This can be seen with the refugee camps in the Darfur in Sudan.

Displaced African identities are targets of brutal violence that is based on ethic

distinction.60 The enabling of the violence is the threat perception that the African

identities are supported by an historical rival in Chad.61 This legitimizes the use of

force and violence against the displaced African ethnic identity because of the

association with other African groups fighting against Arab domination. The

difference here is that the Africans are helpless, and the use of force to subdue the

African threat is not proportionate to actual forced used. A specific example is the

Islamic militia group known as the Janjaweed which carries out mass killings under

the support of the Arab Islamic Khartoum government.62 The government does not

protect the African identity or promote human rights; the Khartoum government turns

a blind eye to violence and did not try to stop the Janjaweed's actions. A news article

states that the Arab militias and government forces detained 136 African men, then

these men were massacred.63 This is a blatant breach of Jus in Bellum, and could be

59 Stephanie McCrummen; Washington Post Foreign Service A Wide-Open Battle For Power in Darfur The Washington Post, Met 2 Edition, June 20, 2008 Friday, A-SECTION; Pg. A01

60 allAfrica.com, Sudan; Prosecutor Accuses Bashir Forces of Murder, Rape, Pillage March 2, 2009 Monday Africa News

61 Mohau Pheko, Africans must work to topple S udan's Arab government September 16, 2007 Sunday Times (South Africa)

62 allAfrica.com, Sudan; Prosecutor Accuses Bashir Forces of Murder, Rape, Pillage March 2, 2009 Monday Africa News

63 Kenneth Roth, Sudan: Government and Militias Conspire in Darfur Killings http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2004/04/22/sudan-government-and-militias-conspire-darfur-killings

46

considered practicing "no quarter". No quarter is a term that means the captured

enemy is killed rather than offered quarters, which is long term detainment. The

practice of no quarter is a breach of international norms of treatment of civilians and

prisoners of war which makes it a criminal offense.

This paper will be exploring and explaining the historical ethnic struggle that

is manifesting through the states institution. In addition, we will consider the desire

for Arab Islamic hegemony over Sudan, as well as the removing of the African

indigenous identity through many different levels of violence. This is explained

through cultural complexes. These notions are entangled in international norms of

treatment of civilians, minority rights, and basic human rights.

The importance of this study is about promoting international norms and not

allowing practices to derogate into rational calculations of power. Despite the

justification of military force against minorities, they have the right to live and

prosper according to international law. This paper is about how identity is an

important aspect to conflict, and how identity promotes groups to seek power to deter

or dominate each other.

Chapter 3

In this chapter I am looking at past works on the study of the Sudan. In this

section I perform two tasks: One, I begin to use cited history in literature that is 47

reviewed to support my hypothesis about patterns and causes of behavior; and two, I

critique past methods used to explain the Sudanese ethnic conflict. In this chapter I

look at Stephanie Beswick’s work, Sudan Blood Memories, and Gok Madut Gok’s

work, Sudan Race Religion and Violence, as past works that explain the Sudanese

experience. In the next section of this chapter I begin to look at other methodologies

used in constructivist and post constructivist, and argue my method as an alternative

method of explanation, as well as explain the weaknesses of other methodologies.

Literature Review

Sudan Blood Memories by Stephanie Beswick addresses the legitimacy of the Dinka

ethnic group in Sudan. The lack of a written traditional history begs the question, can

the oral traditions be trusted?

Although she makes the point that the Dinka and Nubians considered

themselves brothers and kin, Stephanie Beswick claims that the historical relationship

between Southern Sudan and Northern Sudan is one of dependence,.64 The northern

Arabs and Colonial powers often slave raided the Southern African identities.65 A

historical continuous perception about slavery could be ingrained in the unconscious

collective mind of the Arabs. This supports the mythical stories and archetypical

image of master over the Africans. In the view point of studying identity the lack of a

written history by the Dinka could have created the outside impression that they were

64 Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.30

65 Stephanie Beswick, Sudan’s Blood Memories , University of Rochester Press, 2004 p.3048

nomadic and had no legitimate ties to the land.66 The history of the Northern Arab

influence and Nubian shared a common heredity through marriage and conquest.

Nubian and Arab share a commonality in identity because of a shared mythically

narrative that is derived from religious practices and common heredity. The notion

that the Dinka and the other African identities did not intermarry created an

appearance that they were just estranged nomadic people. This book removed these

perceptions of the Dinka.

The author points out the history of Egypt and Nubia, which could be

considered Northern Sudan. The Kingdom of the Kush ruled Egypt for 600 years

during the years of 300 B.C to 300 A.D., and carries through the history of the

Northern Sudan, the Christian Kingdoms, and the Ottoman Turks.67 Northern Arab-

Nubian legitimacy exists through written narratives, and the identity of Arabs and

Nubian cultural thrived and has roots in northern Sudan. The Dinka narrative has

been documented through oral traditions and observations of other cultures in the

region. The Dinka and Nubian connection could be not credible because of lack of

written support. In the modern era rights are not derived from heredity. A relativist

interpretation of rights and the historical perception is being reframed to support

archetypes and past narratives and practices to justify evil actions against the Dinka.

Stephanie Beswick explores the Dinka identity which is located in Central and

Southern Sudan between the Blue and White Nile.68 The Dinka think of themselves

as descendent of the Funj Sultanate.69 Also, they had historical connections with

66 Ibid p.1

67 Beswick Stephanie, Sudan's Blood Memories University of Rochester Press 2004 p.29

68 Ibid. p.186

69 Ibid. P.1949

Nubians. The implied goal of the book was to support the notion that the Nilotic and

Dinka ethnicity had historical roots and have lived and cultivated the land. The

territory was the historical method of providing for the well being of the people.

Stepahanie Beswick explains that the Dinka were a complex culture that had

been historically pushed by rival tribes to the South. The Dinka migration patterns

are based around weather patterns, and to find land to develop agriculture life.70 The

use of war has been a method to force the Dinka into servitude, and to push them off

of desired land. They had complex traditions and political systems. The Dinka

identity was predominately in the northern part of Sudan, then forced south by other

Nilotic identity.

The important aspect in the Sudan situation is the rhetoric of Al Bashir, who

claimed historical and primordial roots in Sudan. The Arab identity shared a common

heredity with the Nubians. This promoted the legitimate notion having sovereignty

over Northern Sudan.71 However, the Dinka share the same hereditary ties to the

Nubian ancestors. The implied claim is that the Arab identity laid claimed to greater

Sudan. The logical assumption could be the Dinka and Nilotic tribes were not

sophisticated and did not create a safe method or traditions of interaction; that they

were just nomadic people who traveled to and fro. But the relationship of the Dinka

and Nubians is well documented, providing for the Dinka rights to Nubian heritage.

The old concept of Terra Nullis--, or abandoned and undeveloped land,72--could be

70 Ibid p.34-49 this chapter gives detail account of migration and practices of slavery.

71 Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle East

72 Malanzuk Peter, Akehurst Modern Introduction to International Law, 7th ed Routledge p.14850

the reasoning behind the Arab elite’s claims to have dominion over the Central and

Southern Sudan, and limits decision making from the other ethnic identities. The

notions that Islamic practices are superior and more effective methods of organizing

and to maintain society could be the basis of the exclusion and the discrimination

against the Dinka and the other ethic tribes.73

Sunni Islamic notions of legitimacy include that entitlement to leadership of

political and economic institutions are based on heredity. This could promote the

justification of exclusion of the African identity. The leaders of the community come

from families. The past heroics of the family are more important than the new

successes of the people of different families.74 Only certain actors can be considered

for a leadership position in the nation or society based on heredity.75 This could be a

past cultural practice transferred to the Sudan from Sunni Islamic practices. The right

to lead comes from heredity or a small group of princes who are related to each other.

This practice undermines democratic notions of plurality and popular election of

leaders. This promotes an institutionalized subordination through mythical stories that

become archetypical patterns of behavior and how to organize society.

The perception of the African identity is that they are not a great empire and

are not as sophisticated in technology and societal and culture structures. Following

the reasoning of the legitimacy of the Sunni Islamic tradition, the Africans would not

be considered worthy to make decisions for the community, because the methods of

choosing leadership is based on the prestige of the family they are descended from.

73 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 p. 54,56

74 Barnaby Rogerson The Heirs to Muhammad The Overlook Press Woodstock and New York 2006 p.19

75 Ibid p.1951

The Arab considered the African ethnic groups as slaves.76 The Sunni Arab perception

is that the Dinka are not strong enough to protect the land and smart enough to use the

resources properly.77 This is based on Sunni Islamic practices to choose the leaders of

the community. The historical past of the Dinka does not support that they are worthy

to lead, and are not associated with Islamic practices. To be considered worthy to

lead a person must be Islamic and have demonstrated effectiveness in leading or

performing tasks and duties. This could explain why the African identity was

excluded from executive decision making in the Sudan. The institutionalized

subordination will never give them a chance to prove effectiveness in leadership.

Support for notions of ethnic superiority of the Arab and Northern Sudanese

can be seen in the narratives of Egypt and Kush empires, and then later the Christian

Sudanese empires, then through the Islamic and then Turkish Empires over the

territories of Sudan, Egypt and Libya. The legitimacy of the Islamic Arab superiority

could be based in primordial beliefs.78 This promotes the assumption that the culture

does not change through the eras. They had complex writing systems and practices.

Their empire was considered sophisticated and civilized. Through common sense,

should not the Northern elite take control because they would make better use of the

land? This could be explained by the primordial identity construction-- the

assumption is that cultures do not change and do not learn. The African identity

would not develop the relationship that could be considered the same over the years.

Plus, the other ethnicities do not have a prestigious history as a method to support

76 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008 P.56

Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p.16-17

77 Robert O’Collins A history of Modern Sudan Cambridge University Press 2008 p

78Ibid. South thought they will be independent after British left the region. P.5452

notions of legitimate claims to the land because in the past their practices were

considered inferior. This could be the basis and reasoning of the Islamic Sudanese

exclusionary practices.

The Dinka and the other tribes were often at war with each other, and nomadic

in appearance because they followed weather patterns to develop territory. They had

no real system of writing or standardized method to record history of conflict

resolution as seen in the Arab tradition of the Sunnah and the Hadith.79 These stories

of the greater Arab territory could stem from mythical stories. The proof the Dinka

lineage is based on oral traditions. The importance of being able to support claims of

history is to promote legitimacy, and to have access to resources and legal rights. The

perception could be that the African identities are not as developed and not as

technologically advanced; even though the Africans share a common heredity with

the Nubians, they are descended from slaves and cannot make good use of the

territory. This promotes the necessity for subordination in the perception of the

Arab/Nubian Islamic elite. Because of the lack of a writing system, the African

identities are perceived from historical lenses to the present era, as the Islamic ethnic

group perceives itself from ancient historical roots.

In The Blood Memories of Sudan Stephanie Beswick gives a good description

of the genealogy of the Dinka and the tribes that were indigenous peoples of the

Southern Sudan. The book supports that they were considered a society with complex

traditions and religious practices.

79 Gulf Times:http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/article.asp?

cu_no=2&item_no=287895&version=1&template_id=47&parent_id=27 accessed 5/2/0953

Slavery was practiced by the Islamic ethnic to the African ethnic group. She

does support that the Dinka and Nubians were considered brothers or equal before the

Dinka migrated to southern Sudan, which is the same lineage Arabs are claiming.

The next Book that I believe to have major important work in the Sudan

studies is, Sudan Race, Religion and Violence, by Jok Madut Jok.

The Book by Gok Madut Gok titled Sudan Race, Religion and Violence is

about Sudan’s internal conflict. Gok Madut Gok explains that all the conflicts in

Sudan are interrelated. Although each conflict is in a different geographical region in

the Sudan and deals with different ethnic groups, there is a historical story connecting

these conflicts together.80 The goal of the book is to dispel the myth that Sudan is a

homogeneous nation. He promotes this because past accounts in political science,

social and humanity scholarly works explain the circumstances and reason through

the homogeneous ethnic national lens of analysis.81 Gok Madut Gok argues that the

“Sudanese experience cannot be explained through logical predictable progression.”82

An overarching implication of this type of notion supports that Sudan has a common

culture. He believes this cannot explain the internal conflict of the Sudan. Namely,

that they have only one cultural narrative. The Sudanese cultural cannot capture the

actual reality of the situation in the Sudan and present a view into the relevant causes

of the internal conflict.

80 Gok Madut Gok, Sudan Race Religion and Violence One World publishing Oxford 2008, P.27

81 Ibid. p.27

82 Ibid. p2754

Gok Madut Gok supports this notion by detailing major rebellions in the Blue

Nile, Beja rebellion, and Nuba revolts.83 These internal Sudanese conflicts are in

different geographical regions and deal with different African identity groups

struggling against the core Sudan Elite that use state and private militias.84 The

marginalized groups never recognized the authority of the Sudanese state.85

The reason the author supports this method of explaining the realities in the

Sudan is that most of the international coverage is based on genocide, slavery, and

ethnic conflict. This promotes the notion of a failed state.86 The perception is that the

Sudan elite are exploiting the marginalized groups based on situation and beliefs. The

beliefs are being used to promote the enemy identity. Those who complain about

poverty and bad living environment are associated with foreign powers and are trying

to undermine morality and promote discord among the population.87 The situation has

to do with relative power and influence over governmental institutions. Some groups

support this type of international media coverage to promote outside intervention, as

others think this hinders the process to peaceful conflict resolution.88 The need to look

at each ethnic group’s perception and narrative is important because there is not a

consensus or unified position. There are different positions on how to quell the

internal conflict. This support Gok Madut Gok’s method of analysis, and objects of

analysis of the Sudanese experience.

83 Ibid. p27

84 Ibid p.27

85 Ibid p.27

86 Ibid p.29

87 Ibid. p.30-31

88 Ibid p.3155

The reason Gok Madut Gok wrote this book is because a national identity has

not been created and the lack of a unifying identity is causing the Sudan to be torn

apart by competing ethnic identities for control of resources. He argues that the

fragmentation of the Southern Identities is a driving force behind the writing of this

book. He claims that Southern Sudan never wanted to unify with the Northern part of

Sudan; the fragmented Southern groups sought ways to derail the unification

process.89 I find this an interesting perception. It promotes that the African identities

are not the innocent victims that the international media promotes. A unified

Sudanese identity promotes the idea that the state is abusing and neglecting citizens;

or, the citizens are rebelling against the state. The reality could be that two different

ethnic groups with different historical narratives are promoting their own self

determination. And the state is controlled by one ethnic group that is using state

authority to promote peace through force to unify the separatist ethnic groups that

never acknowledged the sovereignty and authority of the state.

Gok Madut Gok acquired evidence by doing interviews with rebels. He asked

why they think there is conflict, and why they joined the rebel movement. Some

responses include, “to deter ‘Arab domination.'”90 His book studies the history from

independence to present. Looking at the rise of Islamic militarization, the method to

explain this phenomenon was through historical accounts. The methods of promoting

national unity were done through religion, and by racially stratifying the society.91 It

could be equated to the fascist model or a neo-feudalist organization in my systemic

analysis. The fragmented groups do not unify with the Arab controlled north because

89 Ibid p.32

90 Ibid p.36

91 Ibid p.4556

the social system promotes discrimination. Ethnic reactions to the Islamic military

industrial complex, and promotion of this societal ordering was studied through the

reaction of the non-Arab ethnic groups that are in areas of contention and active

rebellious activities.

The book explores the power relations and the resistance to Arab domination

through munities of military force and disrupting economic activity. He uses

structural arguments to promote the notion of resource competition. Marginalized

groups use ideology to resist the use of state power to promote an assimilation to an

Arab centered social system,92 which inherently promotes Arab domination of the

political and social system. The focus of the book is the resistance to a unifying

identity and the choosing of the ethnic and religious identity as identity marker. The

Southern Sudanese desire to be free from the oppressive practices of the Sudanese

Arab elite. Complaints of treatment or practices are met with violence, which causes

the Southern Sudanese identities to desire to break away to their own autonomous

regions. The method of supporting is looking at behavior and structural constraints

such as control of critical resources such as oil.

The author uses narratives and history to show the exploitation and

discrimination done through policy and through extra judicial forms through societal

pressures. He identifies cause of conflict building through each chapter.

Gok Madut Gok uses examples of situations to explain causes of conflict and

explains the idea is to resist domination. The acceptance of Arab control would only

promote a subordinate position in society and open oneself to covert violence and

derogation of dignity. The refusal to allow Arab domination leads to starvation,

92 Ibid p.46-4957

abductions, ethnic cleansing, and mass murdering is the recorded results.93 The

African identities resist through methods of self determination. The book begins to

delve into the psycho-historical context of the Arabs and their perception that the

African identity desires to be dominated. It also postulates that another explanation

could be that the Arabs just want to control the land.94 The religious and political

ideologies become a method to promote power and subordination of the other not in

the elite group. He does support clearly that the Sudan Arab elite would rather use

military options, instead of an economic collaborative solution to settle grievances.95

They support the desire to punish, and promote conformity through fear of violence,

rather than meet the needs of the people of the same nationality with different ethnic

and religious backgrounds. The Northern Sudan elite wanted to remove other ethnic

identities, either through assimilation or genocide. The book gives valid accounts of

how the Arabs promoted the marginalization process and opted to use military

violence and exclusion of resources to promote their social and political order. The

underlying theme in the book is the promotion of the subordination of the African

identity. The book gives good detail of historical events on both sides of the conflict

and promotes and understanding of history.

In the conclusion of the book Gok Madut Gok argues that the Northern

Sudan's present agreement with the South has lead the International Community to

turn a blind eye to the Darfur.96 The perception of the civil militias is that they are out

93 Ibid p.107

94 ibid p.116

95 Ibid p.80

96 Ibid p. 29658

of control in the Darfur—the government cannot control them.97 The military

aggression towards the African ethnic identities is systematic and calculated, but not

directed by government. In a news report, however, a Janjaweed militia men

confirmed collaboration between government and the militia.98 This countervailing to

Al Bashir claims this could affect Al Bashir’s credibility.

I extend this narrative to support an overarching and general theme by looking

deeper into identity constructions. The primordial rooted relationships between the

Arab and African identity cause violence and a desire to promote subordination. The

method Gok Madut Gok uses is through narratives, but does dwell in rationality in

determining behavior and policy. The rationality is to gain power and control, and to

promote survival. The example Gok Madut Gok puts forth is that power projects a

future predictable behavior: the desire to dominate and control the African identity.

The Sudanese experience might be able to predict behavior because the example

promotes a strict logical causation for domination and survival. This does promote

causation and consequences of conflict. The perception put forth is the actors are just

relative power seeking and using religion and political ideologies as tools to mobilize

and promote a method to control and order society. The evidence Gok Madut Gok is

important to explain existing human rights breaches and explains how each party has

behaved. The underlying assumption I am putting forth is the symbolic emotional

response from historical humiliation is the causal factor. The ability to subdue and

control the African uprising could promote prestige overcoming past humiliation.

97 Ibid. p.296-297

98Jon Snow Snowmail: Al-Bashir indictment July 14 2008 http://www.channel4.com/news/articles/politics/international_politics/snowmail+albashir+indictment/2336867 access 5/10/09

59

The two different narratives between the African identity and Islamic identity

are plainly seen. The difference between the two groups can be from different

geographical regions, religious, social and political practices. The two identities are

distinct. The problem is the perception of rights over territory and the historical

relationships. The northern Arab elite had a perception of the Dinka and the southern

ethnicities as subordinate. This perception and idea could be carrying through to

modern era.

Methodology Argument

In this section I will be arguing why I am choosing which method to analysis

for the paper. This will be done by through promoting of definition of what identity is

for the purpose of this paper and argue against different methods to describe identity.

This is going to be done through exploring at different scholars work on identity—

examining the major ways how identity has been addressed.

To begin explain how identity has been approach to explain behavior in

International Relations. According to Marilyn B Bremmer of Ohio State University

in her article The many faces of Social Identity and the implications for Political

Psychology. The goal of the concept of Social identity is to conceptual bring the

individual level of analysis to the group level of analysis.99 Social Identity comes

from the psycho analytical theory. The method of understanding how groups create

cohesion is based on categorical distinctions rather than functional categories.100 What

99 Bremmer B Marilynn, The many faces of social identities: Implications for Political Psychology Political Psychology Vol. 22 2001. p.116

100 Ibid. 60

the author means is that the function of roles in society. This is according to Marilyn

Bremmer to mean that individuals are socialized into identities that the individual

internalizes--values, norms and practices of the group that the functional role requires.

This could be structural approach of constructing identity because it is the regulative

rules and the constitutive rules that affects the individual’s behavior in the system. To

relate this to States and international relations it could be seen in the current world

system. The Northern Sudanese Arabs are the decision makers and African Sudanese

are the workers and servants could be example. Also the role of the United States is to

world police or the leading to create a new world order based around democratic

peace. Switzerland is considered the neutral peace maker. The role of each is defined

by the expectations of the group and is when the roles are not performed properly

there is usually a punishment.

Social Identity theory is considered based in the psycho-analytical

framework. Group identities are constructed through common characteristics and

social experience. It is the categorical experience that constructs levels of identity.101

An actor can have many levels of identities that are based on loyalties and alliances.102

The notion of constructed identity is about relationship to other actors in the group

rather than the functions of the role of expected behavior, which can help define

interaction but does not define relation specifically. The relationships are based on

common characteristics and social experience.

To show the difference between functional and social experience I will be

using the example of the United States and NATO relationship and Socialist

101 Ibid. 122

102 Ibid. 12261

alignments during the cold war. The United States function is to deter threats by

having an effective military. The relationship with alliance is directly influenced by

its function, but not the social experience. The NATO alignment, however, is based

on ideology that can be reduced to norms and practices and perceptions about the

methods to achieve goals. This creates a social experience between those that are part

of the alliance. The relationship does promote the function to promote trade and

access to resources. Is this relationship based on functionality to promote individual

needs rather than promoting the group? It could be perceived that offering of security

for access resources could discredit the common social experience as the creation of

the group, but the function of the other states becomes primary in aligning.

To explain further we could look at socialist state alignments which can help

describe the common social experience. The socialist security and economic

alignment could have been based on the experience with capitalist nations. The

eventuality of the practice of capitalism and nineteenth century great power politics

that promoted resource acquirement lead to eventual conflict that this civilization

goal, methods, and practice leads to war.103 The social experience promoted alignment

based on perceptions of resource competition is based on promotion of security or

military potentiality. The desire for common socialist alignments could be because of

past results of the industrial capitalist practices leading to war and does not fit with

desired civilization goals. The perception could have nothing to do with the function

of each state, but the relationship has a common ground on past social experiences

which represent shared values which manifests in norms.

103

62

Primordial theory

Is that the actor is static and does not learn or change through different eras; so

the culture does not change. I am supporting this theory in some cases but not with all

societies and actors. The archetype must be considered dogmatic.

Post Constructivism looks at other internal factors rather than structural factors.

Language could be the container of the spirit of the nation. This could mean

the core of identity is with the language of the people. That language is a central

method of creating common identity. Some scholars that support this concept are

Pierre Bourdieu, Micheal Foucault, Jurgen Habermas, Hans-Geog Gadamer. This

could explain that the past stories of the ethnic group and nation are written in the

language. This allows for the past accomplishments and achievements. This is to

promote a prestige and collective self-esteem. The values, principles and creeds could

be transmitted through the common language, which could be considered the spirit of

the nation. The assertion is identity is based on prestigious past practices.

From a functionalist point of view an individual that ascribes to the national

identity begins to internalize the spirit of the nation by adopting the past practices and

principles through the reading of the language. The identity construction becomes a

role a person plays, and national identity or type of identity is applied to the person.

The laws purpose was to reinforce identity expectations. This could be seen when the

National Islamic Front began their cultural reforms in Sudan after Al Bashir took

power through a coup.104 This could not be considered an instrumental approach

104 Salma Ahmed Nageeb New Spaces and Old Frontiers Women, Social Spaces and Islamization in Sudan Lexington Books, 2004, p.16

63

because the person is not choosing to conform but being assimilated through threats

of coercion. The identity is not a choice of the actor but forced upon the actor. The

instrumental approach could be perceived this way, although the choice of

cooperation is because of access to resources. The form of punishment is not active,

but by choice exclusion. In the functionalist approach it could be considered an active

punishment to promote conformity to national identity expectations.

The notion that language could sculpt and create the understanding of the

universe affects perception. The understanding of the patterns of the reality is

confirmed with emotional associations. This is where the phantom process and

collective reflection could explain how identity is constructed and norms are diffused.

This helps creates value judgments: emotions associated with comfort to promote

acceptance, and emotions associated with fear to promote the need to protect and

defend. Language can express narratives of histories, and practices and reasons why a

cultural does a certain behavior, but it is the emotion that promotes the actions and

judgments. It could be also argued that languages could help express internal states

and how the actor expresses how they perceive reality.

Language does not explain identity construction because people from different

states can use the same languages and can share the same religious and political

beliefs, thus creating a different identity constructs. Plus people can use different

languages and live in the same state but have different ethnic and political ideologies

which can be seen in the tearing apart of Yugoslavia during the 1990s. Groups with

the same language and different archetypes promote conflict and relative power

seeking behavior. Language does not define identity innately. There is more to

identity construction.

64

The commonality that creates the common bonds between, and causes major

divides of, the people I am putting forth is archetypes and shared emotions that

manifested in the cultural complex. It is how the individual imagines the reality and

cognitively understands the context and interrelations and how society should be

organized on an unconscious level which is embedded and associated with emotions.

This is manifested in the cultural complex.

This paper is refuting the assumption that human agents are always reflective,

as Alexander Wendt put forth in his paper, "The Agent Structure Problem in

International Relations Theory."105 The structure does not always promote reflective

monitoring. Giddens argues the reflection in the perception process happens when the

structure triggers the habit. Thus, the actor must take some reflective thought based on

rationality which would be a calculation from the structure; thus, a reflection on

which habit to use.106 Habits are consistently changing to adapt to the structure. What

I am putting forth is that the actor acts from archetypes and narratives which are

associated with emotions. That reflection that promotes rationality from the structure

does not exist because of a confirmation bias. While Giddens is arguing that

sometimes habits promote reaction, that is non-reflective; but a reflection upon the

structure is needed to know which habit to use to obtain rational goals. So the

structure triggers the response from the actor. The actor rationalizes and reasons to

conform to the structure demands. While I am putting forth that perception of the

response is due to agents understanding of the world and desire to extend and to

protect the agents understanding. This is not out of habit, but out of emotional impulse

that is static and does not change. The perception is to protect the unconscious

105 Alexander E. Wendt, International Organization Vol. 41 No.3 (Summer, 1987) 335-370 p.340

106 The Logic of Habit, not reason Giddeons P.16 65

patterning of the mind that is connected emotional well being. The difference between

the two theories is about the agents adapts habits to meet the needs of the structure. I

argue the agent changes perception of structure to meet their static understanding. My

theory is a small theory to provide explanation of certain cases.

Chapter 3

In this section of the paper I will begin to describe the important concepts of

the method of analysis I am employing to explain alignment and enemy creation in

the Sudan. Although these definitions are still up to academic critique, the ones that I

am using are accepted but still open to scrutiny. The concepts being explained are

archetypes, cultural complex, collective reflection, concepts of evil, phantom process

and the collective shadow in the context of enemy creation. The goal is to employ

them to see if the empirical evidence can support the pattern of internal processes of

the actors. The study of these concepts is a complex and complicated endeavor

because it is about the study of the non-cognitive mind which affects behavior.

The underlying assumption to this theory is the manifested behavior does give

insight to the unconscious ordering which is internal processes of the actor.107 The

actors in this study are ethnic groups. The goal of this paper is to apply the following

concepts to explain causation of behavior. The concepts can fall under the general

category of ideas. Plus another dimension to these concepts is that they also affect

perception to reinforce the goal to ensure practices are sustained.

107 Anthony Stevens, Archetypes A Natural History of the Self Quill 1983 p. 2866

The interesting aspect to this study is that the ethnic groups take control over

institutions and apply, enforce, and transmit their cultural complex; that government

institutions and economic institutions are methods to expand the influence of the

cultural over geographical areas and intellectual spaces. Thus, government and

economic institutions are empty vessels, sometimes without ethnic distinction, but the

controlling group begins to create and exert the institutions to influence and to

promote its cultural complexes practices and beliefs to expand and protect its cultural

complex.

To begin with this explanation I will begin to define the concepts.

Archetypes

To begin with archetypes as Jung conceived: “Archetypes is a precondition

that is co-existent to life itself.” 108 The archetype the concept of the archetype could

be considered an internal universal ontology which means how the individual, and for

this paper, the group or nation of people organized and classify the primal objects in

relationships to each other and follow a predictable pattern. This could be considered

an internal structure. The world operates this way, it creates an ordering or an

understanding of how things operate, and should behave and react to any given

situation. The archetype is the continuing static internal ordering of the universe that

promotes a structure and does not change, although the understanding of the

archetype does change. This promotes different levels of understanding, and is

determined by the person or cultural complex that is the subjective understanding of

the truth of the internal structure. The subjectivity of the perception emerges from

phenomenology or how the individual perceives and understands reality. This is

108 Stevens Anthony, Archetypes A Natural History of the Self Quill, 1983 P.2967

influenced by the cultural complex by the repeating of the practices and attitudes

towards a given section about each different part of the archetype, which could be

considered all things that can be observed in the physical and metaphysical world.

This would be understood and perceived as the same in the group. The Archetype is

the unconscious patterning of the mind which is static and not changing in certain

cultural complexes. The archetype explains the grand scheme of the universe and is

influenced and influences the phenomenology. This could be understood as how to

solve problems, and operating in the world and creating a harmony in the group. In

this paper archetypes take the form cultural complex manifesting as religious and

political ideologies .

Cultural Complex

There are many theories about the cultural complex. The cultural complex is

described by some as the psycho-cultural unconscious.109 The major characteristics of

the cultural complex are.

“They express themselves in powerful moods and repetitive behavior,

The accumulative experience that validates their point of view and create a

store house of self affirming ancestral memories, cultural complexes function

in a involuntary autonomous fashion and tend to affirm a simplistic point of

view that replaces everyday ambiguity and uncertainty with fixed and often

self righteous attitudes to the world.”110

The meaning of this is that cultures cling to past practices that are perceived as

effective, and that are ingrained into the unconscious mind. They become an

109 John Beebe Terror, Violence and the Impulse to Destory, Daimon P.196

110 Ibid P.19768

archetype in the mind that a person refers to when making decisions about unknown

experiences. They become the role model of behavior, and the goal of self

actualization of the society- this would mean vision of society, this is a definition of

an ideology. The society is trying to self actualize to the archetype. The mood is the

emotional and impulse energies and feeling about the situation. They are impelled by

impulses and energies to follow primordial practices. This is done in the unconscious

mind. The cognitive process does not happen. It is done without reflective thought.

The feeling of correct and proper is the emotional feeling when applying the practices,

and when dealing with ambiguity. They just follow the archetypical practices without

reflection of consequences.

“In addition personal and cultural complexes, both have archetypal

cores: that is, they express typical human attitudes and are rooted in primordial

ideas about what is important, making them very hard to resist, reflect upon,

and discriminate.”111

The unconscious pattern in the collective psyche is associated with emotions

and follows primordial practices that have become implicit in the collective mind and

each individual. The emotions create values and importance, and maybe reduce the

ability to think or come up with new ideas because attitude could promote a

heightened level of anxiety, thus reducing the ability to use cognitive facilities to

reflect in the explicit mind or even imagine because the archetype determines the

practices and methods of solving problems. The result promotes referring back to

primordial practices that triggers the emotional response that promotes the feeling of

proper and righteous behavior.

111 Ibid. P.197-19869

Collective Reflection

Collective Reflection, promoted by Jung, shows that,

“symbols shaping societal cohesion as grounded in archetypical energies and

bearing the psychic equivalent of a magical salvation to modern societies under the

guise of religions and political ideologies.” 112

The interpretation of symbols promotes commonality, or common social

experience. That it is how the symbol is interpreted, thus this could be a definition of

language. Such language is grounded in audio and visual symbols, but they are

abstract in nature. The symbols that could be referred here could be representational.

The symbol is interpreted in an intellectual fashion associating with the person's

episodic or semantic knowledge. This means the group understands the meaning of

the word through past experiences. There is, however, more to symbols: a symbol is a

vehicle for meaning, but also archetypical energies are transferred. How I understand

energies is that collective felt emotions can represent excitement, anxiety or hysteria

this represent an impulse. Certain situations can lead to other situations; this represent

patterns. The symbol carries many dimensions to life. The archetype promotes a goal

of self actualization and set of behaviors to reach goals through impulse and energies.

This could be described as able patterns. The archetype creates impulses which

promote behavior to reach desire goals. The understanding is not in the conscious

mind but is implicit or unconscious. This promotes the notion of magic that there is

not a linear or logical progression of events grounded in empirical observations that

causes the result; that the things will get better through occult forces.

112Ibid. P.14070

Modern political and religious ideologies have these concepts of archaic

magic and occultism underlying in their ideologies as the underlying prime mover that

causes change. To explain, the occult is the hidden things which could be the

neurobiological or thoughts and feeling that are involuntary responses in the person.

There is no reflective monitoring happening, but behavior is a response to follow

impulse to reach self actualization goal. The hidden is explained in secrecy and is a

part of the insider group or special treatment. This is where emotions are associated

with symbols. Strong emotional bonding happens, and the narrative embeds in the

unconscious mind. These concepts and notions are embedded in the unconscious

mind and associated with passionate emotions. The examples used are national flags,

sacred and cryptic books that invoke a strong emotional response. The emotional

response is the same by each person and each person reaffirms each other in the group

by projecting emotions. In the modern context, individual leaders can be associated

with symbols and invoke strong emotional responses which create an emotional

bonding environment that unconsciously affects the group. Narratives and episodic

happening can instill primordial notions in the unconscious mind. The result is

alignments are created by emotional responses to symbols. This is done without

traditional notions of language which would be words and letters, spoken or read.

The “ism” as the archetypical bonding that creates the collective

consciousness.113 This notion is that political and religious ideologies become no

different than the primal archaic gods and demons in the collective

unconsciousness.”114 The unconscious and the conscious understanding co-evolve

with each other. The symbolic meaning of gods and demons could represent past

113 Ibid. p143-144

114 Ibid p143-14471

episodes and events that become guides for the present. The archetype guides the

individual decision making on a non-reflective level. This would be the unconscious

mind. The “ism” becomes the archetype for the collective group. The teaching of the

archetype becomes the history and repetitive practices. This is another definition of

the cultural complex. These bases of the collective complexes are archetypes, which

carry symbolic meaning. They are done through non-cognitive methods of decision

making and follow the past practices without conscious reflective thought. The

political and religious ideologies promote how to deal with any given situation. They

become the ancestral memories and offer a simplistic method of dealing with

ambiguity. The religious and political dogmas become the unconscious pattern of the

mind that are self reaffirming, and carry strong emotional bonds. The ideology is the

norms and values the person checks the impulse to act. The norms are derives from

the ideology which becomes the archetype. So the norms and values allow the

impulse to influence because the norms promote the impulse.

The results are capable of creating hysteria, excitement and angst. This is the

domain of non-cognitive thought operating off of emotional triggers, and not

reflecting about the future or the consequences of action. The archetype allows for

certain acts that could be considered evil or sociopathic to happen because of positive

emotional reinforcement.

Enemy Creation

Enemy creation is an important aspect in the process of explaining security

alignments and relative power seeking. This is because an actor must perceive the

72

other actor as a threat. Then we must answer the question, “how does a group become

a threat to another?” In this paper we will explore the notion of “evil.” The actor must

be perceived as evil or an adversary. Symbolic language is used to describe the

“other” groups as the enemy, and must provoke an impulse to protect. The following

paragraphs will describe what is evil then look at the uses of symbolic language

within the context of archetypes used in collective reflection to promote notions of

enemy. Then the final aspect of enemy creation is about the impulse to protect the

cultural complexes. The transference of emotional narratives will be the last topic of

discussion with describing the phantom process.

Evil

The notion of good and evil has been a moral discussion and many relativists

argue that there is no such thing as evil. But for this paper evil could be considered an

archetype that does exist, but the actor’s subjectivity may create different definitions

of evil. The definition that I am putting forth has to do with treatment and perception

towards the group which can be measured in behavior. Evil is associated with psycho

and sociopathic behavior.

A set definition of evil is “morally reprehensible to do harm to an innocent or

unaware other.”115 The word, morally, causes confusion. It could mean righteous

practice, or it could be a practice that is the cause of the suffering of others. Can a

practice be righteous and proper when it causes harm to other? This could get into the

concept of the Collective Shadow or the repression of the suffering of perceived

righteous practices that causes suffering to others. This we will discuss further in

another section.

115 Ibid. P.2073

The notion of intentional and thoughtless harm is explained as an act of evil:

“to act outside of any sensible proportion so as to hurt, harm, mislead, block,

corrupt, or deprive self or another the basic right of humanity”116 This is to use

established and accepted practices in an intensity that promotes harm and suffering

while arguing that it could be in the scope of the law. It could be considered

inhumane and cruel. It could also be viewed as absurd. The accepted norm of usage

is that it would not cause harm, but it could cause harm if it is used in an extreme

level. This definition looks at intent and affect of use of practices. The goal could be

sociopathic because of the indirect methods of creating suffering.

“to bar one from decency of life”117

This could be interpreted in many different ways. This can be viewed in the

sense of dignity. The goal is to humiliate the purpose to promote resentment or to

punish to promote conformity; or to exclude people that access to dignified existence

which could be considered the average treatment and quality of the life. This would

be to intentionally exclude the other groups from methods of obtaining access to

resource or security.

“ to prevent one from living unmolested”118

This could be viewed as a method to promote vulnerability, and take away

methods to defend the self from degrading treatment. Harassment and abuse could

change the person attitudes and personality which can have dire consequences to the

group or individual.116 Ibid. p.20

117 Ibid. p.20

118 Ibid. p.2074

“To refuse that another be allowed to thrive, or to seek meaning, safety and life.”119

This meaning implies that to stop individual potentiality, and taking away

purpose and promoting a dangerous existence is a definition of evil in the modern

context. The meaning of life could be considered a purpose of existence or efforts.

The denial of a development of independent identity promotes the subordination of

another ethnic group. Using evil means to promote conformity removes the other

identity. The outsider group could force mediocrity and redirect efforts to benefit the

group, but not in the interest or the desires of the outsider group. This could be

considered exploitation.

“to interfere with one’s fair right to not be undercut by negligent or covert means”120

Groups have the right to live without interference and meddling of others.

That the sabotage could be done by mistake or done by clandestine means. To live

without influence and others acting to undermine efforts. Evil could be defined as the

right to live in freedom without any forms of oppression.

Evil in these definitions are explain how others can affect the group. That a

group that is perceived to have these practices or practices that affect the insider group

they are perceived as evil and thus promotes the notion of enemy.

The definition of evil that I am searching for this paper is that promotes the

notion of the enemy. The classical symbol of evil is the devil or a demonic force that

uses the concepts of evil mention the above paragraphs. The enemy is associated with

practicing the above definition of evil. Thus the enemy is associated with promoting

119 Ibid. p.20

120 Ibid. p.2075

danger, deceiving, and denying access to dignity, resources and life. The enemy does

not empathize or take in account other’s needs. This could be the base association

with evil and the enemy.

The symbolic evil and the use of evil in enemy creation that the archetype of

evil could be in the cultural complex that anything that goes against the practices that

are defined in the archetype could be considered evil because of the access to different

levels of security, and the creation of vulnerability. The actor’s that follow the

prescribed evil practices and weakens the insider's groups position becomes an

adversary and enemy. Plus the actor that is deemed as evil carries within these notions

of evil, a person that will deceive to exploit and destroy.

The phantom process

In article by Samual Kimbles title Cultural Complexes and Shadow Process121

the concept of the Phantom is discussed as a method of past trauma can influence

perception of current events of other people in the group. This is accomplished

through unconscious communication between unconscious minds.122 This concept is

also being supported through material empiricism through neuro-sociological studies.

The emotions associated with a historical event that causes the trauma could be

transferred to new generations through emotions associated when dealing with the

given situations. To explain further an incident about group practice or a certain event

promoted major suffering so this practice could be tabooed from the group. The

trauma that occurred by the people that experienced and witnessed the event that

121 John Beebe, Terror, Violence and the Impulse to Destory, Daimon Verlag 2003, p 211, 223-

122 Ibid p. 22-22376

created the suffering is transferred to the children and grand children and community

members. This could be also associated with the practice of evil. The stories told are

associated with emotions. The Collective reflection is another concept that supports

theses transference of emotions with narratives. The causes of the suffering could be

associated with groups of people, practices, and beliefs. The mention of the belief

evokes the emotion associated with the historical trauma could affect how the group

perceives the situation and creates an innate or a natural idea. This could promote the

desire to protect or accept.

The Arab elitism could stem from their practices promotes security and safety.

The past experiences with different practices only brought suffering. Not following

Islamic practices could lead to the historical emotional trauma which is transferred

through narratives to the new generation. The method of transference could be

through rituals in the mosque, the preaching of stories with a mood that promotes

acertain energy transference around the concepts and stories being expressed. The

beliefs are associated with emotional significance the result values are placed on

ideas, practices, and actors. The understanding becomes symbolic and emotional and

not in intellectual or expressed in a written or spoken language. Thus making it

difficult to related and understand to other cultural complexes. It is trying to compare

words with paintings which you can never give the full detail or express the abstract

qualities of the painting with words.

The hatred of the African identity by the Islamic identity could stem from a

concept that is based on in the article by John Dourley, named, Archetypical Hatred

as Social Bond, Strategies for Dissolution. He promotes that “Effective social

cohesion is based on archetypical energies which breeds immoral unconsciousness to

77

promote social cohesion.”123 This asserts identity is based on the notion a shared

social experience around the enemy. That animosity towards another group creates

social bonds between the in group through shared emotions. The desire to promote

hatred to another group is the glue that creates societal unity.

The unconsciousness cohesion among the nation through religion, political

ideology is the archetypes in the unconscious collective mind through the phantom

process and cohesion theory is that negative emotions associated with other actors

promotes the social glue. The concept of rejection of others creates the acceptance of

the group. To be a part of the group you must reject the other and have and share the

same feelings. The historical narratives of group can be transmitted through churches,

mosques, and close door meetings in political organizations. The energies are

transmitted-how I am interpreting this phenomenon-could be the transference of

emotions or maybe an entrancement could take place in the mind of the participants of

the esoteric endeavor.

An entrancement is a hypnotic state that creates alternative realities a form of

a perverse empathy--could be created.124 A perverse empathy is when the actor

perceives acts of kindness for acts of aggression.125 This is to ensure that the person

does not begin to associate emotionally with other cultural in the outside group. This

creates an unconscious barrier because it innately creates a cognitive dissonance

through emotional triggering through association. So signally from other groups are

met with distrust or alternative motives. This could be seen in the Sudan with

Humanitarian efforts are meet with distrust because they are working with foreign 123 John Beebe, Terror, Violence and the Impulse to Destory, Daimon Verlag 2003, p.135

124 Chris Stout, The Psychology of Terrorism Vol.1 Praeger 2002

125 Ibid. p.30-3178

threats.126 Local tribes are working for foreign powers to overthrow Sudan.127 That

normal daily habits of the African identity become acts of aggression and

disobedience. The enemy is always working toward the demises of the entranced

group. Entrancement is a method that influences perceptions of the social experience

through a conscious effort to promote preconceived notions of the world. The ability

not to intellectualize symbolic meaning and feelings to cognitive processes could

promote a feeling of uncertainty and fear. The feeling of fear could be associated with

evil since because of danger. This could promote self affirming reaction that leads to

actions to protect and then so forth.

Collective Shadow

The collective shadow is transferred the unconscious to unconscious through

the community.128 The transference of emotions related to fear can affect perceptions.

This would have to do with the individual perception of realty and the ability to

reason this gets into cognitive dissonance and concepts of anchoring. Cognitive

dissonance could be cognition of a notion about realty has two possible explanations.

The emotions create doubt about what is actual reality thus a non-state actor will

begin to look for explanations to quell the emotional state. Those actors associated

with fear could be associated with evil. This gets into looking for causes of fear. The

126 Sudanese president says "not worried" about southern plebiscite results BBC Monitoring Middle East - Political May 2, 2009 Saturday

127 Mohau Pheko, Africans must work to topple Sudan's Arab government September 16, 2007 Sunday Times (South Africa)

128 BeeBe John, Terror, Violence and the Impulse to Destory, Daimon p.222-22379

inner shadow is projected on the perceived other could remove the cognitive

dissonance. This means repressed collective evil is projected on the group that is

promoting the fear.129 This were the creation of the enemy identity could appear. The

ritual of trying to get rid of repressed shadow could start the desire to dominate the

actor the repressed shadow is transferred to. This could begin the relative power

seeking through exclusion to access to resources and life could begin to be

rationalized. The ultimate result in the repressing the collective shadow is genocide

and ethnic cleansing. This happen because of the ritual of destroying the group or

actors that carry the characteristics the group seeks to remove inferiority from their

existence so they destroy the group that they transferred the collective shadow on too.

This could be also a method that the enemy creation happens. Repressing of the

groups evil that then projecting to another group then seeking to remove and conquer

that group for the purpose of removing the evil repressed in the group or the collective

shadow.130

So protecting the cultural complex is a manifestation of loyalty and the

rejection and the expel evil from the group. The society is based on unconscious

patterns which manifests as practices, norms and values which could be considered an

archetype. The notion of the enemy is associated with evil or actors and practices that

would harm them and take away freedom. This promotes the need to protect the

cultural complex from influences that change and thus destroy the cultural complex.

The acts of friendship with positive emotions would be distrusted intentions.

This promotes a loyalty to the cultural complex by placing innate cognitive

129 Connie Zweig and Jeremiah Abrams Meeting the Shadow, the Hidden Power of the Dark Side of Human Nature A New Consciousness Reader p 200-206

130 BeeBe John, Terror, Violence and the Impulse to Destory, Daimon p. 21980

dissonance associating negative emotions of acts of friendship from those not in the

core group.

The importance these concepts to this paper is that the historical identity roles

and ethnicities could be manifesting. The Darfur region promotes the current practice

of the use of military violence promote a force migration of people.131 The post

Colonial period brought forth old ideas and narratives about Libya and Egypt having

dominion over the Sudan and Chad areas. Libya and Egypt where associated with

ancient seats of power in the Islamic world. This was to promote the Islamic ethnic

group’s dominion. This could be considered a part of the cultural complex to the

Islamic ethnic group.

Chapter 4

131 Elizabeth Ferris, Internally Displaced Persons in Darfur: Taking Brookings Institute Stockhttp://www.brookings.edu/speeches/2008/0507_darfur_ferris.aspx

81

This chapter is to review, explain relative power seeking theories and case

studies. The studies of this section delve outside of the Sudan, but could be indirectly

related to the Sudan. The Post Soviet states examples are used to show how relative

power seeking uses economic practices with notion of the identity of the enemy. The

notion is the ethnic identities are associated with foreign influences domestically. This

section is to support the significance of studying identity because of the implications

related to relative power seeking.

The explaining of Relative Power Seeking

Another theory that explains security alignments is Omni Balancing a theory

proposed by Steven David and used in the paper Matteo Fumgalli explaining

Alignments and Realignments in Central Asia. 132 The Omni-balancing theory

explains third world alignment on domestic factors. The third world is a Maoist term

to label the underdeveloped states. This is to mean semantically that leaders of the

third world leader promote individual power over domestic populaces and aligns with

other states that allow them to achieve this goal. This could be a form of neo colonial

practices following the neo-Marxist terminology. The behavior of the actors could be

considered relative power seeking because of rationality and results of policy. There

seems to be a contradiction but fits into to both assumptions of creating relative power

through power seeking behavior, and the Marxist argues the caste is created by

sociological influence and enforced through economic practices. The goal of each

explanation is to promote dependency. The implication of this theory is that the

leaders promote a weak state, growing domestic unrest enable the regime to survive

132 Fumagalli Matteo, Alignments and Realignments in Central Asia: The Rationale and Implications of Uzbekistan;s Rapprochment with Russia, International Political Science Review 2007; 28,; 253

82

and remain in power.133 This is to limit the power gaining ability of the domestic

rivals and promote justifications of denial to access to resources and use of the

government to silence opposition to policy. This is to support this notion the elites

promote a weak state to promote the elite’s power over the territory. The perception

of the Anya-Nya and other anti-establishment groups in Sudan was the goal of the

government was to maintain an internal war against citizens and anarchy with in

Sudan; the purpose was to enable looting and embezzlement of public funds without a

mechanism to promote public transparency and fairness.134 This could promote a

notion that a weak state can promote exclusion by allowing an internal war to ensue

for the purpose to limit access to power.

The post 911 era promoted the solidification of the Uzbek elite against

opposition groups135 This was promoted a realignment with the United States-- pulling

away from the Russia sphere of influence in the 1990s.136 Uzbekistan changed their

alphabet from Cyrillic to Latin in 1993 this could be a signal and move to western

centric alignment rather than a Russian or Islamic alignment in the 1990s.137 The Post

911 era could allow for deeper control and censorship of possible threats to the elite.

The perception was democracy was a more of threat to the Uzbek regime thus

promoted a re-alignment with Russia and China after spending a decade removing the

Russian influence.138

133 Ibid. p254

134 Ibid. p.254

135 Ibid p258

136 Ibid. p.256

137 Ibid. p.255

138 Ibid. p.25783

The goal of Uzbek move could have weakened the Islamic ethnicity with

security relations with the United States.139 Then democratic reforms from the United

States threaten the Uzbek regime. This called promoted the desire to remove the

United States from its territory because of the pattern of democratic overthrows in

other countries such as Georgia and Ukraine.140 The move to towards the Russian

China alignment could be explained by political ideologies being more similar and

democracy not being the idea because it would threaten the power of the elite.

To compare the Sudan experience to the Uzbek and Russian case studies

using the non-state actors. And then compare them to the it is the Arab elite which

has ties with other Arab elites in Egypt, Libya, and Saudi Arabia through ethnicity

and religion. The goal of the Islamic influences in Libya and Egypt desired to make

Chad and Sudan subordinate states. To quote Jok Madut Jok, in his book" Sudan

Race, Religion, and Violence. The South was known for supplying slaves and was

the breadbasket to the Arab world.141 The desire to maintain this dependent

relationship was through extra judicial practices while the government policy

publically promoted equal access.142

The use of the religion and the ethnic identity connected to Arab identity was

to create a commonality between each state. This could be a basis of imperial type

system between the four countries. The goal would to exclude the native African

identities from influence of policy making through restricting their ability to access

139 Ibid. p. 256

140 Ibid. p. 255

141 Jok, Madut Jok, Sudan: Race, Religion and Violence One-World Oxford, 2007 p.56

142 Jok, Madut Jok, Sudan: Race, Religion and Violence One-World Oxford, 2007 p.1284

influence which is economic development and finance. This was done by creating the

identity of the enemy.

The current rhetoric of Al Bashir is that the Anglo-American establishment is

trying to topple his regime.143 The countries that Al Bashir aligns with are major

rivals in economic and regional influence. The current Arab stance is that the Arab

countries will not hand over Al Bashir to the International Criminal Court. Al Bashir

is being accused of crimes against humanity.

There has been a boycott of not doing business in Sudan by the United States

and Western European companies although the United Kingdom and France still has

MNCs operating in Sudan.144 The countries that are doing business in Sudan are

under the International Corporation of Petrodar which licensed through the British

Virgin Islands.145

Then the major non-hostile could be considered China which has United

Nations veto on the security-council. Although under the China’s umbrella in the

China National Oil company is Iran, Germany, Nederlands, Saudi Arabia which own

just under 50% of this oil company.146

The Northern Council of Sudan and the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement

are in conflict reported in 2007. The SPLM desired to promote an income tax 147 The

143 Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle East

144 Al-jazeera talk show discusses identity and Arabism in Sudan, Feb 1 2007 BBC Monitoring Middle East

145 Economic Intelligence Country Report p. 25

146 Saturday, 10 April ,2004 07:10 GMT 08:1 BBC

147 Economist Intelligence Unit Sudan Country report p.2285

notion of transparency has increased about the spending of oil revenues. The desire is

to use tax revenue to promote infrastructure development. Although the National

People’s Congress which was the National Islamic Front is at conflict the result of this

was to create an autonomous council for the south to begin development.

The Nile elite’s controls most of the trade out of Sudan. The method of trade

through the world could be through a couple of trade routes the majority of the

international trade is done through a few actors, thus the most of the revenues are

controlled by the elite. This promotes a systemic exclusion to international financing

for development and trade. This can relate to access to power the alignment could be

seen to promote the regime in control of Sudan.

This implication of constant unseen war and limited trade is that the ability to

limited access resources to the actor labeled of enemy or the working for the

suspected enemy that is perceived as a threat. This could have replaced the constant

tension for the Cold War, because of the fear of a covert guerilla war. Matteo

Fumgalli however, argues without a bi-lateral international system that the Omni-

balancing or playing one actor against another cannot explain all causes of

realignment or alliance building. Matteo Fumgalli points out that Omni-balancing did

not take account of a third actor or multi-polar international system is a critic. The

argument against this that third world actors’ desire to obtain power for its regime to

ensure survival that realignments could be about promoting freedom and deterring

collusion this could be done in any type of international system. The post 911

environment is no different than the cold war. The threat of acts of sabotage and

impeding attack with nuclear devices could share similarities to the cold war. This 86

creates a constant state of fear of being attack this creates unlimited potentiality for

the fog, and the fear of signal and acts of communication being misinterpret as

gestures of hostilities and belligerents. The constant looking for signs and possible

covert attacks of sabotage and coup attempts from the multitudes of the people could

promote the elite to begin to demand more access to information and control over the

resources and communications.

The post 911 era brought with it the ability of elites to use state powers to

centralize economic activity and development to a few trusted individuals. The

argument of funds going to fund guerilla warfare in the name of security gave

justifications to begin to control movement of finances and resources. The other

implication it could be a method to enable the elite to balance international rivals and

domestic rivals to sustain regime through centralizing the decision of the political

economy into a few established hands. This is done by creating the identity of the

enemy that does not share the same perception of the social experience which could

be influence by having a different cultural complex and archetypes.

The study of ethnicity or identity promotes realignments and alignments

which can relate to relative power seeking; have not been fully developed in this

article, but does follow basic notions of power seeking and destabilization of

perceived threats based on regime maintenance to access of the states resources to

promote a relative power in the domestic and international system.

Omni-balancing promotes the theory that leaders would weaken the state, and

promoted internal strife to ensure own survival and power in the domestic state and

would use international influences to promote relative power over perceived domestic

87

rivals and balance international rivals with other international actors.148 The use of the

balancing actor may not have to do with ethnicity but with ability to promote

deterrence of the other state actor’s ability to influence.

State failure promotes individual power sustaining and security each group

and lessens the ability to provide and promote opportunities for human right

enforcement, because of the perception of an internal, sustained and continuous

conflict. This promotes enforcement of security through the threat of violence

through military potentiality. The state does not promote human rights for perceived

threats in this situation, because of relative power calculations for the protection of the

cultural complex. That non-state actors promote self help deterrence against other

non-state actors in the environment, it become an anarchic situation in the country.

To stop perceived aggression one must have the power to do so, power is

equated with economics or resources and control over the state which would be

governmental institutions. Economic and government institutions are also equated

with quality of life and enforcement of human rights. These purposes are derogated

because of perception of clear and present danger that problems cannot be solve with

deliberation but there is no time for deliberation. The actors are hostile and acting to

breach body security of civilians or state officials. This is to justify lethal and brutal

use of force. This is about what is considered a perceived threat through the notion of

cultural complexes anything that goes against the archetype could be considered a

148 Steven David Explaining Third World Alignment World Politics, Vol. 43, No. 2 (Jan., 1991), pp.

233-256

88

threat to the established or peace. The peace would be the acceptance of the establish

group as the decision makers and acceptance of decisions without dialogue which

could blind obedience. This promotes subordination and undermines democratic

practices innately.

Transnational movements become threats to the state and tools of the state to

power project in the international system. Movements that are used to promote human

rights enforcement become threats because of the equation of economics promote

military potential thus this creates a security dilemma for the established group in the

domestic state. Thus making it difficult to enforce human rights because of

perceptions of supporting other cultural complexes survival that threatens the

establish groups. The perceived threats are kept struggling to promote cooperation or

to force them to leave the territory if the actors become belligerent then force is used

which usually ends in violence and deaths.149 This also could be defined as to

promote subordination, and also to ethnically cleanse and to justify genocide through

a self defense argument. The goal of the establish group is to protect the cultural

complex.

Thus the notion of different thinking about practices and values become

threats to peace. The groups that share the same social experience will tend to align

with each other and seek to dominate others out of security reasons. This could

explain the ethnic struggles with North East African and the alignments of the

different groups. The conflict arises because the desire to promote each groups

perception of actually or cultural complex and trying to assimilate or remove other

149 Jok, Madut Jok, Sudan: Race, Religion and Violence One-World Oxford, 2007 p.152-15389

different types of perceptions, ideas, and goals from the world. It becomes a struggle

of ideas that manifests in brutal violence and alienation.

This could be seen to promote the relative power of some groups over others if

they do not cooperate or change their practices. Plus it creates divisions to promote

different groups. This could be seen with technological practices on the economy.

The American car industry buying up rights to apply the technology could be a good

example of this because it would affect the market and the established hierarchy in the

market. This could be about non-state actors sustaining power. The taboo of certain

practices and thinking patterns could be to promote conformity to stop innovation or

an emergence of new practices which could weaken the relative power of the

established group. The desire to promote conformity could be the desire to sustain

power through controlling practices and the stopping of new emergences. This also

could be referred to having different methods, ideas to achieve goals.

Chapter 5

In this chapter is to support these concepts I have been discussing through out

the paper and the dogmatic cognition model with empirical data. This is to support

these unseen internal phenomenon affect and cause behavior this could explain the

causes of behavior.

90

This section is to support transference of emotions through Collective Reflection and

demonstration of the phantom process

A video of a pep rally in Sudan shows Hassan al-Bashir the President of Sudan

dances and celebrated.150 The goal of these rallies is to show that Al Bashir is accepted

in the Darfur region. Some of the commentary explains that it is stage gathering to

promote the image that Al Bashir is accepted as consensus leader. The video shows

Al Bashir dancing with a cane in his waving it in the air. To look at the symbolic

image of a cane represent power, ruler ship and dominion. Then the video shows other

kinsmen holding leather whips and waving them in the air. The message of the

master's whip and king’s rod of punishment could be inferred by theses displays of

performance. This could be viewed to ways the celebration of community or the

master's gathering. The drums and the signs in Arabic showing the Darfur is

supporting Al Bashir although the video does not show African ethnic colors or

traditional ceremonies. This could be a prep rally or a victory celebration after

removing the African Identity and could be to show the world, with Al Bashir dancing

feet, and rod of power and punishment he is still free and even though the world is

bringing charges against him for crimes against humanity. The past experience with

trying to bring charges against Darfur militia leaders was responded with a killing of

12 African Union peacekeepers.151His whip can still make others dance, and there is

no shackles on his feet. This could allude to the lack of acceptance to authority to the

International Criminal Court and United Nations moral authority.

150 http://video.nytimes.com/video/2008/07/24/world/1194822672091/sudanese-president-dances-in-darfur.html

151 Sudan Dismisses Bashir Genocide Charge as ‘Rumours’ http://www.rawstory.com/news/afp/Sudan_dismisses_Beshir_genocide_cha_02122009.html

91

This event could be considered a method to transfer the collective reflection

and sending the signal and emotions of the superiority of the Arab Islam in Sudan.

Event like these carry occult meaning and leave impressions on the sub conscious

mind. The hidden learning is the collective emotions, to group of people it sends the

message we are the master's and control other's fate. The killing of the African

identity and the stealing of the resources supports the superiority this is the symbolic

and emotional feeling being transferred and project to the collective group. This can

be demonstrated with cheers and showing symbols that they hold the dominate

position. It could be a of show power that those who employ the whip or the ability to

punish controls the situation. This also supports the non-sacredness of the African

identity not as human not as important lesser or even subhuman. The Africans are for

the disposal and the use of the Islamic Arab identities use. This supports the ingrain

patterns within the archetypes and builds a stronger cohesion among the Arabs. This

is done through collective emotions. The notion they are the master's is that no one is

there to punish their behavior. The international community condemns activities but

does not have the power or will to punish thus they are in control and free. The Arab

leaders of the other countries will not extradite Al Bashir when he leaves the Sudan to

attend other conference in Islamic Arab countries. This promotes a unity and alliance

against the non-established African identity. This could be inferred and symbolic that

the external actor with the same archetypes supports the subordination of the African

identity.

Although Saudi Arabia offers the Madras schools in the Sudan, the Arabic

cultural school--attendance requires the African youth to change their names to

Arabic ones152 this could lead to slow change to the identity and the personality of the

152 92

person. The message sent to the African identity is that they are still the slave and the

Islamic Arabs still carry the whips and power of ruler ship and still control if the

Africans live or die, the result stay in the subordinate position. This event could be

considered how the collective reflection is transferred and how social cohesion is

created through collective emotions through symbolic actions.

In this section of the chapter is to support the dogmatic cognition model of

creating two different social experiences from one situation.

In article in February 12 2009, Al Bashir frames the International Criminal

Court arrest warrant as tool of distraction for the Doha.153 Doha is in Qatar that holds

meetings for the World Trade Organization. The meetings are called the “Doha

rounds” name after the city the meeting is held. The World Trade Organization

discusses economic trade policy between nation states. The leaders of the Justice and

Equality Movement would arrest Al Bashir and hand him over to the ICC if he did not

give himself up voluntarily154

The purpose of this example is to support the notion of delusion or

confirmation basis in the perception model that deals with Social experience. The

prima facie fact is that over hundred thousand Africans in the Darfur have been

displaced and killed. Theses acts justify with passion and impulse in the moment is

absurd. This large scale of operation takes foresight and reflection. The reframing this

human rights violations claimed as a distraction. The reframing is that they could be

153 Sudan Dismisses Bashir Genocide Charge as ‘Rumours’ http://www.rawstory.com/news/afp/Sudan_dismisses_Beshir_genocide_cha_02122009.html accessed 5/8/09

154 Ibid93

doing a crime which does not fit with there archetypes and cultural complex, because

the perception of the Islamic establishment is the Africans are enemies and not

following their functional role in the social stratification. That it is the Africans that

cannot accept reality, thus the use of force is necessary to enforce societal norms.

This is internal obedience to social norms issue not a human rights issue. The

systemic killing and force migration is about enforcing laws and order and trying to

get the Africans to a accept reality. They are punishing a non-compliant trouble

maker it is there duty to punish to promote the order and stability. The past historical

narratives of punishing the slaves could be applied here with the total ignorance of

human rights clauses, but using self defense statues to justify the use of force but not

following the laws and norms that govern the use of force. These acts take time and

preparation. The social experience of the Islamic establishment is maintaining order to

promote stability.

The other perception is the International community--the main actor that is

claiming that the Sudanese government is promoting a crime-- is United Nations

Secertary General Ban Ki-moon sees the Sudan in neglect of not protecting its

citizens from the out of control private militias call the Janjaweed and has made

statements to refer the situation in the Darfur to United Nations Security Council to

send in United Nation Peacekeepers with African Union troops. The perception and

the framing of this same situation is that Sudanese government under Al Bashir is

neglectful for providing a safe environment for African identities.

94

This supports that the social experience is different for the same situation.

That the different archetypes or ideologies of Ban Ki-moon democratic with human

rights and Sudanese leadership-- Al Bashir Islamic theocracy and tribal in nature sees

the situation differently. Al Bashir calls it a non-compliance problem thus the method

to promote proper behavior is to use force and create examples of punishment to

promote forethought in the African identity. While Ban Ki-moon perceived this same

situation as criminal and inhumane. Al Bashir as the chief executive of the Sudanese

government is responsible to promote the protection of the African identity. This is to

support that the two different archetypes with two different cultural complexes

promoted two different social experiences for the same situation. This promotes the

desire to protect.

In the same Article the UN special envoy to Sudan--Ashraf Qazi--warned

there could be threats to UN peace keeping operations in Sudan, because of political

outrage. That maybe the Sudanese government cannot ensure protection and

cooperation in all areas. The people could respond in a hostile manner. This could be

explained in the desire to protect the cultural complex because the role of security is

being done by an outside group protecting the perceived evil and the enemy of Islamic

establish and the group. This is the historical antagonizing factor that caused the

creation of the National Islamic Front. Thus the acceptance of the UN peacekeepers

makes the Sudanese elite feel inferior. This also interferes with the ritual of cleansing

the inferior projection on the African group because of the repression of evil with in

the Islamic ethnic group. The attacking of the Africans is a method of cleansing evil

and guilt from the Islamic group. The UN peacekeepers could be viewed as the

enemy because of the protecting the perceived evil or cause of suffering.

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Chapter 6: Conclusion

In this paper I argue that perception is the root influence of relative power,

seeking, enemy creation and alignments. Then delve deeper into the influences of

perception which are archetypes and cultural complexes. The archetypes are static

understandings and cultural complexes are the historical practices. I argued that

emotions and non reflective behavior can explain certain actor’s behavior. In this

paper I used the Sudanese Islamic and African ethnic conflict which demonstrates

how ideologies become the template for actual reality and the structure is reframed to

meet ideological and this is a non-reflective process is done through emotions and

symbolic meanings. This paper argues against rationality or semantic meaning, that

reasoning from the structure to create meaning does not exist but structure fits into

preconceived symbolic and emotional meaning. This is agent based argument. The

structure becomes the extension of the group’s ability to protect its cultural complex.

So I argue against habits because habits are adaptable not static. And reflection

monitoring because it assumes the actor perceives the structure then adapts to meet

the structure demands for desires.

The dogmatic cognition model does explain how some actors ignore the

structure and begin to fit its own understanding of the universe. This is done through

innate symbolic and emotions association rooted in a cognitive dissonance model the

self affirms archetypes. The most of the explanation is defining the cognitive model

and was supporting the patterns of behavior with empirical evidence using the psycho

analytic model.

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To Summarize, the relative power seeking could be due to historical rivalry

that is division are created by interpretations of reality which is rooted in each groups

ideology that is unconscious and symbolic which makes it difficult to articulate and

overcome this barriers because lack of the ability to express and innate distrust of

each ethnic group leads to relative powers seeking and seek alignments based on

identity. The goal of the Arab ethnic groups to seek equality or overcome humiliation

and inferiority in the world and transfers this relationship to the African identity that

they seek to dominate and control. This was the historical relationship when the

Islam had dominion over the region and prestige without influence of greater powers.

Thus the desire to spread Islam through the world could be the desire to

conquer the world for the purpose to remove self perceived humiliation, thus

inferiority and guilt.

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