LUNCH WITH BS Frame by frame · I n rural Uttar Pradesh, especially in the heart of Bundelkhand,...

In rural Uttar Pradesh, especially in theheart of Bundelkhand, the annual sum-mer drought regularly wreaks econom-

ic and emotional havoc in the lives of vil-lagers. Some months ago, I visited theMahuee village in Banda district to docu-ment the interventions of WaterAid, aninternational NGO that works on issuesrelating to water, sanitation and hygieneacross the country. I discovered that thedrought actually had an unintended posi-tive fallout in this underdeveloped village.Here’s what I saw.

Mahuee is ranked high among the vil-lages worst affected by groundwater deple-tion in Banda district. Locals attest that inthe last decade, water shortage in the vil-

lage has worsened every summer, eventhough the region receives a reasonableamount of rain during monsoon. Not onlywells and tube wells, but even village pondsdry up as the temperature shoots up tonearly 50 degrees Celsius. Deep fissuresdevelop in the fields and the villagers havelittle water for themselves, let alone fortheir livestock. WaterAid has successfullyset up rooftop rainwater harvesting sys-tems to recharge wells and tube wells inthe area. When they approached Mahuee’sgram pradhan Malkhe Srivas to build a sim-ilar project in the village in 2017, he wasexcited to help. He even offered to set theharvesting system on his rooftop as he livednext to one of the wells in the village. Butthere was a hitch.

In the heartlands of Uttar Pradesh, castefissures tend to run deep and Srivas is aDalit. “To avoid even accidentally touch-ing lower-caste people like me,” he told me,“some of my upper caste neighbours would-n’t even draw water from the well at thesame time as I did.” He wondered what theywould say when they heard that water froma Dalit’s rooftop was going to recharge acommon well. Even if the harvested rain-water from his rooftop managed to do thejob, there was a strong possibility his high-er caste neighbours would not even use thatwater. After much discussion, they decided

to go ahead with the plan anyway. Not unexpectedly, the higher caste vil-

lagers were horrified at the idea. How couldwater recharged by rainwater from a Dalit’srooftop be “clean”, they asked.

As it turned out, the recharge systemsuccessfully prevented the well from dryingout the following summer while other watersources dried up. “People were amazed tosee that this well continued to have abun-dant water throughout the summer,” Srivasrecounted. Eventually, his upper casteneighbours were compelled to set asidetheir caste prejudices and draw water fromthe well. “Today, the very people who’d ear-lier criticised me are clamouring for similarrecharging systems to be put up on theirroofs as well,” he said. “We’ve now built twomore recharge pits independently, and asthe pradhan, I plan to construct such pitsnear all water sources in the village in theyear ahead.”

And so the drought proved to be a socialleveler in Mahuee. What years of education,social messaging and reservations could-n’t accomplish, water scarcity did in onesummer. The caste taboo, once broken, hassomewhat reduced in importance now.“Now everyone drinks water from the wellrecharged by the rainwater from myrooftop,” Srivas told me. “I’d not believedthis would happen in my lifetime.”

When it comes to breakfast,nothing can beat Indian hotelbuffets, so I wonder why I’m

feeling blue. The hotel where I am writ-ing this has as lavish a spread as any —but too much food can be off-puttingtoo, which is why I prefer to order a lacarte. Usually, a glass of orange juiceand eggs is just fine, though I do extendmyself over weekends. At the time ofwriting this, I’ve skimmed past thespreads of baked beans, sausages,scrambled eggs, bacon; the northIndian puris and bhajis; the southIndian (always tempting) vadas, idlisand fresh dosas off a live counter; pan-cakes and waffles if you’re up to it;

there’s south-east Asian congee whichI’ve never been partial too; fruits,flavoured yogurts, doughnuts and allkinds of temptations from the bakery Ifind easy to resist, and cheeses that Isometimes succumb to. Cold meats leftout for hours — ugh! How can anyoneeven think of it?

This morning, it isn’t crowded in thespillover restaurant where those who did-n’t find a seat in the coffee shop havebeen adjusted, so I decide to be a littleadventurous. Having spooned somesprouts and dahi, I ask the chef at theeggs counter for a masalaomelette, lavishwith chillies, served over a paratha “Withtoast?” he asks. “No, with a paratha,” Isay. “A stuffed paratha with aloo?” heasks. “A plain paratha,” I coax him,“served with the egg on top of it.” When allis confirmed, I retire to the corner tableassigned to me. I have work to do.

Fifteen minutes later, I am served aparatha, plain, no trimmings, no accom-paniments. “Your paratha, Sir,” says thewaiter solicitously. “I asked for anomelette with it,” I remind him, “placedover the paratha.” The paratha isremoved and replaced, a few minuteslater, by an omelette. No accompani-ments; no paratha. “I’d like a parathawith it,” I explain. “A stuffed paratha,

Sir?” “No, a plain one, served instead oftoast.” A few minutes later, all is sortedout. The paratha and the omelette final-ly make it together to my table. Only, bynow, they’re stone cold. I tell myself thesprouts will hold me till lunchtime.

But I do like coffee at breakfast.Helpfully, the waiter had taken theorder for my preferred choice of cap-puccino. “Yes, Sir, a cappuccino.” “Astrong cappuccino,” I suggest, “even avery strong cappuccino.” I am assured ofits arrival. Only it doesn’t. “My coffee,”I remind a passing waiter — not mine —and we go through the same sequenceagain. I wait. No coffee. “Would you likeanything else, Sir?” my waiter is back toclear my uneaten plate.” “I’m waiting formy cappuccino,” I say. “Very well, Sir,”he says.

Over the shenanigans of the parathaand omelette, I’m drawing a little noticeto myself, but the cup of coffee remainselusive. I decide to walk across to thehostess to ask for her help. “Coffee, Sir,”she says, “I’ll send somebody across.”Finally, perhaps a half hour and a half-dozen reminders later, I have what Iasked for — a strong cappuccino. I’mtempted to ask for a second round, butdare I risk it? I take the coward’s way out.Tomorrow is another breakfast day.

When survival trumped bias Thanks, but no thanks

PEOPLE LIKE USKISHORE SINGH

If there is one part of the Bharatiya JanataParty (BJP) that is confused by what hap-pened at Jawaharlal Nehru University

(JNU) in the twilight of 2019 and dawn of 2020,it is the party’s student wing, the AkhilBharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). Tornbetween deep contentment at seeing thepinkos being roundly thrashed (many musthave wished they’d been the ones to do it) andself-righteous indignation at supposed Left-instigated vandalism, the ABVP, at least inJNU, needs to ask itself if it is time to move overand make space for the “real” Hindus — likethe Hindu Raksha Dal, a fringe group that hasclaimed credit for carrying out the JNU attacks.

Why only JNU? The “real” Hindus are nowall over the place. Ranging from the gang that

killed Gauri Lankesh; to the Hindu YuvaVahini, dormant but by no means decommis-sioned; to the Sri Rama Sene, fringe Hindugroups are popping up all over the country.They are splitting but they are not dying.They’re the unicorns of Indian politics.

Anti-BJP activist and editor Gauri Lankeshwas assassinated, the Special InvestigationsTeam (SIT) probing her murder has found, bya hired hand, Parashuram Waghmare, who wasrecruited by one Amol Kale. At least 12 peoplehave been named in the conspiracythat was hatched not just to killLankesh but also Govind Pansare, aLeft-leaning thinker, and NarendraDabholkar, the rationalist who ques-tioned many Hindu beliefs and super-stitions. The 9,000-page chargesheetsays all the co-conspirators had linksat one or other time with the HinduJanajagruti Samiti (HJS), the SanatanSanstha and the Sri Ram Sene. TheHJS says it was formed in response tothe demands of the situation as “dueto a “secular” democracy today, the state ofthe society, nation and dharma is on thedecline. A system of governance based onDharma, that is, establishment of the Hindunation, is the need of the hour as a solution tothe problems of Hindus.”

Pramod Muthalik floated the Sri Rama Sene— the very same that would barge into pubsand drag out women having a drink there. He

has since been acquitted of the charge. Butdespite that, Muthalik’s entry into many statesruled by the BJP is banned — including Goa.The Sene challenged the late Pejawar SwamiVishwesha Theertha (who died last month) toa shaastraarth (a scriptural duel) when the lat-ter hosted an iftaar at the premises of theKrishna temple in Udupi some years ago.

The Hindu Yuva Vahini was formed onRama Navami day in 2002 in Uttar Pradesh byYogi Adityanath. Initially envisaged as a body

of young activists, the word“Hindu” was added on theadvice of MahantAvaidyanath of Gorakhpur,then alive. Sunil Singh, a co-founder of the HYV, recalled,despite the BJP’s KalyanSingh being in power in UPand Atal Bihari Vajpayee atthe helm in Delhi, the pitifulsight of Yogi Adityanath hav-ing to beg that one of his sup-porters be given a seat in the

Assembly elections prompted the formation ofthe HYV — visualised as a fringe groupdesigned to exert pressure over the BJP andraise Adityanath’s profile in eastern UP. WhenAdityanath became chief minister but wouldnot heed the HYV’s demand for a share of thepower pie, Sunil Singh walked out forming hisown HYV Bharat. He was imprisoned almostimmediately under the National Security Act

and released many months later.In response, Adityanath formed the HYV

(UP). So in Eastern UP now, there are at least twogroups competing for the same fringe. Anotherorganisation, the Yogi Sena, has been launchedin Western UP with the same objective: Rousingand organising Hindu youth. While HYV says itwill do nothing to embarrass the chief ministerand involves itself in such blameless pursuits asdelivering flood relief, what it is actually doing,no one knows. HYV acknowledges that its sup-porters are chafing at the bit at the anodyneactivity they’re being asked to carry out and itis hard to keep them reined in.

In America, as in India, fringe group activi-ty has seen a spurt in the last few years. “Antifa’”short for anti-fascist, turns up regularly tocounter-protest far-right rallies and speakingevents. The group’s mission is to fight fascismat any cost, and defend America's most disen-franchised groups. Most are either anarchists orhave far left-leaning political beliefs. “ProudBoys” says it is a “a pro-Western fraternal organ-isation”. It has an initiation rite that includes“getting into a major fight for the cause”.

In India, it is hard to judge where it will allend. The fringe is organised. The opposition toit is leaderless, inarticulate but determined tocontest and fight back. The collateral damageis the ABVP, seen as being quick to strike butafraid to wound. Somebody has to win the warthat is bound to break out sooner than later.And it won’t be via the ballot box.

The rise of the fringeThey are organised and the opposition to them is leaderless. Who will win the war that is bound to break out?

PLAIN POLITICSADITI PHADNIS

8 ISSUES AND INSIGHTS MUMBAI | 11 JANUARY 2020 1>

Instagram, that most mil-lennial of social networks,was till recently com-

posed almost entirely of peo-ple’s vacation snaps and close-ups of their unappetisingbowls of salad. But over thepast fortnight, it has com-pletely changed character formany of us. Now, when youscroll through Instagram sto-ries, they are 50 per cent pho-tos from protests and 50 percent lists of where the next

protests are. Instagram’s winter of discontent has well andtruly begun.

On one level, it is easy to mock and deride this phenome-non. Seasoned political types will ask themselves what valueto any political movement is added by people who last monthwere posting about Christmas in Europe and next week will nodoubt be back to snaps of their skiing holidays. But I think itis worth unpacking, nevertheless, what has changed for somein urban India since the introduction of the CitizenshipAmendment Act (CAA).

First, the Act itself seems like the sort of straightforwardassault on Indian nationhood that the government has so farbeen relatively careful to avoid. You could claim that the Babrijudgment and the National Register of Citizens were due to theSupreme Court. The revocation of Article 370 and the tripletalaq ban could be made to fit into a liberal, right-based frame-work of equality if you tried. But the CAA is another beast alto-gether. However much the government and its outreach com-munity might insist it is merely an enabling act, it is hard to seeit as anything but the first step towards a constitutionallyHindu nation.

Second, the nature of the early protests in the cities wereclear — and attractive. Muslim women sitting on dharna atShaheen Bagh, crowds waving the tricolour — there was noth-ing there for traditional middle-class prejudices to hang on to.It was clear that the only danger caused by the protests wasfrom police overreaction.

Third, the attacks on universities were repugnant even topeople who have not much time forstudent protests in general. Thegeneral notion that university stu-dents are going to spend some timewaving flags and shouting slogansbefore settling into a steady job anddisdaining politics has sunk deepinto the Indian middle-class con-sciousness. Nothing would havechanged if this government hadmerely dismissed student protestswith indulgence, as their predeces-

sors did. But to attack protestors, whether using the police orpolitical thugs disguised as students, is a bridge too far for most.

Deepika Padukone’s courageous decision to go and standwith protestors at Jawaharlal Nehru University is thus morerevealing and influential than some might think. It reveals thateven those in Bollywood who might have previously beensympathetic but aloof, think that it will either do them noharm to turn out for a cause they believe in, or that things havegot bad enough that they are willing to take a risk. But perhapseven more revealing was a short clip that was trending onsocial media of the film magnate Bhushan Kumar. Kumarhad been invited to a meeting meant to “clear up doubts”among the film community about the CAA. He had even beenphotographed driving into the meeting at a Mumbai hotel. Butwhen asked by a reporter about the meeting in the presence offilm stars such as Anil Kapoor, Kumar said that merely beingin the hotel didn’t mean he attended the meeting. (Kapoor’sface was a picture of amusement.) When people as exposed,influential — and government-sympathetic — as Kumar feelthe need to distance themselves from the CAA in public, youknow something has gone very wrong.

Narendra Modi’s rise to power in 2013-14 felt as unlikelybefore it happened as it feels inevitable now. Part of whatunderlay that extraordinary ascent was the careful cultiva-tion of influential voices. Somehow the candidacy chief min-ister with a chequered record was transformed into a coolcause. Nobody knows how the politics of cool works.Sometimes it comes together, sometimes it doesn’t. BarackObama’s campaign managed it; Hillary Clinton’s campaign didnot. But what we are seeing at this moment is a reversal in ourown politics of cool. For seven years, Modi has been the coolbrand. Now, somehow, he is less so.

Perhaps it is something to do with that period — sevenyears? Seven years after the UPA rose to power it becameembroiled in anti-corruption scandals. And, indeed, there ismuch that is worth revisiting in UPA-II’s sordid descent intoparalysis and unpopularity. The UPA was India’s most ineptgovernment when it comes to communication. It came acrossas either arrogant, or inarticulate, or aloof. Modi’s govern-ment is India’s best when it comes to communication. Thereis little doubt that it will do a better job of recovering the situ-ation than the UPA did. But one thing that even the NDA spin-masters will struggle with is the politics of cool. If you don’tknow how it works, you can’t manipulate it.

The politics of cool

TICKERMIHIR S SHARMA

It was the twenty-fourth day of sitting atopthis elephant in Madhya Pradesh’sBandhavgarh tiger reserve for Steve

Winter, one of the world’s most celebratedwildlife photographers and a big cat special-ist. Balancing his camera with its 600-mmlens and a tripod on a shifty elephant whichwas getting uneasy under the summer sun,Winter was worried yet calm, when sudden-ly he saw what he had been waiting for allthese days. The tiger cubs had just emergedfrom the trees with their mother to play.Radio silence. Winter had already composedthe prized shot in his mind and managed tocapture seven frames, hoping at least one ofthem would be sharp.

Sitting comfortably in the plush IndianAccent restaurant in New Delhi’s Lodhi Road,we admire the final photograph taken aroundfive years ago that made it to the cover of therecently launched National Geographic’s cof-fee table book, Tigers Forever. Winter asks fora shot of double espresso to kick start ourlunch while narrating his many adventures.

Even as a nine-year-old Indiana boy, allWinter wanted was to get out of his home-town and travel the world. Although photog-raphy came naturally to him — Winter’s fatherwas an amateur photographer — he joineduniversity to study urban renewal... to“become something”. Soon he realised thiswas not his calling. “I quit and decided to trav-el the world and came to India... I first camehere in 1979...”

Having backpacked from Kolkata andAnnapurna in Nepal, all the way down tosouthern India and then to Lucknow, that tooon a third class railway ticket and buses backin his “hippie days”, Winter is no stranger toIndia or Indian food.

Soon, we are served two baby naansstuffed with Danish blue cheese and toppedwith some champagne honey; the waitercautions us to wait for it to cool down,almost sensing our excitement to try thedainty mouthfuls.

Winter is narrating his early adventures inthe forest of Sierra de las Minas in Guatemalawhere he had built a shack to shoot the vibrantblue-green bird Quetzal while digging intothe sumptuous bites of our first course thattakes us through the streets of India with bite-size portions of Maharashtrian dabeli, purialoo and Winter’s favourite chilli crab.

Out in the wild, animals mark their terri-tories, the photo journalist says. “So did I...mainly to protect my space from wild boars.”

One night, when he was reading a book,Winter heard a creeping noise on the stairsand a brushing sound on the floor. “And then,I heard scratching under the door... I was soscared. I whacked my machete on the side ofthe bed and whistled and I heard the thingrunning down away.”

Next morning, the locals told him it mighthave been the black panther. That wasWinter’s first encounter with a big cat.

Our next item on the menu, pulled porkphulka tacos and the jackfruit version of thesame, is served just in time. Each preparationtakes time and the food arrives slowly, butWinter is a patient man.

I would have thought 24 days inBandhavgarh was a long wait, but then hetells me how he waited 15 months for one ofhis most well-known and iconic shots — amountain tiger strolling in Griffith Park atthe edge of Sunset Boulevard with theHollywood Sign in the background. This wasagain a shot he had already framed in hismind. “I knew I needed incredible picture toillustrate urban wildlife.”

When he shared the idea with a scientistfriend who monitored the wildlife in the area,he looked at him like he was crazy, Wintersaid. However, as soon as the big cat was spot-ted, Winter had to figure out ways to installremote cameras he learned to use while shoot-ing the snow leopards in Ladakh.

As a result of the picture, the largestwildlife overpass is being built in the areafunded by American actor Leonardo DiCaprioand his foundation. We pore over some moreof his work on his latest iPhone. “It has a greatcamera,” he says.

The anar and churan kulfi is before us, tocleanse the palate for what is coming upnext; roast chicken and smoked papad cur-ry. It comes with wine pairing recommen-dations of Allegrini Valpolicella Classic orRondinella among others. The idea is tempt-ing but Winter gives it a pass — he has a talkscheduled later for budding photographersand journalists.

Winter loves Indian food. “My first masaladosa and sambhar with chutney in the southon a banana leaf just blew my mind. Youknow I'm the kid from Indiana. It was amaz-

ing.” He even took up an Indian cookingcourse afterwards.

I am curious if Winter has ever had a closeshave with a big cat since I had read how hewas attacked by a rhinoceros once. “Twenty-eight years and I have never been attackedand I am super close to them,” the 63-year-oldlensman says.

“Predators have no desire to hurt usbecause we have not been a part of theirimage search for millennia!” He clarifies:“There is no way that these cats want to eatus. We stink. We use deodorant, shampoo,toothpaste, perfumes.”

The question leads to a pertinent discus-sion on ecology and dangers it faces as wildlifegets displaced. “Every other breath you takecomes from forests, and big cats live in the for-

est. If we can save big cats, we can help saveourselves because we need these areas,”said Winter.

At this point, almost like an interludeour next course arrives — a deliciousserving of grilled sea bass with sweetpotato and goan mango curry. This isaccompanied by a smoked eggplant rai-ta, chilli hoisin duck kulcha and a pearl

millet roti with a topping of freshchurned butter. The portion size, in keep-

ing with the concept of tasting menu, isjust right.

As we get back to our discussion, Wintershows me the latest edition of National

Geographic magazine which features TheTigers Next Door, a 30-page story of over 5,200words he did put together with his wife, alsoa photographer and a writer. It is a story oftigers in roadside zoos, many of them pets,

several abused, in South Carolina.Witnessing the wild beasts tamed in sucha way looked wrong in the pictures.Winter calls them the worst tiger breed-ers in the world.

In India, Winter has also engagedwith the ministry of environment dur-ing Jairam Ramesh’s tenure to requesta change in the laws for the way tigersare counted here. “Tigers in India onlyexisted legally if they were in a tigerreserve, which was a bureaucraticmindset... because tigers exist wher-ever they want to exist.”

His next stop is the Gir forests in Gujarat.

Wherever the tiger trail took him,Winter managed to create some awareness

about big cats and prove that tigers are not asviolent as they are made out to be. “Why do astory? Why spend months away from yourfamily? If you’re just going to watch thisspecies disappear?”

His love for tigers, the biggest of the bigcats, is more than evident by now. We arenearing the end of this sumptuous meal withdesserts ready to be served — a chilli peanutice cream cornet, jalebi with Haji Ali inspiredcustard apple cream and coconut burfi withdark chocolate mousse. Reluctantly, Winterhas to leave all the sweet delights behind, asthe time for his talk for photographers is tooclose and his ride has already arrived.

As I walk him out, Winter gives me his vis-iting card. It has the famous Hollywood shotof the mountain tiger on the back. Why am Inot surprised?

WWiinntteerr talks to RRuucchhiikkaa CChhiittrraavvaannsshhii about how he composesshots in his mind before actually shooting them and why hetook up an Indian cooking course

LUNCH WITH BS > STEVE WINTER | CONSERVATION PHOTOGRAPHER

Frame by frame

PEOPLE LIKE THEMGEETANJALI KRISHNA

However much thegovernment and itsoutreach communitymight insist it ismerely an enablingact, it is hard to seeit as anything butthe first step towardsa constitutionallyHindu nation

Why only JNU? The“real” Hindus arenow all over theplace. Ranging fromthe gang that killedGauri Lankesh; to the Hindu YuvaVahini, dormant but by no means decommissioned

ILLUSTRATION: BINAY SINHA

Come Budget time and it is surprising how much of the discussion is on tax ratesand revenues — though these account for only 60 per cent of the UnionBudget, up from about 52 per cent of the Manmohan Singh government’s lastBudget. Non-tax revenues, including borrowings to fund the deficit, account

for the remaining 40 per cent, or close to ~11 trillion, but there is little focus on how toboost non-tax revenues or reduce the level of borrowings by saving on expenditure. Thisis surprising, given how it is non-tax revenues that have fallen short even as tax revenueshave grown faster than gross domestic product (GDP).

If tax revenues have done well, thank the oil windfall of 2014-16. Arun Jaitley usedthe opportunity afforded by the sharp drop in oil prices to soak up tax revenue,though some of it has had to be given back to the consumer. There is also work to bedone on individual taxation as well as on goods and services tax (GST). But while theairwaves are full of noise on these issues, not nearly enough attention gets paid tonon-tax revenues — where there are repeated shortfalls in disinvestment receiptsand mismanagement of revenues from sectors like telecom. A government hungryfor revenue has simply fallen back on the companies it owns, asking them to up theirdividend payments or borrow on its behalf. This year North Block’s long arm alsoreached Mumbai to extract surpluses from the Reserve Bank of India.

The flip side of this is the story of where the money goes. Trillions of rupees havebeen used to shore up the balance sheets of government banks, while more trillionsinvested in highways and railways have not yielded the returns they should have.More highways could have been monetised through maintenance and operationscontracts that yield the government net revenue. The railways in turn is into the finalphase of building high-speed, high-capacity freight corridors, but it is not yet certainwhat kind of traffic such lines will attract, given that the existing rail traffic is only par-tially containerised and new growth centres along the corridors are not yet up andrunning.

Meanwhile, another ~20,000 crore is being used this year to keep the postaldepartment going, mostly because the pay and pension bill is much bigger than therevenue. This spares the blushes of perennial loss-makers like Air India and BharatSanchar Nigam Ltd, though their losses too run into thousands of crores. Talk of con-verting the postal network into a bank has remained just that: Talk. If the governmentwere to demand performance from the companies and ministries concerned, thenon-tax component of the Budget would get a booster shot, and there would be lessinfructuous outlay to support non-performing companies.

The irony is that the government thinks it has all the money in the world to givethese companies, when the truth is that it is more strapped for cash now than at anyother time in the last decade. Can the management of food stocks be made more effi-cient? Can shortfalls in payment to electricity generators get a prior claim on states’share of Central taxes? Can private shipyards be given business to see if they candeliver within cost and stipulated timelines, because today the public shipyards don’tdo either? Can politics be taken out of pricing decisions so that the subsidy bill getscurtailed?

In short, there are many ways to make the government’s money go further — if thegovernment were to bring to the task the same determination it has shown in per-sisting with the amended citizenship law? The key question is how much politicalcapital the government is willing to spend on economic reform measures that will beunpopular with one or other section of the population. If Air India is not sold, will itbe shut down? After all, private airlines have been shut, so why not Air India? To takesuch decisions, the economy has to become the government’s No. 1 priority, which itself-evidently is not at the moment.

EYE CULTUREUTTARAN DAS GUPTA

Deepika Padukone has been atthe receiving end of praises andbrickbats for turning up at

Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU)earlier this week to express solidaritywith students assaulted by armed mis-creants, who breached security to enterthe campus last Sunday evening. Somehave accused her of using the incidentto promote her new film Chhapaak —in which she plays the protagonist, anacid attack survivor. Others have saidthat her gesture was “bare minimum”from a celebrity at a time when theentire nation has been roiled byprotests against the contentiousCitizenship Amendment Act. Yet,some other — mostly supporters of thegovernment — have called for a boy-cott of her new film for extending sup-port to “anti-national” JNU.

At the same time, a thirty-year-oldvideo has been circulating on socialmedia, in which Shabana Azmi usesher time on stage at 12th InternationalFilm Festival of India in January 1989to read out a note of protest for themurder of theatre activist SafdarHashmi. In the video, Kabir Bedi asksabout her opinion of the new wave the-atre director. “My views on my direc-tors can be reserved for a later date,”she replies to a surprised Bedi, whileVictor Banerjee looks on. “I choose thisoccasion to read out our protest,” sheadds. According to some sources, sen-ior Congress leaders — miscreantsassociated with the party accused ofkilling Hashmi — were apparentlypresent in the audience.

Hashmi, a member of theCommunist Party of India (Marxist)and founder of the theatre troupe JanaNatya Manch (Janam), was beaten upon January 1, 1989 — allegedly by aCongress mob, led by party leaderMukesh Sharma — as he and histroupe were performing their playHalla Bol! at Jhandapur Colony inSahibabad, the industrial town ofGhaziabad on the outskirts of Delhi.The performance was a gesture of sol-idarity for Ramanand Jha, a commu-nist leader who was fighting themunicipal elections in the area.Hashmi succumbed to his injuries aday later in the hospital.

Senior journalist V Kumara Swamy,in an article for The Telegraph late lastyear, wrote: “People talk of SafdarHashmi as if he was a man who died ata ripe old age. …In his thick glasses,coat-muffler and wide smile, Hashmilooks much older than he actually wasat the time the photograph was tak-en.” When he was murdered, he wasonly 34 years old. But he “had alreadymade a name for himself as a fierystreet theatre actor and director.”Hashmi’s fame really grew to mythicproportions after his murder. His wife,Moloyashree Hashmi, who now runs

Janam, was a part of the cast that wasperforming Halla Bol! on the daySafdar Hashmi was murdered. She ledthe troupe back a couple of days later tocomplete the interrupted perform-ance; the group has been revisitingJhandapur every year since then onthe day of Hashmi’s martyrdom.

Hashmi’s vision of street theatrewas utopian and internationalist. Inan essay outlining the vision of Janam,he noted: “Street theatre, as we know ittoday, is not more than fifty or fifty-fiveyears old. It began with a short play byMayakovsky — Mystery-Bouffe — dur-ing the 1917 revolution in Russia.During the Second World War, thesame play was performed more than athousand times in front of the troops ofthe Red Army. Street theatre in theSoviet Union has been closely relatedto the growth of people’s movements.In China, North Korea, Cuba andVietnam, street theatre has been nur-tured in the cradle of the Communistparty. In Africa, street theatre has beenthe mouthpiece of nationalist move-ments. In the US, underclass AfricanAmericans have used street theatre topropagate their aspirations. In Indiatoo, street theatre has been closelyrelated to the struggle forIndependence. But even afterIndependence, our society is deeplyafflicted with class hierarchy, socialinjustice and improper distribution ofwealth.” The aim of his theatre was toattack these injustices.

In another article for The Telegraph,Vidyarthy Chatterjee writes: “Hashmiwas too astute a student of history andtoo perceptive an observer of the socialand economic realities of his time tonot realise that given the existing char-acter of the Indian ‘system’, violentconfrontation with the propertied andthe privileged would amount to a bat-tle lost before it had even begun. That,in spite of his sagacious understandingof conditions on the ground, violencevisited him the way it did carries a les-son immersed in sadness and irony.In a sense, Hashmi’s was a death fore-told, both moving and enlightening.”

Other writers, artists and activistshave been murdered since Hashmi’sdeath in India by political parties of allpersuasion, from the far Right to thefar Left. One is almost immediatelyreminded of the murders of GovindPansare, Narendra Dabholkar, M MKalburgi and Gauri Lankesh in 2013-14by a shadowy right-wing organisation.In recent times, it has also become veryfashionable to call people “anti-nation-al” if they are critical of the BharatiyaJanata Party-led central governmentor its policies. But, if Hashmi’s death hastaught us anything, it is that no amountof bullying, even murder can silenceartistes or their ideas. One can perhapstake hope from it in our dark times.

Every week, Eye Culture features writerswith an entertaining critical take on art,music, dance, film and sport

OPINION 9>

As a student of linguistics onewas taught that languagechanges due to assimilation

and dissimilation, mergers andsplits, syncope and apocope, proth-esis and epenthesis … new wordsare borrowed or invented, themeaning of old words drifts or isredefined, and morphology of thelexicon develops or decays everycouple of generations. In the pastdecade all of the above has hap-pened to our language, and ourvocabulary. New words, new mean-ings, new interpretations, newimplications and new understand-ings have created a new lexiconprompted by new technologies,new social realities, and a new wayof living life. And it has happenedin a fraction of a generation.

The most interesting additionsto our active vocabulary in the last10 years have come from portman-teau words … blended words …Brexit, bromance, shero, metrosex-ual, netizen, screenager, frenemy,freemium, emoticon, unfriend,staycation, podcast, athleisure,buzzworthy, upcycle, solopreneur,sexting, adulting, dadbod,dadance, clickbait, hatewatch, sid-eye, humblebrag, meetcute, pho-tobomb … it is not that the likes ofmotel or smog or brunch did notexist previously in our conversa-tional language, but in the 2010-20decade, marrying parts of multiplewords or their phonemes and com-bining them into a new wordbecame almost a fashion in popularculture. Take “dadbod” mentionedearlier. To the uninitiated, it is slangfor a body shape of middle-agedmen, usually dads, with a slightlyprotruding tummy out of an other-wise muscular body which is actu-ally being celebrated these days assexy! Not just that, some new intro-ductions like MeTime are actuallyprofound expressions of how anentire generation wants not justleisure or solitude, but a cocoonedpersonal downtime with zero intru-sions. Similarly, bingewatch has

become the newest definition ofcontent consumption yes, but alsodefines the volume and velocity ofthe viewing.

There is no dearth of blendedwords in use today … affluenza,bodacious, celebutant, chillax,crunk, liger, mansplaining … indomains that are more sociological… and the likes of animatronic,bionic, cyborg, mockumentary,docusoap, telethon, and many morethat are derived from technologyand entertainment. Even choco-holic, fregan and hangry which arerelated to food. So, anything goes.

The other major trend of thedecade just gone by has been theheightened embracing of acronyms… wildly popular ones like BFF,FOMO, FYI, ICYMI, GTG, BRB, IMO,TTYL, TBTF to the more esotericGOAT (Greatest Of All Times),EGOT (an Emmy-Grammy-Oscar-Tony winner), OOTD (Outfit Of TheDay) or the more grounded TLDR(Too Long Didn’t Read) or 2C2E(Too Complicated To Explain)!

Our recent vocabulary has alsobeen vastly enriched by words like“woke” which made an appearanceon the conversation horizon barelya couple of years ago. Now, who orwhat is “woke”? Well, it is someone

who is hyper-aware of currentsocial issues, and news, and is gen-erally politically engaged. More andmore brands today, in fact, are seek-ing a “woke” positioning.

Similarly, another buzz-word ofrecent times is “swag” … the new-gen word for “cool” … a certain boldself-assurance in style, expressionand manner which in the old dayswas nothing but “swagger”!

To think that just 10 years ago,we did not know, or use, words likeselfie, ping, poke, tweet, meme,emoji, troll … or did not even knowwhat a hashtag was all about.

Talking of hashtags, #MeTooentered the global consciousnesswhen on October 15, 2017, AlyssaMilano wrote: “If you’ve been sex-ually harassed or assaulted write“me too” as a reply to this tweet.”And world began to talk about itsexperiences, sparking one of themost acrimonious outpourings andshaming in recent history. And#MeToo became the hashtag thatshowed us how a few words cangalvanize and unite people for acause. The likes of #Egypt and#ArabSpring,#UmbrellaRevolution and#BlackLivesMatter all becamewords that were pregnant with

meaning, and the pennants of rev-olution. So also, #MAGA (theacronym for Make America GreatAgain) which became easily themost emblematic political hashtagof the decade, catapulting DonaldTrump to the American presidency.

Language and lexicon, in con-clusion, fulfils a number of rolesand functions in a changing society.It interprets the whole of our expe-rience, reducing the infinitely var-ied phenomena of the world aroundus, as well as the worlds inside us, toa manageable number of classes ofoccurrences, types of processes,events and actions, classes ofobjects, people and institutions. Ina way it becomes the “social con-struction of reality” around us. Therapid change that the world has wit-nessed in the past decade is trulyreflected in the massive enhance-ment of our day-to-day lexicon, andhow new actions, new mannerisms,new attitudes, new thinking, newproducts, and new ideas have allfound names, and expressions, thatdefine them and evoke a commonunderstanding of their meaningsamongst us all.

The writer is an advertising and mediaveteran

How our lexicon got enriched in the past decade

The ill wind of rampant vio-lence against students andfaculty of Jawaharlal Nehru

University (JNU) by masked hood-lums on January 5 took place insome of the most miserable weath-er the capital has known, with tem-peratures plummeting to the cold-est in decades.

If that was a barometer of nation-al politics, then a bitter winter of dis-content augurs a dangerous springfor the Narendra Modi-Amit Shahruling establishment and theirHindutva-fuelled followers.

From the blur of images ofBloody Sunday — students’ unionPresident Aishe Ghosh’s bandagedhead from wounds inflicted,Deepika Padukone’s flying visit,

hundreds of protesting studentsgathered at the gates — some starkfacts stand out. They suggest thecomplicity of forces on high behindthe orchestrated attacks. A largepolice force turned a blind eye toseveral hours of mayhem in the stu-dents’ hostels, the street lights con-veniently went off, and the vice-chancellor — a governmentappointee — fiddled, like Nero, ashis realm burned. To this day he hasnot been held accountable for hisfailure to restore order. Moreover,the assailants have not been tracked.And, bizarrely, FIRs were filedagainst Ms Ghosh as the agentprovocateur rather than the sinisteruntraceable attackers. As aCentrally-funded institution, JNUhas been very much in the govern-ment’s line of fire for some time,from February 2016 in fact, whenKanhaiya Kumar, its former stu-dents’ president, was arrested forsedition and criminal conspiracy forallegedly voicing anti-national slo-gans, a charge he denied. Like hissuccessor, Ms Ghosh, Mr Kumarbelongs to the Leftist union and haslong been denounced by the primeminister, home minister and theBJP’s students’ union as the “TukdeTukde Gang” — by now a rather jad-ed phrase that started out to describe

a bunch of “anti-national” studentshell-bent on shredding the countrybut is now applied to anyone politi-cally opposing government policyor ruling party ideology.

Like that other shop-soiled appel-lation “Khan Market Gang”, the labelcan be embarrassingly ironic. Twopillars of the Modi government,Finance Minister NirmalaSitharaman and Foreign Minister SJaishanker, are former JNU students,and have had to issue cringe-worthyassurances that in their student daysthere was no “Tukde Tukde Gang”and they were engaged in blamelessintellectual capacity-building ratherthan involvement in the university’sestablished Left-liberal leanings.(The two are not necessarily mutu-ally exclusive, indeed they often gotogether in places of higher learn-ing.)

Judging by the spillover of stu-dents’ protests nationwide inexpressions of solidarity for the JNUviolence, infiltrating campuses andtampering with the aspirations of arestive youth population desperatefor degrees and hungry for jobs canhave unforeseen consequences. It isnot the same kind of controlenforced by military might in thelockdown in Kashmir or the passingof the Citizenship Amendment Act

through parliamentary legislation.Opposition to both has been swiftlyand peremptorily dealt with.

Mr Modi’s authoritarian streakis sometimes compared to IndiraGandhi’s rise to absolute power. Ifso, the triggering of a students’ agi-tation carries a fateful echo fromthe non-so-distant past.

In 1971, fresh from victory in theBangladesh war and a triumphantelection, Mrs Gandhi was at thevery zenith of her power. Her inter-national prestige was high and hercommand of the party and stategovernments untrammelled. Yet itwas precisely her tightening gripon controlling levers that madethings go wrong — the lightningrod being the students’ unrest inBihar and Gujarat.

In her incisive political biogra-phy Indira Gandhi: Tryst with Power(Penguin; ~399), the writerNayantara Sahgal gives a detailedaccount. It was small things (suchas JNU students recently protestinga hike in hostel fees) that set off theconflagration. In January 1974 a stu-dent revolt against food prices inengineering college hostels inAhmedabad and Morvi erupted intoa citizens’ movement against scarci-ty and misrule. That same year stu-dents of Patna colleges held protests

demanding educational reform. Inboth cities there were police beat-ings at barricades, arrests, andbloodletting. Thence forward thestory of Jayaprakash Narayan’semergence as a galvanising force,Emergency rule and Mrs Gandhi’sfall in 1975 is well-known. “In hergrasp of the nuts and bolts of themachinery of power,” observes MsSahgal, “Indira Gandhi installed astrategy of command that dependedentirely on personal loyalty”.

The student uprisings of 1974were not abetted by WhatsAppwars, Twittermania, or a body ofoutspoken supporters from the filmworld. The smashings and thrash-ings at JNU are right in our face;they force the most passive observ-er to take sides. As a pan-Indian (touse that overused but indefinablephrase) community, university stu-dents everywhere are the same.Everyone either knows a college-goer, or was one, or, in the basichuman desire for self-improve-ment, hopes to become one. An ill-educated driver I once had, a run-away from rural Bihar, used toregretfully intone: “Sir, vidya se badikoi sampati nahin hai” (Sir, there isno greater wealth than education).

New Delhi’s rulers should bealert to lighting a dangerous tin-derbox. Besides, the city-state willelect a new government onFebruary 11. The voters will factorin JNU’s Bloody Sunday.

Lighting the campus tinderbox Remember Safdar

Volume VII Number 24

MUMBAI | 11 JANUARY 2020

YES, BUT...SANDEEP GOYAL

AL FRESCOSUNIL SETHI

WEEKEND RUMINATIONST N NINAN

Beyond taxes

C ompetitive sport follows the system ofleagues — upper, middle, lower, seniorand junior and so on. A contestant’s

stature determines the league in which sheplays. One who stoops down to play at a muchlower level, or fight with the “bachchas” (jun-iors), diminishes her/his own stature.

We are applying this test to our politics,specifically to the way the BJP government ishandling student protests.

A simpler way of understanding this is howour great old wrestler-actor Dara Singh handledany new challenger. He asked him to fight hisbrother Randhawa first, beat him, and earn theright to fight the champ. I asked him why, andhe said every “Lallu Panju” (Tom, Dick andHarry) wants to be able to boast he wrestledwith Dara Singh. Why should I lower my ownstanding to please them?

Back to the game of hard politics. For amonth now, that is precisely what this almightyBJP government is doing: Senior, powerful menand women fighting with children. They’veseen fires lit in campuses across the country inresponse to their policies. Their response —especially where the BJP has been in power —has been consistent. Bring down the full force ofstate power, internet and telecom restrictions,and, at least in one case, Uttar Pradesh, collec-tive fines.

If a government elected withsuch an enormous popular votefinds it worth its while to fightits students rather than reasonor listen to them, three thingsfollow:

First, a tyrant versus theunderdog story builds up.

Second, it generates picturesthat gravely damage Brand Indiaglobally. And you can’t stop anyof this from “getting out”.

Third, and the most significant,it inevitably creates a “childrenversus uncle/aunty mood” amongthe youth. Let me elaborate.

Every exit and opinion poll in 2014 and 2019showed us that the young of India, all of the

millennials but especially the first-time votersbacked Narendra Modi with passion. I have inmy archives a string of short conversations withyoung people while travelling through the 2019campaign across the country that name onlyone leader: Modi.

I wrote and spoke out at a Centre for PolicyResearch debate in New Delhi on the factors Ifound were propelling Mr Modi towards a big

victory. Especially on how the young were walk-ing out of the identity trenches — of caste, lan-guage, ethnicity, in many cases even religion— to embrace Mr Modi.

The sentiment you saw in their eyes was opti-mism, joy, an anticipation of a better life, thestoried “achche din”. They were not breakingtheir families’ old political loyalties becausethey hated someone, or were afraid of them. If2014 was an election of hope of a better life,2019 was the renewal of that promise in theexpectation that it will take that long to redeemit fully.

Within six months, however, they find theyare being delivered something entirely differ-ent. The economy is in a free fall. And it’s beendeclining for so long, so consistently, that thepromise of growth and better days now looks afantasy.

A mid-1970s kind of pessimism, even hope-lessness, is growing among the young. New jobsaren’t available. And while all jobs are impor-tant and dignified, let’s face it: Not every youngperson studying in a college is looking forwardto delivering for Swiggy or Zomato or driving anOla or Uber.

That isn’t what Mr Modi had promised them.Their aspirations and needs are clear and pres-ent, and not being fulfilled. And certainly theywon’t be compensated for the let-down either

by “firmness”, with which youcontrol and “integrate” Kashmir,or how you teach Pakistan a les-son a day. Nor will their needs bemet by how much you can per-suade them to fear the Muslim orhate the migrant Muslim “ter-mite”.

None of these would get thema job, a living, a better life.Unless, of course, they are yourideological followers. The disil-lusionment of the college-goingyouth with Modi-2 has been rap-id and deep.

Nobody should also remain under the mis-conception that it is just a virus specific to

the few, liberal, Left, public universities infest-ed by “Urban Naxals”. The anger has now spreadto expensive private campuses as well, whichallow no politics and unions, and cost manystudents’ parents a lot of their savings andinherited assets. I have been speaking at sever-al in different parts of the country, and foundanger similar to what you might see at JNU,Jamia, or BHU.

The sentiment is a bemused — and increas-

ingly — angry “but this isn’t what we had votedfor”. I can also say with reasonable certaintythat a very, very large percentage of these youngpeople voted Mr Modi, and mostly for the firsttime in their lives. Once a month, ThePrintholds an innovative free-speech event called“Democracy Wall” at a key campus.

One of its features is a giant banner thatlooks like a wall where the students can freelywrite what’s on their mind and sign theirnames. These have changed character dramat-ically over the past six months. In the last three,the change is drastic.

All these are from private or elite universities.Among outbursts of anger and disappointment onthe latest one, along with clever lines like “P...kThe Folice” and “Mera Desh Jal RahaHai....#SaveAustralia”, what catches the eye moststrikingly is “bure din wapas kar do” (pleasereturn my bad days to me). Until about threemonths back, there was some criticism. Todaywe see not a line, not even a word of praise. Youignore this kind of unanimity in anger among theeducated young at your own peril.

At most times, a cocktail of nationalism, reli-gion, and an almighty personality cult can winyou one election. But it can’t win you two insuccession. Six months after he rode hope tohis second conquest of India, he has seniorpolice officers (who trusts the police on theirword in this country, I am so sorry to ask) hold-ing press conferences, calling students riotersand anti-nationals; cabinet ministers speakingout on TV channels, telling boys and girls onour campuses how to behave and be patriotic.But today’s young are smart.

They leave them speechless when they retal-iate by waving the tiranga, mass-reading of thepreamble of the Constitution, and singing thenational anthem. Just over six months back youhad the cream of Bollywood fawningly pose forselfies with Mr Modi. Today, many of the mar-quee stars, not just the usual “arty” ones, havelent their support to protests. And the rest maybe silent, but almost no star of any consequencehas risen in the government’s support. You havedoubts, check out the worthies who landed atthe central ministers’ dinner in Mumbai to sup-port the Citizenship Amendment Act. You willneed Google to identify some.

And in the middle of all this, you field a sec-ond-term cabinet minister like Smriti Irani tomock and taunt Deepika Padukone. Remember,we said the league you choose to play in decidesyour stature. Show us a more effective way oflosing India’s youth.

In special arrangement with ThePrint

Stooping to loseSix months after returning to power with a huge mandate, Modi government is stuck fighting students —its most ardent voters who are now pessimistic, hopeless and even angry

NATIONAL INTERESTSHEKHAR GUPTA

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LUNCH WITH BS Frame by frame · I n rural Uttar Pradesh, especially in the heart of Bundelkhand,...

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Transcript of LUNCH WITH BS Frame by frame · I n rural Uttar Pradesh, especially in the heart of Bundelkhand,...