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United States George Washington Bicentennial Commission. "Presidential Mansions." Section in "Homes of GeorgeWashington." Chap. inHistory of the George Washington Bicentennial Celebration, 218-9. Vol. 1. Washington, DC: UnitStates George Washington Bicentennial Commission, 1932.

ref: Herbert, Lelia [1868-1897]. The first American. New York and London: Harper & brothers, 1900.

18 GEORGE WASHINGTON BICENTENNIAL PROGRAM PAPERS 21

PRESIDENTIAL MANSIONS

A tablet on Brooklyn Bridge, New York City, marks the site of the Executive Mansion first occupied e First President of the United States of America. This structure, known as the Franklin House, wasuated on the corner of Franklin and Cherry Streets, now Franklin Square, which was once the someodish residence section. It was considered one of the handsomest houses in town. Quakers called it thelace. The French minister spoke of it as "a humble dwelling."

In this first presidential home many precedents were established. Much thought was given by theesident and Mrs. Washington to the proper adjustment of both social and political etiquette; otherseanwhile speculating as to the proper manner of addressing the former General in his new office.

There was much discussion whether court functions were in order, or simple customs befitting a newepublic. Simplicity prevailed, for the President and thefirstFirst Lady carried out their own well-balan

eas of dignified formality without pomp and ceremony. The accepted titles were The President of thenited States and Lady Washington.

They were so besieged with callers, officials, ex-soldiers, and with both high and low in social andivate life that it became necessary to set aside certain days for the President to receive. On Tuesdays fo 4 o'clock he was "at home" exclusively to men, including especially foreign ministers and other

stinguished callers who sought an introduction. State dinners were given on Thursdays, at 4 in theternoon, and on Friday evenings, from 7 to 9 o'clock, Mrs. Washington held her drawing rooms whichesident attended in an unofficial capacity. At these evening receptions light refreshments were served,e guests were not permitted to linger overlong, for Mrs. Washington is said to have reminded them: "Teneral retires at 9, and I usually precede him."

During his residence in the Franklin House, President Washington was dangerously ill. Much anxietylt, and he demanded to know the worst, saying, "Do not flatter me with vain hopes. I am not afraid toe."

Demands upon the hospitality of the first Presidential Mansion were constantly increasing, and at bestace was lacking for the comfortable accommodation of the family and entourage of the President. So,ter 10 months' residence in the Franklin House, a larger Executive Mansion was secured. The Macombouse, recently vacated by the French minister, was secured and became known as the Mansion House.his was the finest house in the city and in the most fashionable quarter, located at 39 Broadway, a shorstance from Trinity Church. The rear windows commanded an extended view of the Hudson River andrsey shore.

The President personally supervised a great part of the moving and the putting up of furniture, which hpplemented by purchasing from the French minister the large mirrors in the drawing room "and otherings particularly suited to the rooms in which he found them." A stable was built at the President'srsonal expense, to accommodate his favorite horses and cream colored coach, which was embellishedth his coat of arms and the "Four Seasons."

While living in this house the President received the Key of the Bastille, which afterwards hung in a gse on the wall, and which is now at Mount Vernon. It was sent by Lafayette with the message: "That th


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principles of America opened the Bastille is not to be doubted, therefore the Key comes to the right place.

Six months after the removal of the President's family to the Mansion House another move becameimminent, due to the transfer of the Capital to Philadelphia. The New York Assembly was building aPresidential Mansion but, with the loss of the Capital, it was, of course, doomed to disuse as such.

The city of Philadelphia, upon securing the temporary Capital, proudly erected a Presidential Mansionthere, but it was so large that the President refused to occupy it, and it became the early home of theUniversity of Pennsylvania. It was located on the spot where the post office now stands.

When Congress adjourned in New York the President's family repaired to Mount Vernon for a time,leaving Mr. Lear, "secretary, tutor, and right-hand man, to superintend the removal of the household effecfrom New York to Philadelphia."

Of the Executive Mansion in Philadelphia, opinions differ. It was smaller than the Macomb Mansion inNew York, but larger than the Franklin House. One writer describes it as "a large double house, itswhole external aspect marking it as the abode of opulence and respectability." A visitor from abroad,accustomed as was the French Minister in New York, to Old World mansions, described it as "a small redbrick house on the left side of High Street--nothing in the exterior of the house that denoted the rank of itspossessor."

It was, however, the largest and most suitable house to be had, and its owners, the Morrises, moved into

similar home next door, which they also owned, voluntarily vacating the more commodious mansion to letthe President have it. Back of the house was a walled garden extending to the stables on Minor Street. ThePresident planned a new bow window to project into the garden and "directed that the back yard be kept aclean as a drawing-room, since the view into it was uninterrupted from the state dining room where he wato hold his levees and from Mrs. Washington's best drawing-room above."

Many of the surrounding houses were occupied by former friends and Army officers. These neighborsand the frequent presence of the eldest tow of Mrs. Washington's granddaughters, in addition to NellieCustis, also some of their nieces and other young folk, added much to the gayety of home and social life.But, as a rule, there was a cessation of gayety at 9 o'clock, for Mrs. Washington was accustomed to retirinto her room at that hour, attended by her favorite granddaughter, Nellie Custis. One of the young ladies of

that day, who was a frequent guest, gives a very homelike picture of the scene she witnessed when invitedone evening by Nellie Custis to accompany her to grandmother's room.

"Then, after some little chat, Mrs Washington apologized to me for pursuing her usual preparations fothe night, and Nellie entered upon her accustomed duty by reading a chapter and a psalm from the oldfamily Bible, after which all present knelt in evening prayer; Mrs. Washington's faithful maid thenassisted her to disrobe and lay her head upon the pillows. Nellie than sang a verse of some sweetlysoothing hymn, and then, leaning down, received the parting blessing for the night, with some emphaticremarks on her duties, improvements, etc."

And the witness of this scene adds: "The effect of these judicious habits and teachings appeared in thegranddaughter's character through life."

Opinions differ also respecting the interior and fittings of the Morris Mansion while occupied by theChief Executive. Some commented upon "the magnificent table ornaments," and so on; others admired thegood taste and simplicity. The Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Walcott, wrote to his wife: "The example ofthe President and his family will render parade and expense improper and disreputable." The Presidentinspected the domestic accounts every week and directed that expenses must be "reasonable."

In the summer of 1793 "the gayety that had marked the presence of Government officials" was summariterminated by yellow fever. There was a general flight from the pestilence. The President and theGovernment departments removed to Germantown. There, for a month of so, a furnished house belonging


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Col. Isaac Franks, a Revolutionary officer, became the temporary Executive Mansion.

The following description of the house is given by Leila Herbert in The First American:

"With a front of about 40 feet, it is of stone, two stories in height, and attic with dormer windowsabove. On the first floor great solid wooden blinds barred, when closed, the many-paned windows. Aheavy wrought-iron latch a foot and a half long dropped into a stout hasp on the quaint old door. Sweetdappled shadows played under an arbor of green grape vines running far down the garden, whichsurrounded the house [begin page 219] on three sides. Crisp, trim hedges of box and shading trees hid th

back buildings that gave commodiousness unsuspected from the front."

Miss Herbert also writes vividly of the last days for the President in the Morris House. "They were notparticularly happy days," she says, the President by signing the Jay treaty having "stirred up a storm ofindignation"; and the President was also disquieted by the misfortunes of Lafayette, repudiated by his owncounty, thrown into prison, while his wife and daughters were confined in another prison, and his young sosought refuge in America but, for the sake of diplomacy, could not be taken into the bosom of thePresident's family.

With the termination of President Washington's second term of office, as at the beginning of his first, itremained for him to establish a precedent, a custom that has since generally prevailed, that the outgoingPresident shall entertain the incoming Chief Executive. The final function, therefore, given by the

Washingtons in the Morris Mansion was a dinner, on the 3d of March, 1797, to the President-elect and MrAdams. President Washington chaffed his successor upon "entering servitude" and in an especially goodhumor raised his glass and said: "Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as apublic man; I do it with sincerity and wishing you all possible happiness."

President Washington also set the precedent of accompanying the President-elect to the inaugurationceremonies, which with but one or two exceptions has been observed by his successors. The inauguration oPresident Adams automatically marked the termination of George Washington's occupancy of thePresidential Mansion.

(FOR THIS PROGRAM SEE NUMBERS 48, 72, 81, 98, 105 IN LIST OF SELECTED BOOKS ON PAGES 300-A AND 300-B

Denissen, Christian.Navarre, or Researches after the Descendants of Robert Navarre, Whose Ancestors are the NobleBourbons of France, and Some Historical Notes on Families Who Intermarried with Navarres. Detroit: 1897.

14 NAVARRE, or RESEARCHES 14

Alexander Macomb left Detroit, in 1785, and engaged in business in New York. The residence which hebuilt there for his family, was one of the most elegant in New York at that time. The same house was renteto George Washington when he was first President of the United States. Afterwards it became the Bunker'sHotel.

Macomb, Henry Alexander. Rev. by P. H. K. McComb.Macomb Family Record: being an account of the family since thesettlement in America. Camden, New Jersey: Sinnickson Chew, & Sons, 1917.

9 MACOMB FAMILY RECORD 10

Alex. Macomb came to New York City from Detroit about 1785. His residence on the west side ofBroadway, between Trinity Church and the Battery (then No. 7), was one of the finest in New York, andwas rented by the United States Government for Gen. Washington when first President, 1790. It was


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I cannot, if there are no latent motives, which govern in this case, see any difficulty in the business.Mr.Morris has most assuredly formed an idea of what ought, in equity, to be the rent of the tenement in thecondition he left it, and with this aid, the Committee ought, I conceive, to be as little at a loss indetermining what it should rent for with the additions and alterations, which are about to be made, andwhich ought to be done in aplain andneatmanner, not by any means in an extravagant style; because---en

page 125---the latter is not only contrary to my wish, but would really be detrimental67 to my interest andconvenience, principally because it would be a mean of keeping me from the use and comforts of the Hou

to a late period, and because the furniture, and everything else would require to be accordant therewith,besides its making me pay an extravagant price, perhaps to suit the taste of another or to the exorbitant rate

of workmen; or their blended performances in the two Houses.68 I do not know, nor do I believe[Note 67:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear (Bixby edition: 1905) prints the word as "repugnant."][Note 68:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear prints at this point: "(if they sometimes work at one, and sometimes at thother)."]

that anything unfair is intended by either Mr. Morris or the Committee; but let us for a moment suppose ththe rooms (the new ones I mean) was to be hung with tapestry, or a very rich and costly paper (neither ofwhich would suit my present furniture) that costly ornaments for the Bow-Windows, extravagant chimneypieces &ca. &ca. were to be provided; that workmen from extravagence or the times for every 20/worth of

work would charge 40/;69 and that advantage should be taken of the occasion to new paint every---end pag126---part of the house, buildings &c, would there be any propriety in adding ten or 121/2 pr Cent for allthis to the rent of the house in its original state, for the two years that I am to hold it? If the solution of thequestions are in the negative, wherein lyes the difficulty of determining that the houses and lots, whenfinished according to the proposed plan, ought to rent for so much? When all is done that can be donethereto, the residence will not be so commodious as the House I left in New York (with the additionalbuildings made there); for, there, (and the want of it will be found a real inconvenience at Mr. Morris's) myOffice was in a front room below, where persons on business were at once admitted; whereas now they wi

have to ascend two pairs of stairs, and to pass by the public rooms to go to it.70 Notwithstanding which I awilling to allow as much as was paid to Mr. Macomb, and shall say nothing if more is demanded, unlessthere is apparent extortion. Extortion, if it should be intended by delay is to see to what height rents will

rise,71 I should be unwilling to---end page 127---[submit to] and to take it at the expence ofany public boIwill not. There is one expression[Note 69:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear prints this: "were to charge a pound for that, which ought not to cost tenshillings."][Note 70:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear prints this: "as well as private chambers to get to."][Note 71:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear prints this: "before mine is fixed. In either of these cases I should not bepleased, and to occupy the premises at the expence of" etc.]

in your letter of the 4th the meaning of which I do not clearly understand, viz, "The additions, repairs, &caof the house, in which Mr. Morris now lives, are likewise to be comprehended in the expenditures to berefunded by the rent of this House." Is it meant by this that the rent of the houseyou are now in is tobeencreasedby the expenditures on the one Mr. Morris has removed to, or is no more meant by it than tha

therentof the former is intended as asecurity for the refund.72 The latter may be very proper, but the formcould be submitted to on no other ground than that of dire necessity.73

I had rather have heard that my repaired Coach was plain and elegant than "rich and elegant."74

I am, dear sirYours, &c.G. Washington

[Note 72:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear has: "only for payment of the latter."]


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[Note 73:Letters from George Washington to Tobias Lear has: "If this is all, have nought to say against it. But dire necessity wouldonly induce me to submit to the other. We all unite in best wishes for you and Mrs. Lear and I am etc."][Note 74: From the "Letter Book" copy in fileWashington Papers.]

Decatur, Stephen, Jr. "Presidential Residence" in Private Affairs of George Washington: from the Records and Accounts ofTobias Lear, Esquire, his Secretary. N.Y.: Da Capo Press, 1969, pp. 117-118.

Private Affairs of

GEORGE WASHINGTONFebruary, 1790

Congress had hired the house at No. 3 Cherry Street for the Presidential residence at a rental of $845 peyear. Formerly occupied by the President of the old Congress, it had been chosen as the best houseavailable. Built by Walter Franklin, it now belonged to Samuel Osgood, who had married his widow. Itstood facing Franklin (then called Saint George's) Square on a site now practically covered by thefoundations for the approach to the Brooklyn Bridge. The house was square, five windows wide, and threestories high, with a raised stoop having steps up to it from either side. Congress had directed Mr. Osgood t'put the house and the furniture thereof in proper condition for the residence and use of the President of theUnited States,' and during the month before the inauguration several alterations were made, the main onebeing the removal of a partition to make a larger drawing-room. The cost of the repairs and alterations waeight thousand dollars, and when the bill was placed before Congress for payment, it was typical of SenatoMaclay to note that he thought it should have been paid out of the President's salary.

The furniture in the Osgood house had been bought by the old Congress. It was described as plain, but 'ikeeping and well disposed, and the whole arrangements give promise of substantial comfort.' Washingtonused it throughout his terms of office, taking it to Philadelphia with him, and, before turning over the houshe was then occupying to John Adams, his successor, he submitted a very careful and ---end page 117---detailed list of its contents, showing exactly those articles which belonged to the Government.

On the first floor was the office, a large dining-room where the formal dinners and the levees were heldand a smaller dining-room at the rear, customarily used for breakfast and supper and by the children. It waalso sometimes used for a sitting-room and probably also for the 'second table' over which the stewardpresided. The second floor contained the large drawing-room and the bedrooms for the immediate family.The secretaries had two rooms in the third story, the servants occupying the remainder of that floor and parof the attic.

The house was not nearly large enough and was inconveniently situated besides, both as regards theshopping district and the government offices. It was also regarded as 'uptown,' Wall and Broad then beingthe most fashionable streets. Washington, therefore, took the first opportunity to move to better quarters. Hwas fortunate in being able to secure the house where Comte de Moustier had resided, considered the finein the city, which he agreed to take for one year from the first of May, this date being then, as now, thepopular moving day; but, through the kindness of Mr. Otto, the French charg d'affaires, who gave up his

lease, the President was able to get possession in February and moved in on the twenty-third of that monthThe new house was Nos, 39-41 Broadway, on the west side of the street, in the block just below TrinityChurch. The owner was Mr. Alexander Macomb who had built it only two years previously. In every way was immensely superior to the old residence.

Haswell, Charles H.Reminiscences of New York By an Octogenarian (1816 - 1860). NY: 1896.

A Complete Book, Describing New York from 1816 to 1860 Online: Reminiscences of New York By an Octogenarian (1816 - 186by Charles H. Haswell, published in 1896. It describes, in a wealth of tiny details, a time when Greenwich Village was a village, an


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one could hunt snipe and other birds in what is now south of midtown Manhattan. It has about 100 engravings, of which 32 are in thcompleted portion of the book, found here. The set of links to references is very incomplete, so it is not such a good example of an"experiment in hypertext style".

REMINISCENCES OF NYBy an Octogenarian

The large double house, No. 39 Broadway, built in 1786 by General [Born April 03, 1782 the General wouhave been only 4, surely this is Alexander Sr., his father. (M. Lloyd)] Alexander Macomb Sr. and occupieby Washington as President, was occupied in this year [1821] by Mr. C. Bunker as a hotel and known as thMansion House.

Russie, Robert. "The Broadway of Yesteryear Gallery." "Broadway 101: the history of the Great White Way." TalkinBroadway. : Feb. 2, 2000.

OLD NEW YORK

What you'll find in our Gallery here are many prints depicting the Broadway of Yesteryear and oldphotographs from a collection called Old New York.

Robert Rusie

Mansion House 1831 MANSION HOUSE, (BUNKER'S), BROADWAY, NEW-YORK

1831Residence of General Washington during the 2nd Session of the First Congress

These were originally private residences. They were erected about 1780, being among the first to be putup in what was called "The Burnt District" after the fire of 1776. Washington occupied the middle one of

the houses during the second session of the First Congress.The houses were afterward turned into a hotel, known as Mansion House at 39 Broadway, and it was the

leading hotel of the city.

This site is of interest as being the spot where the first habitation of white men was erected on the IslandAt the beginning of the 20th Century it looked like this.

Dill, David Jr. "Portrait of an Opportunist: The Life of Alexander Macomb." Watertown Daily Times.16 September 1990.

C1 Sunday, September 16, 1990 Watertown Daily Tim


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Alexander Macombhad this mansion built in 1786 at 39-41Broadway In New York City. The house, later a hotel, was

thought to be the finest private building In the city.

Macomb's Years in New York City: Wealth and PowerThis is the second part of a three-part series.

With the Revolutionary War at an end, the partnership of Macomb, Edgar and Macomb began to dissolve.First to drop out, on Sept. 3, 1783, was William Edgar, who followed the advice of a fellow trader, SampsoFleming, and moved to New York City. He took with him as his share a draft in the amount of 48,000pounds New York currency - a good clue to the firm's net assets. Within two years, the exact date unknownAlexander Macomb also shifted his activities to New York City, leaving his brother alone in charge of thestore.

Why Alexander Macomb chose to risk a second career under the American flag, while his brotherremained loyal to the Crown, may have been a simple matter of differing personalities: Alexander, theaggressive, calculating entrepreneur; William, always the junior partner, a follower, more a conservativethan an adventurer, content to live out his life as a Detroit merchant, with no further achievements thanwinning a term in the Upper Canada provincial assembly. Alexander Macomb, the risk-taker, had visions oa higher sort.

The New York that Macomb encountered in---Page C-2 begins---1785 was a city in flux, one that wellsuited his restless spirit. Its citizens, bustling about the work of restoring dilapidated buildings andrevitalizing a sick economy, exemplified a kinetic young America. In December of 1784 Elkanah Watson,the canal promoter and agriculturist, set foot in New York for the first time and described a town with "veirregular" streets, some 1,400 dwellings and a population of 20,000. Although "the sad vestige of adesolating war met the eye at every point," Watson was astonished "to see ... a vast multitude of masts

already clustered in its docks. The elasticity of its rebound has been truly wonderful, and I saw in it a surepassage of its ultimate destiny."

Loyalists ReintegratedThe city's society had also been in transition since 1782, as swarms of newcomers replaced thousands of

fleeing Tories. The loyalists who stuck it out, historians now agree, suffered remarkably little retaliation anharassment considering the stressful length of the British occupation. In explanation, one historian hasobserved that their strength in numbers protected them in the process of "conflict resolution," while anothe


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concluded that activist leaders like Alexander Hamilton, the "legal theorist" of reconciliation, persuasivelyargued political unity as a national need. And a third historian suspected that America simply put asideideology in a rush to "get on with its agenda."

By 1785 reintegration had advanced to the point where an ex-Tory newcomer like Alexander Macombslipped into the mainstream without problems. His record as a supplier to Indian marauders evidently nevecame to light, nor would there likely have been scrutiny of his past by the "business is business"establishment. Moreover, he would not have allowed himself to appear as politically obnoxious as his

unreconstructed father, who had preserved his loyalty to the Crown ever since patriot watchdogs hadmarked him as "a Person highly inimical to the Cause ... (and who) has been seen ... dressed in a RifleSmock."

Constable a ChumFurther, acceptance came readily through close ties with William Edgar, already established in New

York, and William Constable, a longtime friend from fur-trading days. Notwithstanding a murky earlierhistory of trading across enemy lines, Constable switched sides in 1778. Thereafter he enjoyed a secure aninfluential position in Philadelphia and New York owing to the patronage of Gouverneur Morris and a welpublicized but tardy stint in The Continental army. Another valued ally was popular Daniel McCormick,

who as a recognized neutral during the occupation escaped confiscation of his property and as early as 178had won election to the newly formed Chamber of Commerce.

A common bond of these men, one that undoubtedly meant much to Irish-born newcomers like Macombwas membership in the Society of the Friendly Sons of Saint Patrick, one of the ethnic friendly societiesspringing up at the time. Organized by William Constable and Daniel McCormick in the winter of 1783, thsociety primarily aimed to assist indigent Irish, but its social aspects also appealed to the convivial Irish-Americans. By tradition the largely Presbyterian members greed never to discuss politics or religion atmeetings, but politically minded members like Governor George Clinton might have bent the rule once in while.

A Career BoosterConstable, McCormick, Edgar and Macomb all held office in the society as president or councilor at one

time or another, especially McCormick; as president for 30 consecutive years he was a familiar fixture at thhead table of the high-spirited St. Patrick's Day dinners.

On the practical side, members formed such close in their business, church and civic affairs that thesociety had an unquestionably significant influence in their careers. To the ambitious Macomb, president othe society in 1791, his membership had special meaning.

Joining a fraternal organization was one thing, but a surer way to prestige lay in ostentation, and Macomwas not one to be discomfited by display of a grandiose way of life. By October of 1787 Macomb and hisfamily had settled into their new residence at 3941 Broadway, one block south of Trinity Church. Thefamily occupied the left half of the four-story brick structure just completed under the direction of the

paterfamilias himself.

Its imposing frontage extended for 112 feet along the west aide of the avenue, and New Yorkers gazingupon it in wonderment called it the finest private building in the entire city. As a measure of its splendor,the mansion, later a distinguished hotel, has been the subject of more comment by city historians thanMacomb himself.

Mansion a Landmark


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Admiration for the structure came even from George Washington, who leased the main dwelling fromMacomb and made it the presidential mansion from Feb. 23, 1790, until his departure for Philadelphia inlate August. Tobias Lear, the president's secretary, and official visitors later described the interior,beginning with the large entry hall from which a single continuous stairway led to three upper floors. Oneither side were elegant and lofty-ceilinged rooms for dining and receiving visitors. At the back, glass dooopened to a balcony which afforded a handsome view across the grounds to Macomb's own wharf and thepicturesque Hudson beyond it.

Macomb's motive in constructing such a grand residence cannot be explained solely on elitist terms. Healso had to answer a genuine housing problem. The head of this household was remarkably prolific, and himenage had become truly formidable. In 1787, in addition to his wife, Catherine Navarre, there werechildren at home. By 1790 Macomb was temporarily a widower, raising 10 children, with seven more tofollow.

His household was staffed by at least 25 servants, of whom 12 were slaves (making Macomb the thirdlargest slaveholder in New York City). But not long afterward, his immense household, instead of a joy,became an increasingly heavy burden.

Promoting the Public Good

Compensating for self-indulgence and fascination for dazzling display, Macomb's personality hadanother, more praiseworthy, aspect, an apparently altruistic enthusiasm for promoting the public good.Seeming to enjoy his liberation from the dreary confinement of the Detroit stockade and anxious to presena new image, he threw himself into the city's civic affairs. There is no reason to dismiss all the effusions oMacomb's obituarist, possibly his son Major General Macomb, who rightly praised him as a useful citizen"ever ready to aid in the embellishments and substantial improvements of the City of New York." Acontemporary vouched for his "generous and profuse" benevolence, in sharp contrast to William Edgar's"penurious and retired" nature.

City boosters counted on Macomb's managerial talent for purchasing materials and directing theconversion of City Hall into Federal House, and the legislature called on him to help erect a building tohouse the state archives. As further evidence of his social consciousness, Macomb served as the firsttreasurer of New York's first scientific body, the Society for the Promotion of Agriculture, Arts andManufactures.

Political affairs, however, held little appeal for him, except perhaps for business purposes. Nominally aFederalist like most men of his class, Macomb nevertheless backed his friend George Clinton, the anti-Federalist governor. He served two terms as state assemblyman, December 1788 to March 1789 and Januato March, 1791, but passively, for the Assembly "Journal" recorded only one minor assignment for him. Hfavored adoption of the federal Constitution, but there is no record of his having taken part in the stateratifying convention, as some historians have asserted.

Real Estate Tycoon

More to his taste was the business of buying wilderness lands at rock-bottom prices. Macomb was notalone. Throughout the nation almost every man of means itched to make a killing by speculating in theimmense tracts which both the federal and state governments were opening for settlement. In New York,strapped for ready funds to reduce the public debt, the anti-Federalist state government overcame itsrepublican scruples and sold land only to moneyed land jobbers, who in theory were to take on theresponsibility for development.

In practice, however, the initial purchasers displayed little interest in any role other than making quickresales to longer-term investors and land companies. The primary purchasers, like Alexander Macomb, we


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bolder risk-takers than the middlemen, who as developers aimed to subdivide their tracts into farm-size lofor contracting to pioneers. Speculators, land companies and settlers all played essential roles in the openinup of the nation's public lands, and land jobbers continued to be a factor until the Homestead Act of 1862.

Ups and DownsBut matters rarely went according to expectations for any of the participants in the national land rush

during the early national period. The initial promoters frequently over-strained their credit during business

slumps before running down secondary buyers, who in turn suffered deep discouragement on becomingaware that recovery of their investment took not years but decades. As one exasperated New Yorkdeveloper, James Wadsworth complained after 15 years of experience: "It is slow realizing from new landI will never advise another friend to invest in them. Men generally have not the requisite patience forspeculating in them." As for poverty-stricken settlers, titles to their farms seemed always out of reach, andmany fell back on tenancy. And yet so the West was won.

None of this immediately entered Macomb's mind when he took his first speculative flyer. Between 178and 1791, he and his partners acquired more than 4.5 million acres of state and federal lands. In sheermagnitude and audacity, his land speculations placed him on a par with the giants, Robert Morris andWilliam Doer, and an observer might have asked his motives.

For one thing, as he lived on capital, his resources dwindled as the expenses of a large householdmounted. Second, as he looked ahead, he hoped to pass on a landed estate to his offspring, a brood whicheventually totaled 17. Further, and perhaps most importantly, was his compulsion, as always, to snatch ahigh-risk chance when he saw it.

Aikman, Lonnelle. "Politics Clears the Way." In "A Capital is Born" Part two of Rider with Destiny: George Washington, 63-66McLean, Virginia: Link Press, 1983.

63 A CAPITAL is BORN 63

The permanent capital of the United States had its beginning in an incidentoutside this New York building. In it President Washington lived during partof the 1789 period when the city was temporary seat of government. Hereon Broadway, Secretary of Treas ury Hamilton met Secretary of State


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Jefferson, and persuaded him to support a compromise by which the FederalCity would be located in the rural Potomac Valley in exchange for nationalassumption of state debts from the Revolution.

Harper's Monthly Magazine , October 1899

Chapter 1

Politics Clears the WayEVERY CITY HAS ITS OWN PERSONALITY, a distillation drawn from location, history, and theimpact of the men and women who, from the beginning, have left their mark on it.

Among the great capitals of the world, Washington, District of Columbia, is unique in striking ways. Foone thing, its history is so short. Only a scant two centuries have passed since geographic location andpartisan politics made it the seat of government for a brash new nation that stretched then in a fragile chainof thirteen states along the eastern seaboard.

For another formative influence going back to its establishment by Congress in 1790, the Federal Citywas intimately associated with those remarkable contemporaries we call the Founding Fathers. All of themJohn Adams, Thomas Jefferson, and James Madison among others--had fought in one way or another towin independence from England's George III. With that goal accomplished, they went on to serve asPresidents, Members of Congress, and diplomats sent abroad to represent the fledgling Republic as it sougto plant its roots in a continent whose extent and wealth were still undreamed of.

Standing tall among these men, of course, was George Washington, whose birth in February 1732provided a fine, round-number anniversary of 250 years in 1982.

As the victorious commander of the Revolution and the first elected President of the United States,Washington found himself at the center of events that would bring about the choice of the permanent capitsite beside the banks of the Potomac River.

That all-important decision was made in New York City, where the nation's first temporary capital hadbeen set up under the Constitution in 1789, with George Washington at its head.

It was also a decision born of bitter political controversy and questionable compromise, though you wounever have guessed it from the casual, matter-of-fact statements recorded in President Washington's diaryfor July 12, 1790.

"Exercised on Horseback between 5 and 6 in the morning," he wrote.---end page 63---". . . And aboutNoon had ... presented to me by the joint Committee of Congress . . . An Act for Establishing theTemporary and permanent Seat of the Government of the United States."

This historic legislation, which the President signed into law on July 16, provided that the nation's futurecapital would be built in open country along the shores of the Potomac, and that Philadelphia would becomthe temporary seat of government during a ten-year interlude of construction.

The solution settled the long-disputed problem of the Republic's permanent capital, but it did not prevenadvocates of New York, Philadelphia, and Baltimore, among other towns and cities that had competed forthe honor and economic advantages-from continuing to carry on a kind of propaganda war against thePotomac project itself. Nor did it silence criticism of the compromise that had been reached betweenpolitical leaders, and which involved widespread speculation and huge financial scandals.

The story of that curious incident in American politics had begun earlier in the year of 1790, whenAlexander Hamilton, as the Secretary of the Treasury, lobbied unsuccessfully to persuade Congress to votefederal responsibility for state debts incurred during the Revolution.


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Members of Congress from the northern states, which had more to gain from larger and still unpaiddebts, chiefly favored "Assumption." Those from the South, where the debts were smaller and the peopleless able to pay the federal taxes required, strongly opposed the action. Big mercantile, shipping, and realestate operators promoted their own interests, and the differences between the conflicting groups threateneto tear the shaky nation apart.

In Hamilton's fertile mind, a possible deal took form. In exchange for federal takeover of state debts, heproposed that the Nation's Capital be situated closer to the South, as desired by then House Representative

James Madison of Virginia, and other prominent southerners.In promoting his idea among potential supporters, Hamilton found an unlikely ally in Thomas Jefferson

when he encountered the Secretary of State, either by accident or design, in front of President WashingtonNew York residence on Broadway.

As Jefferson recalled the meeting later, "Hamilton was in despair. [As I was going to the President's oneday, met him in the street.] ... He walked me backwards and forwards before the President's door for half ahour. He painted pathetically ... the danger of the secession ... and the separation of the States. He observe... that a common duty should make it a common concern ... and that the question having been lost by asmall majority only, it was probable that an appeal from me to ... some of my friends might affect a changin the vote."

Jefferson replied that he would do what he could to avert "a dissolution of our Union at this incipientstage." He therefore invited Hamilton to dine with him shortly, together with "another friend or two ... toform a compromise which was to save the Union."

The bargain was struck at Jefferson's dinner, conducted with his usual.---end page 64---charm andhospitality-though he observed that one of the Virginians present had agreed to it "with a revulsion ofstomach almost convulsive."

The result was the passage on July 16, 1790, of the so-called Residency Bill" directing that the permanecapital be established beside the Potomac. By August 2, Congress had enacted Hamilton's debt-fundingproposal, which Washington signed on August 4.

There was plenty of grumbling over the deal, and dismay that so many speculators would be enriched at

the expense of those who would be swindled out of their legal rights. Critics also made fun of "that Indianplace" picked from the wilds. One newspaper reporter, in the classical rhetoric of the day, quipped that"Potomacus" was the offspring of the seduction of "Miss Assumption" by "Mr. Residence."

But the choice was made, and the Potomac area had real advantages. It was located midway betweennorthern and southern states, and its natural setting, framed by river and wooded hills, was superb. Alongthe winding shore of its river stretch lay two already flourishing ports--Alexandria, Virginia, ---end page 6--and Georgetown, Maryland. In the west, the Potomac Valley offered land and water routes for potentialtransportation deep into the continental interior.

Even more important to the ultimate success of the undertaking was another factor, seldom rememberedtoday. With full confidence in the good sense and enormous prestige of their President, the lawmakers

authorized Washington to select the exact site of the future capital, and to have the final say in all practicadetails of building a city in what was then a region of farms and forests.

To assist him in this assignment, Congress instructed Washington to appoint three Federal Commissioneto work under his direction in carrying out the project. It also designated a specific territory within which hwas to decide on the boundaries of the Federal City. This territory, as the legislators stated in the sameResidency Bill, should cover an area "not exceeding 10 miles square," and be situated specifically "at somplace" between the mouths of the Eastern Branch, now the Anacostia River, and the Conococheague, anIndian-named tributary entering the Potomac some 80 miles upstream. The only other limitation on


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Washington's judgment (covered in a later amendment) was that all public buildings must be built on theMaryland side.

Finally, as a crowning commitment, the President and his Commissioners were charged with providing"suitable" buildings for the accommodation of Congress and the President, and for the public officers of thGovernment of the United States.

It was a staggering enterprise. No other government, with the exception of Tsarist Russia under the ironrule of Peter the Great, had ever created a brand-new capital.

Furthermore, Congress appropriated no funds to build its Federal City. Instead, "for defraying the expenof ... purchases and buildings, the President of the United States was authorized and requested to acceptgrants of money."

The new Treasury had, indeed, no money in 1790 for so large and costly a venture. Virginia andMaryland, which had ceded to the Federal Government their jurisdiction over land to be used for the capitalso agreed to furnish $120,000 and $72,000, respectively, toward construction of public buildings. Butthese funds were still merely in the promised stage.

Thus Washington was forced to seek the necessary credit and cash from the only source then available-the land itself. This meant that he would have to negotiate with individual owners to obtain legal title totheir properties, and somehow find the cash to pay for land that would be required for public use, as well a

for the running expenses of designing and constructing the Federal buildings.

No one seemed to doubt President Washington's ability to accomplish these formidable tasks. And fromthe alacrity with which he went about the job, it appeared that he, too, felt that his assignment was bothreasonable and achievable.

President Washington escorts his Indian guests on a walk alongBroadway in New York City. When the Republic was young andIndian problems played a crucial role in land policy, Washingtoninvited this Creek chief and his tribal advisers to visit New Yorkand discuss a treaty of friendship. The chief, whose unlikelyname--Alexander McGillivray--came from a Scottish traderfather, accepted the invitation, and in August 1790 signed thedesired treaty.


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of the States, contracted during the Revolution, and estimated at twenty-five millions. The foreign debt waassumed without hesitation, as was also the domestic debt after considerable opposition, but here thequestion rested. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, South Carolina and a partof Pennsylvania, joined in favoring the assumption of the debts of the States, while Maryland, Virginia,Georgia, New Hampshire and the remaining part of the Pennsylvania delegation opposed the measure withso much acrimony that, at one time, a dissolution of the Union seemed inevitable. The debts of most of theopposing States were small; some objected to thus increasing the power of the general government; others

on the contrary, advocated it as a federal measure; but neither party could claim a majority. At this juncturas a last---end page 600---resort, a compromise was effected through the joint agency of Jefferson andHamilton, and two of the Virginian representatives were induced to vote for the assumption; while theNortherners, in return, ceded the other point at issue, and fixed the permanent seat of the generalgovernment on the banks of the Potomac though, by way of salvo to the feelings of the disappointedPennsylvanians, it was agreed that it should first remain for ten years at Philadelphia. The precise locationwas left to the President, who was to appoint commissioners to choose a site within certain limits from thelands which had been proffered by Maryland and Virginia. These States, as well as Pennsylvania and NewJersey, in their eagerness to secure the capital of the nation, had not only offered to furnish the necessaryground, but also to appropriate money for the erection of the public buildings, and, in the impoverished staof the country, this saving of expenditure proved a strong argument in their favor. Both bills soon after

passed the Senate, the former with various amendments; the federal government agreed to assume thegreater portion of the State debts in certain specified proportions, and the month of December, 1800, wasfixed as the date of the opening session of Congress at the capital city of Washington in the new District oColumbia.

Since the close of the war, Indian affairs had been in an unsettled state along the western and southernfrontiers. Soon after the, conclusion of peace with Great Britain, treaties had been negotiated with thevarious tribes which had taken part against the United States during the war; but these adjustments hadproved---end page 601---unsatisfactory. and the natives complained bitterly of the constant encroachmentof the whites upon their boundaries. In the Carolinas and Georgia, discontent ripened into open war. TheCherokees, Who claimed the northern part of the States as well as the greater portion of the State of

Tennessee, were worsted in the strife and forced to flee to the Creeks for protection; the latter, whoinhabited Alabama and Georgia, strengthened by an alliance with the Spaniards in Florida, carried on thewar with greater success, and, headed by their chief Alexander McGillivray, severely harassed thesettlements of the Georgians. McGillivray was a half-breed, the son of a Scotchman, who, educated by hisfather in the best schools of Charleston, had inherited the chieftainship through the line of his mother,according to the custom of the nation, and turned his talents and education to good account by devisingways and means to strengthen its power. Bred in a counting-house and familiar with mercantile affairs, heopened a profitable trade with the Spaniards, through whom he obtained the arms and ammunitionnecessary for the successful continuance of the war.

Led by an enemy of superior intelligence, this outbreak occasioned considerable alarm, and, soon afterthe opening of the first session of Congress, General Lincoln, Colonel Humphreys and David Griffin weredispatched as commissioners to the scene of contest to adjust the boundaries of the disputed territory. Thiswas a tract of land, west and south of the Oconee River, which the Georgians claimed had been ceded tothem by three successive treaties; while the Creeks alleged that these---end page 602---treaties had beenobtained by force or fraud, and therefore could not be held as binding upon the nation. The commissionerswere well received by McGillivray and his warriors, but, refusing to restore the lands, they effected nothinexcept to obtain a temporary cessation of hostilities.

The next year, Colonel Marinus Willett was dispatched by Washington to open a new negotiation.


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Disguising himself as a simple trader, in obedience to his instructions, he entered the Indian camp andsounded the disposition of the natives; then, throwing off the mask, he avowed his errand, and invitedMcGillivray to go with him to New York to talk with the Great Father. To this proposal, McGillivrayconsented, and set out in the beginning of the summer, accompanied by twenty-eight chief and warriors ofthe nation. Their arrival excited considerable interest in the city. On landing, they were met by the TammaSociety, arrayed in Indian costume, which escorted them to their lodgings on the banks of the North River the tavern known henceforth as the Indian Queen. Here they remained for more than six weeks, negotiating

the terms of a treaty with General Knox, the commissioner appointed by Washington for that purpose, andthe matter being at length satisfactorily arranged, the treaty was ratified, in true Indian style in Federal Halin Wall street, on the 13th of August, the day after the adjournment of the second session of Congress. At12 oclock, the Creek deputation was met by the President and his suite in the Hall of the House ofRepresentatives, where the treaty was read and interpreted, after which, Washington addressed ---end pag603---the Warriors in a short but emphatic speech, detailing and explaining the justice of its provisions; toeach of which, as it was interpreted to them, McGillivray and his warriors gave the Indian grunt of approvThe treaty was then signed by both parties, after which Washington presented McGillivray with a string ofwampum, as a memorial, of the peace, with a paper of tobacco as a substitute for the ancient calumet,grown obsolete and unattainable by the innovations of modern times. McGillivray made a brief speech inreply, the "shake of peace" was interchanged between Washington and each of the chiefs, and the ceremon

was concluded by a song of peace, in which the Creek warriors joined with enthusiasm. The warriors,indeed, had good reason to be satisfied with this treaty, which ceded to them all the disputed territory, anddistributed presents and money liberally among the nation. Almost immediately after its ratification, theCreeks returned to their homes in the South, leaving their name as a memorial to their place ofentertainment.

622

At the lower end of Broadway stood the Kennedy House, now the Washington Hotel, built in 1760 byCaptain Archibald Kennedy, Jr., afterward 11th Earl of Cassillis, and bequeathed by him to his sonRobert, from whom it passed into the possession of the late Nathaniel Prime. This house was the

headquarters of Putnam prior to, and of Howe and Clinton during the Revolutionary War, and the scene ofAndrs last interview with the British general previous to his departure on the fatal West Point mission.Just above this was the Kings Arms Tavern, a double house, two stories in height, with a front of yellowHolland brick, and a steep roof covered with shingles in front and tiles in the rear, the head quarters ofGeneral Gage during his residence in the city. This afterwards became known as Burns Coffee House, thewell-known rendezvous of the Sons of Liberty, and the place from which emanated many of the patrioticresolves of the New York citizens. It was in this house that the first non-importation agreement of thecolonies was signed by the merchants of the city of New York on the evening preceding the execution of thStamp Act, and the first step thus taken toward the rebellion which ripened into their future independence.Here Arnold resided after the discovery of his treason, and it was from the ---end page 622---garden, whicextended down to the river, that the chivalric Champe proposed to abduct the traitor and carry him off in

triumph to the American lines in the Jerseys.Above this, on the site of 39 Broadway-the reputed site of the first building ever erected on the island

-was the Bunker Mansion House, the residence of Washington during the second session of Congress.But a volume would scarce suffice to note all the landmarks, rendered interesting by some association of thpast.

714


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In the summer of 1824, news was received that General Lafayette was on his way to New York. and thecorporation at once prepared to welcome him as the guest of the city upon his arrival. The idol of the wholcountry, he was especially such of the city of New York, made up in great part of the so-called "Frenchparty," which had sympathized warmly with France in the struggle for independence, headed in the firstplace by Lafayette; which had denounced the neutrality of the American government as cowardly anddishonorable, and which let no opportunity slip for---end page 714---demonstrating its attachment toFrance, and its corresponding detestation of her rival, Great Britain. Not less was he beloved by the opposi

party-the friend of Hamilton, the adopted brother of Washington, the favorite of all his companions inarms, he had won golden opinions from all ranks and parties by his frankness and valor in the AmericanRevolution, and his visit was a continuous march of triumph throughout the country. On Sunday, the 15th August, he arrived in the ship Cadmus, and landed on Staten Island, where he remained till the next day atthe residence of Daniel D. Tompkins, at this time Vice-President of the United States. On Monday, he wasescorted up to the city by a large naval procession, and landed at Castle Garden amid the ringing of bells,the salutes of artillery and the shouts of the enthusiastic multitude, assembled to welcome the guest of thenation. From the Battery, he was escorted to the City Hall, where he was welcomed by the corporation,assembled there to receive him, and congratulated by Mayor Paulding on his safe arrival, then conducted tBunkers Mansion House, where free quarters had been provided for him and his suite. During his stay inthe city, he visited the navy yard, fortifications and public institutions, and held a daily levee in the City

Hall, where he was waited upon by thousands of the citizens. At his departure, he was escorted by a largedetachment of troops to Kingsbridge, whence he set out for his proposed tour through the States. Thebeginning was but the augury of the future. Everywhere, the same welcome and the same festivities awaitehim, and when he returned to New York in September,---end page 715---1825, having accomplished a touthrough the whole country in the space of thirteen months, despite his lameness and his eighty-six years, thcitizens bade adieu to him in a fete at Castle Garden which surpassed anything of the kind before witnessein the country.

Bowen, Clarence Winthrop. "The Inauguration of Washington." The Century; a popular quarterly 37 (Apr. 1889): 803-834.(MOA)

821 INAUGURATION OF WASHINGTON 8

The procession, headed by Colonel Morgan Lewis, consisted of music, a troop of horse, artillery officeroff duty, the grenadiers that served as a guard of honor to the President, the governor and officers of theState, the congressional committee, the Mayor and Corporation, the clergy, the French and Spanish

ambassadors, and citizens. The whole passed through Queen street,2 by Governor Clintons house at the foof Cedar street, and stopped at the Franklin House, which had been fitted up as a residence for

Washington.3

2 Now Pearl streetin 1789 a mile and a half in length, and with buildings from four to six stories high. It was considered aremarkable fact at that time, as the Rev. Manasseh Cutler wrote, that the sides of Queen street within the posts were "laid principallywith free stone, sufficiently wide for three persons to walk abreast." (Cutlers Life, Vol. I., p. 306.)

3 This house was owned by Samuel Osgood, one of the Treasury Commissioners, and was until 1856, when the building was takdown, at the junction of Cherry and Pearl streets on Franklin Square. The Franklin House had been occupied by the President of theold Congress, but had been fitted up by order of the new Congress for Washington. For particulars regarding Osgood see "History othe City of New York," by Mrs. Martha J. Lamb, Vol. II., p. 330. Washington occupied in 1790 a house on Broadway, near BowlinGreen, which had been used by the French ambassador and was called the McComb House, and subsequently the Mansion House aBunkers Hotel.

Washingtons Diary, February 1, 1790: "Agreed on Saturday last to take Mr. McCombs house, lately occupied by the Minister oFrance, for one year from and after the first of May next, and would go into it immediately if Mr. Otto, the present possessor, could accommodated; and this day sent my secretary to examine the rooms to see bow my furniture could be adapted to the respective


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apartments."

Colonel John Mays Journal, April 22, 1788: Went to see a pile of new buildings, nearly completed, belonging to a Mr. McComby far the finest buildings my eyes ever beheld, and I believe they excel any on the continent. In one of the entries I traveled up fiveflights of stairs--the rail continuous from top to bottom. I still left one flight unexplored."

From: "Michael Robert Patterson" [email protected]: "Shirley S. StantonSent: Sunday, August 18, 2002 6:05 PM

Subject: George Washington Diary Entry February 1790

references:

Decatur, Stephen, Jr.Private Affairs of George Washingtofrom the Records and Accounts of Tobias Lear, Esquire, h

Secretary. N.Y.: Da Capo Press, 1969.

May, Col. John.Journal and Letters of Col. John May[1748-1812], of Boston relative to Two Journeys to the

Ohio County in 1788 and '89 with a Biographical Sketch Rev. Richard S. Edes of Bolten, Mass and Illustrative Notby Wm. M. Darlington of Pittsburgh, PA. Cincinnati, R.Clarke, & co., for the Historical and philosophical societyof Ohio, 1873. [LOC F486 .H662 vol. 1]

Monday 1st. Agreed on Saturday last to take Mr. McCombs House, lately occupied by theMinister of France for one year, from and after the first day of May next; and wd. go into it

immediately, if Mr. Otto the present possesser could be accomodated and this day sent MySecretary to examine the rooms to see how my furniture cd. be adapted to the respectiveApartments. (George Washington Diary, February 1790)

By the beginning of 1790 GW concluded that the house owned by Samuel Osgood which he had occupisince his arrival in New York City (see entry for 1 Oct. 1789) was no longer commodious enough toaccommodate his family and staff and to maintain the dignity of the presidential office. In spite of the factthat it was expected that Congress might move the capital from New York City, GW decided to leaseAlexander Macomb's mansion at Nos. 39-41 Broadway.

It was one of a block of three houses erected in 1787 and was four stories and an attic high,

with a width of fifty-six feet. From the rear of the main rooms glass doors opened onto abalcony giving an uninterrupted view of the Hudson River. On entering, one found a large hallwith a continuous flight of stairs to the top of the house. On each side of the hall were spacious,high-ceilinged rooms, used for the levees and dinners and always referred to by Washington as'public rooms.' (DECATUR, 118, 148)

Col. John May, who had visited the houses while they were still under construction in April 1788, noted"they are by far the grandest buildings I ever saw and are said to excel any on the continent in one of theentry's I travelld up 5 flights of stairs" (MAY, 28). The Macomb house had been occupied by the comte deMoustier and, after his departure for France, by Louis Guillaume Otto, charg d'affaires of the Frenchembassy. Otto had served in the United States since 1779, and after his return to France in 1792 he was incharge of the political division of the department of foreign affairs until he lost his position with the fall othe Girondist regime. On 2 Feb. GW paid Samuel Osgood 253 10s. "for 3 quarter's Rent of the House &Tenements occupied by the President" and before he moved paid 665 16s. 6d. to purchase for the newhouse furniture and china left by Moustier (CtY: George Washington's Household Accounts, 68--74). GWrequested that some alterations and additions be made to outside buildings (see Tobias Lear to AlexanderMacomb, 4 Feb. 1790, owned by Mr. Sol Feinstone, Washington Crossing, Pa.). Preparations continuedthroughout the month, and the presidential household moved to the new residence on 23 Feb.


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NOVEMBER, 1613

HE BUILT THE RESTLESS, THE FIRST VESSEL

MADE BY EUROPEANS IN THIS COUNTRY

THE RESTLESS WAS LAUNCHED

IN THE SPRING OF 1614

---end page 57---

Adrian Block was one of the earliest fur traders to visit the island after Henry Hudson returned to Hollawith the news of his discovery. The "Tiger" took fire in the night while anchored in the bay, and Block an

his crew reached the shore with difficulty. They were the only white men on the island. Immediately theyset about building a new vessel, which was named the "Restless."

Next door, at No. 39, President Washington lived in the Macombs Mansion, moving there from theFranklin House in 1790. Subsequently the house became a hotel.

Bennett, William James [American, b. England, 1787-1844]. "Broad Way from the Bowling Green (Prob. 1826)." Aquatint andetching, from Megarey's Street Views in the City of New York. 1834. New York Public Library, Humanities and Social ScienLibrary, The Miriam & Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: The Phelps Stokes Collection

Broad Way from the Bowling Green. Probably 1826

The landmarks recorded in Bennett's masterful aquatint include, starting on the left: Kennedy House atNo. 1 Broadway, where George Washington lived during the early days of the Revolution, and later thehome of Sir Henry Clinton, Sir Guy Carleton, and Sir William Howe during the long British occupation ofthe city. Washington lived in the large white building two houses up the block during his first term asPresident. Further along the street, in the distance, are the steeples of Trinity and Grace Church. BowlingGreen, the oldest public park in Manhattan, is just visible on the right. At this date the park was still thedomain of the local residents; later, when the town houses were replaced by shipping offices, the park wasopened to the public.

White House Visitor's Center. Washington, DC. Photo, 2002 courtesy of Jenni Brockman.


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George and Martha Washington's Philadelphia Home served the President not only as privatequarters but as his office and residence for state functions.

Lawler, Edward, Jr. "A Brief History of the President's House in Philadelphia." The Presidents House in Philadelphia..

Please visit Mr. Lawler's excellent article at the original site.

see also:

Miller, Agnes. "The Macomb House: Presidential Mansion."Michigan History 37 (December 1953): 37384.

Marshall Davies Lloyd [email protected] rev: Tue Aug 15 2006 23:39:

Macomb's Mansion

Documents

Transcript of Macomb's Mansion