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Shell’s Role in Nigeria:

Blood and Oil

Page 4

Irish Foreign Policy :

Time for a

rethink?

Page 8

The Senate :

Abolition or

reform?

0

Volume 6 Issue 1– February 2011

Also: Net Neutrality—What it’s all about Political Reform—The next steps

RRP: €0.00

www.labouryouth.ie

Table of Contents

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NYE Profile

Table of Contents & Editorial

Shell’s Role in Nigeria

Tea and Toast with Dan O’ Neill

Irish Foreign Policy—Time for a rethink?

The Senate—Abolition or reform?

Debunking Fianna Fail spin

Susan O’ Keefe on the upcoming election

The lowdown on Net Neutrality

An analysis of the Death Penalty

Political reform—The next steps

Book Review - ???

Palestine and the Israeli Boycott

Comrades and Friends,

It is my great delight to welcome to you to the first edition of the Left Tribune for

2011. We have endeavored to ensure that this edition and those to come later on

in the year can measure up with the excellent standard that has been maintained

over many long years by Labour Youth. In publishing this edition I am indebted to

the Editorial Board, the National Youth Executive, and in particular Deputy Com-

munications Officer Audrey Walsh, without whom this task would have been

infinitely more stressful and less enjoyable.

It is of course a crucial time for the Labour Party. We stand on the

cusp of probably the most important election in the history of the state, with the

country reduced to economic penury and young people being one of the groups

most hurt by the economic mismanagement of the country by the Fianna Fail led

government. The ideas outlined in the following pages cover a vast range of topics

but all share one thing in common; a uniqueness of thought and creativity that

displays the value of original ideas in rebuilding a more equitable and fair society

in Ireland and abroad. Anyone privileged enough to hear Michael D Higgins speak

at the Tom Johnson Summer School in July last year will have heard his message

of young people having a tremendous opportunity to use language, thought, and

inspiration to debate in modern society. Let this issue carry on in that tradition.

Mick Reynolds,

Communications Officer Labour Youth 2010/11

Message FROM THE CHAIR

A chomhrádaithe,

Happy New Year! I am glad to be offered the opportunity

to write an introduction for the first Left Tribune in my

term as National Chair. The Left Tribune is one of the

most important Labour Youth publications – it sets out a

vibrant and radical agenda to counter the neo-liberal poli-

tics of the present government. Since I was elected, de-

velopments in Irish politics have been breath-taking to

say the least. We have witnessed the stranglehold of the

EU/IMF deal taking hold, coupled with the impending

general election.

Now, more than ever, Labour Youth needs to as-

sert her voice in the debate for a progressive future. The

recent budget has imposed a series of draconian cuts

that will hit working people and students hardest. Many

of these curtailments were unnecessary and avoidable.

Instead of tackling the real criminals in society, the rogue

bankers and developers, we are all faced with an incredi-

ble tax burden and a reduction in public services. Young

people have a vital role to play in resisting governmental

policy. It is not enough to merely stand by and pledge to

work for a progressive future. We must all go out and

canvass for Labour Party candidates and ensure that we

are in the driving seat during the next Dáil.

Col m Lawless,

National Chairperson, Labour Youth

Chief Editor: Conor Ryan

Editorial Board: Emer Sugrue, Kerrie Creedon, Kerri

Ryan, Sam Ryan, Audrey Walsh, Ray Kelly

Contributors: Lisa Connell, Luke Dineen, Osal Kelly,

Andrew Halligan, Conor Quirke, Peter Kelleher,

Dan O’ Neill, Thomas D’Alton, Orla Hubbard,

Declan Meenagh, Adam Fulham, Susan O’Keefe,

Liam Duffy

Thanks to: Neil Ward

Interested in writing an article?

Email: [email protected]

www.labouryouth.ie

Shell’s Role in Nigeria :

used the release of the cables

from the online whistleblower

site to demonstrate the grip

that Shell have on the wealth

of the country. Recently their

Executive Director released a

statement highlighting that

„Shell is not only doing busi-

ness in Nigeria, it has become

a pseudo-political organisation

bent on taking political power

and undermining our national

interest, national security and

sovereignty.‟ Furthermore,

Social Action Nigeria, another

campaigning group working

in the region, has claimed that

Shell is „more powerful than

the Nigerian government.‟

The degradation of the

environment by processes of

natural gas flaring and oil

spills is far from the biggest

threat which the people of Ni-

geria face at the expense of

Shell. Nigeria potentially

could become one of the rich-

est countries in the world

ranking as eighth largest

world oil exporters, however

this potential will never be

reached as long as the militant

links associated with the oil

giant remain.

Campaigns seeking the

nationalisation of Nigerian

natural resources were entirely

anything experienced in the

West.

For many, the discus-

sion on Africa produces im-

ages of disease, hunger, mal-

nutrition and social unrest.

These images reflect the dire

reality in many, though not

all, African countries. Un-

doubtedly, Shell has used

these dire ongoing political,

social and economic situations

to establish powerful connec-

tions in various countries in an

attempt to exploit those with

the weakest voice within soci-

ety. A recently released

Wikileaks cable depicts how

the oil tycoon has inserted

staff into key ministries within

the Nigerian government ulti-

mately gaining access to poli-

ticians every move in the oil

rich region of „Niger Delta.‟

The campaign group „Friends

of the Earth Nigeria‟ have

With oil and gas being two of

our most important everyday

commodities, using them for

heat, electricity and transport

necessary thought of the vast

exploitation of these materials

are not usually considered. We

only need to look at Rossport

in Mayo to see how even in

Ireland natural resources have

been bought by large multina-

tionals for a small price at the

expense of the citizens of the

state. However, when it comes

to the multinational oil com-

pany Shell the experience felt

in Ireland is by no means an

isolated occurrence. The at-

tempted obliteration of the

Irish right to Irish natural re-

sources is standard for multina-

tional oil companies such as

Shell. However, as history

shows, it is generally underde-

veloped countries who receive

far more severe treatment than

“Undoubtedly, Shell has used these dire ongoing political, social and eco-

nomic situations to estab-lish powerful connections in various countries in an attempt to exploit those with the weakest voice

within society”.

By Lisa Connell

Blood and Oil

silenced whilst environmental

and political activists who

highlighted and campaigned

against poverty, corrupt gov-

erning, environmental devasta-

tion and human rights abuses

(despite an entirely non-violent

movement) were severely re-

pressed through extreme mili-

tary campaigns resulting in the

deaths of thousands of local

peoples in Niger Delta. The

entanglement of Shell staff in

key ministries within the gov-

ernment means that there are

indisputable links between

Shell and the military dictator-

ship currently in place in the

region. For many Nigerians

this has simply marked the

emergence of a neo-colonial

regime which their government

are actively engaging in in an

attempt to dominate the reve-

nue generated through the rich

oil resources.

Although the military

leadership which once domi-

nated Nigeria has ceased, Shell

still possesses a strong hold

over Nigerian decision making.

They have made one of the

largest foreign direct invest-

ment proposals in Africa with

an eight billion proposal in the

investment of natural gas as

well as the establishment of

various scholarship schemes to

Nigerian students. The consid-

erable changes which Shell

have made aren‟t the means

they use to dominate control

of natural reserves but instead

are becoming far more effi-

cient in concealing their in-

volvement in the volatile state

by directly targeting the edu-

cated youth.

There seems to be an

active discouragement of the

Nigerian government to live

up to its responsibility to pro-

vide many basic rights for the

70 per cent of the Nigerian

people who live below the

poverty line. Simply put,

profit for a select few has been

placed ahead of the peoples'

need. Nigeria is an underde-

veloped, oil rich, country with

corrupt governance, social un-

rest and unstable economic

policies. Yet these factors

usually remain irrelevant to

multinational companies such

as Shell because the grip that

they exercise over public life

allows them to maintain con-

trol over the natural resources

in the region. Sadly, the ex-

ploitation of underdeveloped

countries by western econo-

mies through the means of

multinational oil companies

has become a reoccurring

process which has established

its place within history. As

long as wealthy western

economies have continued

investment interests in oil re-

serves in underdeveloped

countries, this cyclical proc-

ess is destined to continue and

the poor will remain poor so

the rich can stay rich.

“Sadly, the exploitation of underde-

veloped countries by western econo-

mies through the means of multina-

tional oil companies has become a

reoccurring process which has estab-

lished its place within history.”.

www.labouryouth.ie

Political Reform:

Luke Dineen puts forward his

proposals for a reform the Irish

political system.

If the current crisis has re-

vealed anything over the last

two years, it has been the woe-

ful inadequacy of our national

parliament to hold the govern-

ment to account for its horren-

dous mismanagement of our

economy. Our entire political

system is structured to ensure

that the executive of the day

remains unaccountable. Elec-

toral reform will change noth-

ing, nor will gender quotas.

Although I am sympathetic to

both, each are akin to using a

broom to sweep away the

stench of the Augean stables

of Ancient Greek mythology.

Much more fundamental

change is needed. Reforming

the relationship between gov-

ernment and parliament, and

ultimately parliament and the

people will substantially re-

duce the likelihood of us

sleepwalking into another cri-

sis in 10 years time.

The most insidious way in

which the government is able

to ensure its own unaccount-

ability is through the party

whip system. A constitutional

amendment should be incorpo-

rated that prohibits any inter-

ference with the exercise by

deputies of their conscientious,

autonomous decision on any

vote in parliament. This would

destroy the deleterious influ-

ence of party oligarchs and

give ordinary parliamentarians

a real say in political proceed-

ings. Another idea is the intro-

duction of a device known as a

„decisive minority‟. This

would allow a minority in par-

liament (about a third) to insist

on an inquiry and/or a debate

on any matter, without guillo-

tine. To those who claim that

these measures would under-

mine a government‟s ability to

legislate for its own agenda,

my answer is that we live in a

democracy, not an autocracy.

A genuinely reformed Seanad

By Luke Dineen

“Sadly, the exploitation of underde-

veloped countries by western econo-

mies through the means of multina-

tional oil companies has become a

reoccurring process which has estab-

lished its place within history.”.

The Next Steps

can play an integral part of a

functional Oireachtas. But this

can only happen if the upper

house is empowered, and given

an identity distinct from the Dáil,

to provide one of those „checks

and balances‟ so missing from

our current system. A reformed

Seanad must be fully elected

from a list system using the Euro-

pean parliamentary constituen-

cies, and done so separately from

a general election. More cru-

cially, it should be given some

form of veto (without which the

Seanad will forever remain a re-

dundant institution) over govern-

ment legislation.

In no other democracy are the

legislative and executive

branches of government so fused

as they are in Ireland. The notion

that competent government min-

isters can be drawn from such a

tiny pool of politicians is as ab-

surd as it sounds. The Taoiseach

should be able to appoint people

from outside politics with genu-

ine expertise in their field to be-

come cabinet ministers, with the

Dáil being able to accept or reject

the nomination of anyone to min-

isterial office.

A transparent budgetary system

to replace the current archaic

political theatre is now needed

more than ever given the peril-

ous state of the public finances.

Never again should any future

government be allowed to so

criminally mismanage the peo-

ples‟ money the way Fianna

Fáil has done. The Dáil must be

given a meaningful role into the

allocation of the state‟s finances

instead of the mere rubberstamp

it possesses now. Thus quarterly

exchequer reports and a draft

budget in advance of the real

thing should be presented to it

by the government and debated

thoroughly.

But most importantly, if the

people are to have faith in future

Irish political discourse then

they must be consulted on a

regular basis. Direct democracy

is the only way to ensure that

sovereign authority ultimately

rests with the people, not a po-

litical elite. Deputies should be

subject to recall by their con-

stituents for any wrongdoing

and citizens‟ initiatives should

be sacrosanct. With sufficient

signatures, the public could be

able to force a plebiscite on any

issue it demands (constitutional

or otherwise), and its outcome

must be legally binding. For

those of you who con-

sider this to be a proposal

so radical that only in

Switzerland could it

work, the Free State con-

stitution of 1922 con-

tained similar elements

before the right wing

Cumman na nGaedheal

government abolished

them.

If only some of the pro-

posals I have outlined

were implemented it

would be significant, but

if all of them were, then

it would be a democratic

revolution considering

the painfully inert nature

of Irish politics. The gov-

ernment would truly be

accountable to parlia-

ment, and parliament

truly accountable to the

people, whose authority

would be unquestionable.

For the first time since

the foundation of the

state, the Irish people

would have some sense

of ownership over our

destiny. It is time we re-

claim that sense of be-

longing, which was bro-

ken so long ago.

www.labouryouth.ie

Irish Neutrality :

land, and they were the most

powerful country in the

world for much of the 19th

century. To be influential

need not entail getting

caught up in wars; on the

contrary, a decision not to

go to war would be influen-

tial. Currently, as a neutral

nation, our non-involvement

in wars is taken for granted

and therefore has no influ-

ence; were we to abandon

our neutrality, people would

take note if we choose to

stay out of a war - indeed,

we would be more likely to

influence other countries to

stay out as well. As regards

past wars, our participation

in the Second World War

would undoubtedly have

benefited both Ireland‟s

status in the world, and Ire-

land as an island. In 1940,

Britain offered a re-united

Ireland in exchange for Irish

support in the war, and it is

an offer which we should

take very seriously: much of

our scepticism is owed to

the passage of time, and the

fact that we have grown

used to partition, but the

situation was different back

then: partition was relatively

sentiment rather than any

high principles, and we must

question whether or not it

still has relevance. If we de-

fine neutrality in terms of to-

tal non-involvement in inter-

national affairs, it is hard to

see what the point of being

an independent country

would be, as the ability to

have a foreign policy defines

a state as independent rather

than autonomous. Even a re-

laxed definition allowing for

a foreign policy but not war

is problematic: we can

hardly reject violence on a

basis of principle as virtually

everyone agrees that it can

be justified in self-defence;

surely were we ever in a

situation where we had to

defend ourselves, we would

hope that others would help

us, so it follows that we

should be willing to help

others defend themselves,

too.

An active foreign policy

would be beneficial to us, in

that it would enhance our in-

fluence in the world. It is ab-

surd to suggest we are too

small to be influential: Eng-

land is barely larger than Ire-

Osal Kelly considers the time

has come for a re-assessment

of Ireland‟s neutrality.

In Ireland, especially at the

present time, we can have a

tendency to be insular, think-

ing about ourselves first and

regarding relations with the

rest of the world as an after-

thought. Whilst this attitude

may have been understand-

able in times past, there can

be no place for it in today‟s

interdependent world, where

we cannot go it alone, and

must rely on others for our

survival (as we‟ve discov-

ered to our cost). Our foreign

policy has long been defined

by neutrality. This really has

its genesis in anti-British

By Osal Kelly

By Osal Kelly

Time for a Rethink?

new, and, therefore, more

easily reversible. Further-

more, the fact the offer was

made at all was a major de-

parture for a man like Chur-

chill who was anything but

sympathetic to Irish national-

ism, and so gives us reason

to take it seriously. The real

reason why it was spurned

was not a fear that the British

were insincere, as is shown

by the fact that de Valera, ac-

cording to the Dominions

Secretary Malcolm Mac-

Donald‟s recollection, re-

fused to guarantee Irish sup-

port even if a United Ireland

was delivered. Clinging to

our neutrality during the war

could well have cost us our

hopes of Irish unity, leading

to a legacy of division, vio-

lence and bloodshed which is

still very much raw.

An active Irish foreign policy

would benefit not just us but

also the world as a whole.

Our neutrality is a major

stumbling-block for the EU‟s

common foreign and security

policy; were we to set it

aside, the EU might be able

to develop a united security

policy, and act as a counter-

balance to the unhealthy

power currently enjoyed by

America. It would also pre-

vent unilateral military action

on the part of member states,

such as when countries like

Britain and Spain participated

in the illegal invasion of Iraq.

An active foreign policy

would also enable us to par-

ticipate in just, UN-

sponsored interventions. The

appalling genocides in

countries like Rwanda and

Cambodia, which spiralled

out of control as the world

stood by, show what the

devastating cost of inaction

can be. However, it is not

just a question of war, but

also of peace: Norway has

played an exemplary role in

mediation and conflict reso-

lution in Sri Lanka and Is-

rael-Palestine, and it could

be argued this was because

of not in spite of its NATO

membership: as a NATO

member it is listened to and

taken more seriously, and

the same would apply to us

were to embrace an active

foreign policy. The time has

come to reassess our neu-

trality, and to consider the

ways in which an active for-

eign policy would benefit

both Ireland and the world

as a whole.

“If we define neutrality in terms of total non-involvement in international

affairs, it is hard to see what the point of being an independent coun-try would be, as the ability to have a foreign policy defines a state as inde-pendent rather than autonomous”.

www.labouryouth.ie

very diverse country, and

divisive bills can set the

city boys against the coun-

try siders, like the stag

hunting bill. When these

contentious bills occur, the

will of constituents must be

respected, and punishing

someone for listening to the

wishes of their constituents

by removing the party whip

is wrong. The whip system

is another reason the Se-

anad needs to be reformed

for purpose, as it is a major

contributing factor in the

government being able to

push through whatever it

wishes.

The issue of the Seanad is

not as clear cut as the aboli-

tionists would have you

think. The option of reform

is not only viable, but could

play an important role in

actually reforming politics

in Ireland, as opposed to

the slash and burn policy of

Fine Gael. Everyone agrees

that the current Seanad is

not fit for any purpose, but

abolishing it and cutting

twenty-odd TD's does not

constitute political reform.

through local and European

elections half way through

a Dáil term has little effect

on a national level. How-

ever, a Seanad with some

power could make things a

little tougher, and a lot

more democratic. Such a

power would most likely be

a veto, if a bill is compre-

hensively voted down by

Senators. This would be a

vast improvement on the

current Seanad, which has

the potency of Bertie Ahern

after ten pints of bass.

The current Seanad has

been a disgrace for some

time, so that suggests that

money is one of the main

driving forces behind the

rise in abolitionists. In that

case, the actual slashing of

wages, rather than the pho-

ney tokenism, for TD's and

Senators would save

money. It won't get the IMF

off our back, but neither

would the removal of all

money spent on the democ-

ratic process.

Reforming Ireland's democ-

ratic practices musts surely

include the loosening of the

whip system. Ireland is a

Andrew Halligan offers an

argument for reforming the

Seanad rather than straight-

forward abolition.

There are some fundamental

problems with the Seanad,

but few are beyond repair.

For example, the introduc-

tion of mid-term elections,

while doing away with the

Taoiseach's picks and the

NUI/Trinity-only elected

Senators, gives the elector-

ate the chance to have their

say on the government of

the day. If a week is a long

time in politics, then five

years must be an eternity, so

a worthwhile upper house

can ensure the will of the

people is done. A backlash

Seanad Eireann

By Andrew Halligan

and committees are more im-

portant than the plenary ses-

sions of parliament. The State

of Nebraska has a legislature

that is both unicameral and

non-partisan. There are no

front benches, no whips and

individual members vote not

on the basis of party affilia-

tion but on individual con-

scious.

To try to reform the

Seanad or to get rid of it with-

out major reform of the other

institutions of Parliament and

Government would be the

equivalent of rearranging the

furniture on the Titanic. The

Seanad is merely a symptom

of the vast problems that af-

flict our political culture. Re-

form of the upper house will

not bring about a democratic

renewal; the reforms need to

go much further and deeper

than that. The Seanad should

go, but it will only be a begin-

ning.

tion of power within the gov-

ernment gives Ireland two in-

effectual Houses. It would be

better to have one reformed

house with a system more

similar to those in mainland

Europe than to try to reform

the unnecessary second

house.

It is said by the Se-

anad‟s apologists that there is

more debate in the Upper

House. This is more because

of the problems that afflict the

Dáil than of any special fea-

tures in the Seanad. In the

Western European parliamen-

tary system there is more em-

phasis on consensus decisions

Conor Quirke gives his rea-

sons why he believes the

Seanad should be scrapped.

“Tradition is nothing but a col-

lection of bad habits”, accord-

ing to Oscar Wilde, and when

Ireland gained its independ-

ence from Britain it took with

it warts and all the Westmin-

ster Tradition. One of the main

aspects of this is an Upper

House, in Britain this was sup-

posed to represent the aristoc-

racy and over the past ninety

years Ireland has struggled to

find a purpose for our own up-

per house.

It is this rather than the

undemocratic nature of the Se-

anad that is the main problem

when it comes to reform. The

Dáil is the main legislative

power in the State and it itself

has its own share of problems.

The adversarial system of par-

liament and huge concentra-

“To try to reform the Seanad or to

get rid of it without major reform

of the other institutions of Parlia-

ment and Government would be

the equivalent of rearranging the

furniture on the Titanic”.

Reform or Abolition?

By Conor Quirke

www.labouryouth.ie

level education; however, Labour TD‟s have said consistently that third

level education should be funded through progressive taxes, meaning those who can pay more, should pay more. This puts no one single tax-payer under a heavy burden and puts every student on an equal footing, regardless of their financial back-ground.

FF Fiction #3: The Labour Party has refused to say where it stands on the (Croke Park) deal. Despite declaring that he is ready to be the next Tao-iseach Eamon Gilmore has failed to

show any leadership on this issue. Fact: This is more about the picture that Fianna Fáil is trying to paint than the actual statement. Fianna Fáil is trying to make Labour appear indeci-sive but this stance was taken by Ea-

mon Gilmore to allow the unions to decide if the Croke Park deal was the best deal for their respective mem-bers. Some have voted for it and some have voted against it. On the slur against Eamon Gilmore‟s leadership, I‟ll ask this: If he had come out in favour of the deal, would

nobody have said he was selling out public sector workers? If he had come out against it, would nobody have said he was taking advantage of the sour relationship this Government has with the public sector unions? I doubt it.

FF Fiction #4: All of the Govern-ment‟s actions revolve around creat-ing growth and generating jobs. Get-ting people back to work is the driv-ing force of our entire economic strategy. For the Labour Party to suggest that we are not interested in tackling unemployment is simply

ridiculous. It shows that Eamon Gil-more and his colleagues are more interested in scoring cheap political points than addressing the reality of the situation. Fact: Firstly, Labour has put for-

ward a number of ideas on job crea-tion. For example, the party has been calling for increased infrastructure spending for the last two and a half years. Secondly, any time 50 or 100 jobs are created, Brian Cowen or some other Fianna Fáiler is there for

the photo op. Sounds like they‟re “more interested in scoring cheap political points than addressing the reality of the situation” to me… Fianna Fáil have muddied the waters too often. Labour has the policies

and the leadership to lead govern-ment and sort out the mess Fianna Fáil got us into.

Peter Kelleher counters some of the fiction that Fianna Fáil spinners rel-

ish to spread about the Labour Party. Since Labour has enjoyed consistent support around mid 20% and a poll rating of 35% over the summer, Fi-anna Fáil feel threatened and scared. Not for the country or for people like you and me but for their seats. In

response, Fianna Fáil slandered La-bour in a desperate attempt to save face with the voters. This article is will address some of the fiction that Fianna Fáil seems to enjoy so much to spread and to inform you about the facts of the Labour Party.

FF Fiction #1: Labour has no poli-cies. Fact: Labour has published 47 pol-icy documents since 2007 and 26 Private Members Bills. These docu-

ments have been based on a wide range of issues such as the banks, climate change, tourism, rural affairs and education. Fianna Fáil‟s usual tactic of brushing Labour aside with lies has failed once again.

FF Fiction #2: They (Labour) op-pose any form of student contribu-tion at third level, yet they refuse to say how our third level sector should be funded into the future. Fact: It is true that we oppose stu-

dent contributions towards third

Fact and Fiction: Debunking FF Spin

By Peter Kelleher

Jason Cullen interviews Dan O’

Neill, Editor and cofounder of the

political website

www.teaandtoast.ie

Teaandtoast.ie was founded to spark

and liven up political debate in Ire-

land. It features articles by people

from all walks of life, all age groups

and political traditions with an em-

phasis on building a fairer, more de-

mocratic and more sustainable coun-

try. The website is not affiliated to

any political party or group and has

no explicit political positions on in-

dividual issues. It encourages debate

to allow people to have their voices

heard and to help them to shape pub-

lic opinion.

Labour Party member Dan O‟ Neill

is one of the cofounders and the edi-

tor of the new website.

that is closed to many. In most cases,

the only time people engage directly

with politics is in the ballot box.

People are tired of that.‟

The website uses social media to

build up a readership for itself and is

fully integrated with Facebook and

Twitter.

„The beauty of a collaborative web-

site like Tea and Toast is that nowa-

days everybody is on Facebook.‟ „If

someone writes an article, they

might put it up on their Facebook

wall. Then, their friends visit the site

and word spreads.‟

The group want as many people as

possible to contact them with ideas

for contributions. Any subject with a

political slant is likely to be taken

and the site even has plans to publish

a short, humorous play about politics

in the near future.

www.teaandtoast.ie has been online for the past 4 months and had its of-ficial launch party in the Corner Stone pub on the 4th of January.

Anyone who would like to contrib-ute to the website or find out more can visit the web address or email [email protected]

Dan explained that the aim of the

site is quite straight forward. He

claims „that Irish political discussion

is lacking direction and a serious

analysis of how democrats should

work together in creating a good so-

ciety. In opening up debate, the web-

site hopes to influence people to en-

gage with politics and stir things up.‟

„The nature of political publications

has changed.‟ Dan says. „In the past

it took a great deal of organisation

and money to create a well known

magazine or paper. Now all it takes

is a minimal amount of capital, a bit

of imagination and a network of in-

terested people to launch a solid po-

litical project.‟

Commenting on the nature of the

project, Dan exclaims that, „They

say that the beauty in the staple

foods of bread and water is that they

can so easily become tea and toast.

Likewise a simple idea thought up in

a cafe amongst friends can become

an interesting adventure which is

creating space for regular people to

have a voice when it comes to poli-

tics. The beauty of the idea is in its

simplicity and www.teaandtoast.ie is

a simple project involving over 50

regular contributors and receiving

over 3000 unique hits per week.‟

Dan notes that people in general are

becoming disillusioned with being

just spectators when it comes to poli-

tics.

„People are fed up of listening to the

same voices discuss issues in the

same way again and again in the me-

dia. This kind of website creates a

forum so badly needed in Ireland for

political discussion because for too

long we have had a political system

The Tea and Toast Revolution

“This kind of website creates a

forum so badly needed in Ire-

land for political discussion be-

cause for too long we have

had a political system that is

closed to many”.

http://www.teaandtoast.ie

mailto:[email protected]

http://www.teaandtoast.ie

www.labouryouth.ie

The migration muddle

around 170 countries in the world

each with there own unique system,

some albeit only slightly, it is very

easy to fall victim of unforeseen ir-

regularities between countries.

From increased immigration into our

country during the boom years to the

increased emigration of young people

from our shores today, migration of

people and their rights when migrat-

ing is of key importance in the glob-

alisation of societies and economies.

In recent times the Central Statistics

Office (CSO) showed levels for the

year April 2009 to 2010 of emigra-

tion in Ireland show an increase in

Irish nationals emigrating and a de-

crease in non nationals and a net emi-

gration increase from 7800 to 34,500.

One of the resulting factors from an

increase in emigration, especially of

younger people, is the potential lack

of economic capacity for the provi-

sion of the elderly in society which

the CSO gave as exceeding half a

million at the end of April 2010.

Though this may be offset by the

continued population increase that

may be mitigated by the extended life

expectancy with advances in the

medical sciences.

One particular aspect of migration is

the treatment and attitude of nation-

als toward migrants. On the 15th of

March 2010 as part of the European

Network Against Racism (ENAR)

Ireland's week of activities around

the UN day against racism on the 21st

the Migrant Rights Centre Ireland

(MRCI) produced a leaflet on the facts

about migrant workers in Ireland. In the

summary of their leaflet they say that

“in the same way that Irish people have

emigrated, migrant workers from differ-

ent countries have come to Ireland to

live, work and raise their families” and

that “migration will continue to be a

feature of Irish life, now and into the

future.” The need for such a leaflet was

defined in the context that “throughout

history, migration has been accompa-

nied by fears and negative myths and

misinformation about newcomers” and

since “many people do not have access

to clear, accurate information about mi-

grant workers; when left unchallenged,

misinformation leads to prejudice, ra-

cism, discrimination and inequality.”

Needless to say that we in Ireland could

do better to inform ourselves and as we

celebrate our own national saint's day

on the 17th of March I hope we can do

so in the spirit of inclusion as a growing

part of our national identity.

While a nations people's treatment of

migrants can be negative, so too can

their government's attitude through its

laws, procedures and policies. This can

be done on a national and international

basis. To this end the Global Progres-

sive Forum (GPF), in an article on mi-

gration, set out their agenda in order to

ensure a freer movement of people

around the world. They stated that their

“ main challenge is to put people first on

Thomas D‟Alton dissects the

problem of migration in the context of

Ireland‟s current economic woes.

The movement of people has always

proved challenging, but sometimes

necessary due reduced economic op-

portunities, armed conflicts in volatile

regions, and political disputes and

human rights violations in unstable

and changing societies. The first ex-

plorers were free to come and go as

they pleased with the dangers biased

towards the journey itself. In today's

modern age of transport getting to

where you want to go is compara-

tively very easy. With this, however,

has come the restrictions and controls

that each country exercises on people

going to and from there. These may

not seem as dangerous as the perils of

risking your life travelling long ago,

but there are real dangers and risks

present due to a lack of pertinent and

clear information available to people.

When you consider that there are

By Thomas D’Alton

their organisations to increase par-

ticipation in problem solving and to

use “gender analysis as a tool to de-

velop pro-women development ini-

tiatives”. Continuing on from the

global objectives to the national

level the focus remains on female

migrants. The national objectives

involve informing and educating

women intending to migrate as to

their rights in the country they're

going to, to give training to migrant

communities to promote awareness

of issues impacting on the lives of

women in their community in the

new country, and “treating formerly

trafficked women as victims rather

than illegal immigrants in countries

of destination and granting them

rights to asylum and legal protec-

tion.”

In summary, we ought to treat mi-

grant workers as we would like to be

treated if we were the migrant work-

ers. Being aware of our rights in

other countries that we may wish or

need to emigrate to is important and

more so for female migrants. How-

ever equally important is the politi-

cal and social responsibility that ex-

ists for us to ensure that we are

aware of the rights of immigrants

coming to our country, and that we

strive as a nation to afford them a

comprehensive and coherent set of

rights, privileges and justice that

upholds their dignity and assists their

assimilation into society.

the migration agenda, both in the coun-

try of origin and of destination, through

the recognition and strengthening of the

rights of migrants” and in addition to

this to undertake a process of “ integrat-

ing the issue of migration fully into the

global and national development, eco-

nomic, employment, social and security

agendas, as well as ensuring greater

policy coherence between these agendas

and between the stakeholders involved:

governments, the business, international

organisations, trade unions, NGOs, civil

society and the migrants themselves.”

The GPF's has five global objectives.

The first envisages an international pol-

icy to fully coordinate the security and

legal policies of different countries in

order to manage a sustainable flow of

migration that is in the best interests of

the countries themselves. This is ambi-

tious but needed to address the day to

day realities of mass migration to coun-

tries due to globalisation that may not

be necessarily capable of provisioning

for a population increase. The second

objective acknowledges the need for

migration in ageing societies, Japan

being a prime example, and that a full

and active approach is needed to ad-

dress “he root causes of migration

(poverty, conflict, demographic and

economic factors), the connection with

development, rights and employment,

as well as the justice and security di-

mensions.” The third objective is to

specifically deal with the root causes of

migration splitting different factors into

what 'pushes' people from a country and

what 'pulls' people to a country.

Since the GPF puts a particular focus on

women migrants due to them making up

a large percentage of migrants the

fourth and fifth global objectives are

given this focus. The fourth looks to

allocate resources in origin and destina-

tion countries for specific programmes

focused on women. The fifth objective

seeks to work with female migrant and

www.labouryouth.ie

port within pockets of society to

remain in place as a disputed but

practiced method of criminal

punishment.

Historically, capital pun-

ishment has been practiced in vir-

tually every society. Today, it is

actively practiced by 58 nations,

with 95 countries abolishing it,

and the remainder allowing it

only in exceptional circum-

stances, such as wartime. Only

five developed counties have re-

tained the death penalty, but with

the industrialisation of Asia this

group is set to grow.

Worldwide, the death pen-

alty is far more prevalent than

one may think. In fact, over 60%

of the world's population live in

countries where executions take

place. The four most populous

nations in the world, China, In-

dia, United States and Indonesia,

all apply the death penalty. It is

important to remember that in

many developing countries, par-

ticularly those under authoritarian

regimes, capital punishment is

used as a tool of political oppres-

sion. As long as these govern-

ments condone it, it doesn't need

public support.

Despite the relatively wide-

spread use of the practice, it is

true that during the last 40 years

there has been a trend towards

the abolition of capital punish-

ment around the world. A good

Orla Hubbard takes a look at

the use of capital punishment

worldwide and comments on

the continuing trend of aboli-

tionism versus a persistent core

support.

Capital punishment is a

source of extreme controversy

in today's world. Most liberal

societies see it as being a bar-

baric, and ultimately futile, vio-

lation of human rights. How-

ever its supporters are equally

strong in their conviction that it

provides closure for the families

of victims and is a just punish-

ment for the crime committed.

There has been a worldwide

trend towards its abolition over

several decades, and specula-

tion about when it will be abol-

ished completely. However it is

worth considering whether the

death penalty is indeed on its

way out after a slow downward

spiral, or if it has enough sup-

example of this was seen during

the 1980s, when the democratisa-

tion of Latin America swelled

the ranks of abolitionist coun-

tries.

Continuing the trend of

abolition, The European Union

and Council of Europe have

made the abolition of the death

penalty during times of peace a

requirement for membership.

This encouraged Turkey in May

2004 to amend its constitution in

order to remove capital punish-

ment in all circumstances, so that

it could move towards accession

of the EU. On the whole this

seems like it should leave oppo-

nents of the death penalty trium-

phant, and expectant of universal

abolition which must surely be

well on its way, albeit slowly.

But do these small steps mean

that we can realistically expect

the practice to be discontinued

worldwide?

Abolition is normally

adopted due to political change,

or mass change of public opinion

due to some external factor. Pub-

lic opinion is moulded from both

media coverage and the opinions

voiced by influential figures.

There are four main arguments

which influence public opinion;

The first is that the death

penalty acts as a deterrent to

would-be criminals. Ernest van

den Haag, a Professor of Juris-

The Death Penalty

By Orla Hubbard

to be 'minimal'. According to

Paul Cassell, a Professor of

Law in Utah, "The mistaken

release of guilty murderers

should be of far greater con-

cern than the ... mistaken exe-

cution of an innocent person."

Fourthly and finally, is

the argument forwarded by the

President of PUSH, a coalition

opposing the death penalty,

claiming that it is discrimina-

tory in its application. He says

the lack of objective, measur-

able standards as to when the

death penalty should be sought

or applied, ensures that it will

be discriminatory against cer-

tain groups. On the retention-

alist side is the repetition of

the view that the existence of

some systemic problems is no

reason to abandon the whole

death penalty system. The US

Supreme Court held that sta-

tistical studies on race by

themselves were an insuffi-

cient basis for overturning the

death penalty.

The most striking aspect

of the debate on abolition is

prudence, wrote: “Execution of

those who have committed hei-

nous murders may deter only one

murder per year. If it does, it

seems quite warranted." On the

other side of the argument are the

statistics that most murders are

committed in moments of pas-

sion and anger, or while intoxi-

cated, when the accused is

unlikely to be deterred by ration-

ally exploring the possible conse-

quences of their actions.

The second argument is

that the death penalty acts as the

only fair method of retribution

for the crime. The District Attor-

ney for Oklahoma City believes

that "For justice to prevail, some

killers just need to die." Oppo-

nents of the death penalty

counter this by arguing that it is

impossible to teach that killing is

wrong by killing.

The third argument is that

the death penalty carries the risk

of executing an innocent person.

Since 1973, for every seven peo-

ple executed in America, they

released one person on death row

who never should have been con-

victed. If a car manufacturer op-

erated with similar failure rates,

it would be run out of business.

The counter argument is that the

need for reform is not a reason to

abolish the death penalty. The

Senate found the risk of execut-

ing an innocent person in the US

On its way out, or here to stay?

the strength of the arguments and

counter arguments from each side.

It is clearly so controversial and so

divisive because each side of the

fence are equally strong in their

convictions, and have the support

of influential people and organisa-

tions to sway and hold public opin-

ion. This brings us back to the

question of whether or not capital

punishment can realistically be said

to be on its way out.

It seems to be a practice that

there will always be a degree of

support for, due to human emotions

like grief and vengeance. But it is

up to the leaders in society to pro-

mote a higher level of conscience

and an insurmountable respect for

human life if they hope to achieve

abolition. From the strength and

conviction of the supporters' argu-

ments, it looks likely to be a long

and mucky road ahead for aboli-

tionists.

www.labouryouth.ie

Net Neutrality:

By Declan Meenagh

Net Neutrality and the

Threat to an Open Internet

Conference passed a motion in

support of net neutrality, but

what is it about?

Background:

First of all, let‟s talk about the

internet, this is the simplified

version, there‟s loads of re-

sources about the Internet on

the Internet if you want more

information. Originally, the

Internet was designed as a

computer system which could

withstand nuclear attack. For

this reason the whole thing was

decentralised. Not long after

that, it was realised that this

could be used for academic re-

search, and it was opened first

to all of America, then gradu-

ally to the entire world. A

CERN scientist, Sir Tim Bern-

ers Lee, developed the World

Wide Web, a set of hyperlinked

documents on the internet. The

web is part of the Internet, and

many internets make up the

Internet.

The word internet was short-

ened from internetwork, which

means a network of networks.

The Internet (capital I) is the sys-

tem which you pay to access, it‟s

publicly available and things like

the web and email run on it. Your

Internet Service provider (ISP), like

Eircom or Vodafone, is the smallest

network you connect to. You pay

them to connect to the Internet. In

the same way, companies pay to

upload things on the internet, things

like YouTube, Flickr and Face-

book. In turn, they pay a bigger

ISP to connect all their users to the

Internet. And so we have the Inter-

net, a global network of networks.

The Internet is serious business

The Internet provides access to in-

formation on government, educa-

tion, communication, health, all of

which are basic human rights. The

Irish government needs to improve

broadband infrastructure in the

country.

Labour MEP Alan Kelly said that

like Finland, Ireland should make

access to broadband a universal

right. This makes so much sense.

You can‟t build a knowledge econ-

omy without proper broadband.

Labour has a great tourism policy,

and this relies on broadband. It

suggests tourism smart phone apps,

activity specific portal websites like

surf Ireland and helping hotels and

attractions to go online.

The internet will facilitate job crea-

tion. Behind every website or ser-

vice are highly trained engineers,

sales staff, managers and lots more.

These are all graduates and these

jobs are clearly part of a knowledge

economy.

I think it‟s clear that to build a

knowledge economy we need an

open Internet, one where you can

freely choose which information

source to use, and where you have

the fastest possible connection to the

Internet.

The threat:

Let‟s make a theoretical example.

Imagine if an electronics company

made a deal with your electricity

provider to only let you use electric-

ity on their products. This would be

unfair. What if you had to pay extra

for electricity you could use on what

ever product you want. What if the

product makers had to pay so their

products would run on your electric-

ity? This additional cost would be

passed onto the user.

But in reality, you pay for electricity

by unit, which is the amount of elec-

tricity you use, and you can use it to

power a toaster from company A, a

cooker from company B and a com-

puter from company C. This is how

the internet works at the moment.

You pay for access to the internet

and can use Facebook, Twitter or

even Bebo. You can watch the RTE

player, or YouTube or Vimeo. You

can read the Guardian, the Irish

times, the Daily Mail or the Sun.

This is why a guy in a garage can

start a small company to share vid-

eos, and sell it for 2 Billion dollars,

and give everyone on the internet the

tools to make their own TV station.

This is YouTube.

The internet has endless possibili-

ties. You can find information about

any topic, you can exchange ideas

with people from all over the world,

The Lowdown

and can express yourself in new

ways. You can very easily have an

idea, and put it online, either keeping

it as a hobby, or turning it into a mas-

sive business, either way reaching

millions of users. I don‟t exaggerate

when I say that the Internet is one of

humanities greatest achievements.

ISPs argue that it‟s expensive to

transfer videos from YouTube to

your computer, but this is rubbish,

you paid to access the full Internet,

and YouTube, and all the other pub-

lishers, paid their ISP to serve videos

on the Internet. It‟s just greedy,

money grabbing companies who

don‟t care about their customers and

are double charging.

Since the disastrous sale of eircom in

the 90s, it was asset stripped and left

to rot. This means we can‟t build a

proper broadband network, and we

can‟t force eircom to put users first.

This sale put Irish broadband back 10

years.

Recently, the FCC in America pub-

lished some rules for net neutrality,

but they don‟t go far enough. They

are based on a suggestion which

Google made earlier in the year.

This is an issue on which the EU is

developing policy, and it‟s some-

thing we need to watch carefully.

Some ISPs offer services like video,

music or news. We need to make

sure they don‟t prioritise these ser-

vices and slow down or block com-

peting services.

The biggest issue with the proposed

rules is that they don‟t apply to mo-

bile internet at all. If such rules

were implemented in Ireland then a

lot of rural internet users would be

denied access to a free and open

internet.

Already, mobile companies are

plotting ways to charge customers

extra for accessing services, look up

Wired and the article “Mobile Car-

riers Dream of Charging per Page”.

There‟s a leaked slideshow which

shows a chart where users have to

pay extra to access YouTube,

Skype and Facebook on mobile

internet.

What needs to happen:

The Irish government needs

to make it illegal for an ISP to

accept money to prioritise

web traffic, and we should

work on it at an European

level. Small businesses

shouldn‟t have to pay this un-

just tax to hundreds of ISPs

around the world to serve

content to their users. Our

economic recovery requires a

fast and open Internet, where

companies can serve users all

over the world without hav-

ing to pay tolls.

For more information about

this, see the Lifehacker article

“An Introduction to Net Neu-

trality: What It Is, What It

Means for You, and What

You Can Do About It

[Explainer]”, and if you have

any questions, I‟m on twitter:

@dagda and my email is

[email protected]

mailto:[email protected]

www.labouryouth.ie

top site that was within view of

Gaza. We were quickly moved

away from the area by soldiers who

claimed that a military operation

was taking place; 3 civilians in-

cluding a 91 year old man were

killed by an Israeli tank in Gaza

that night.

In Palestine, we spent most of our

nights in the „Hebron Hostel Hotel‟

in East Jerusalem. It was here that

we came across holy landmarks

like the Al-Aqsa Mosque and the

Church of the Holy Sepulchre. I

considered praying for my family

at the Wailing Wall but, as an ag-

nostic, I felt it would be like talking

to a wall.

We encountered the separation wall

and passed a checkpoint crossing

for the first time when we went to

Nablus in the West Bank. On the

same day, we passed another

checkpoint guarded by Israeli sol-

diers who were joking that our

passports would end up being used

in a Dubai assassination.

Well. We think they were joking.

Adam Fullham writes about his

own experience in Israel in Pales-

tine and why he feels interna-

tional boycott is the only solution.

Last September, I was a member

of a political delegation sent by

Labour Youth to Israel and Pales-

tine. The trip, which lasted 2

weeks, took us from the likes of

Sderot in Israel to the Jordan Val-

ley in Palestine. In Israel, we also

visited Tel Aviv, the Negev De-

sert and West Jerusalem. Sderot is

an Israeli city which is less than a

mile from Gaza. It has been the

target of Palestinian Rocket At-

tacks which, between 2001 and

2008, killed 13 and wounded doz-

ens of Israelis. Despite their very

inaccurate aim, the homemade

projectiles have caused millions

of dollars in damage and many

buildings in Sderot are fortified.

Whenever a rocket is seen being

fired from Gaza an air-raid siren

is triggered.

While in Sderot we met with an

Israeli group who led us to a hill-

In Ramallah we met with Fatah.

While there we came across a 12

year old Arab American whose

family had returned to Palestine

from New Orleans after the disas-

ter there in 2005. We also visited

Deisha Refugee Camp in Bethle-

hem and got tear gassed during a

peaceful demonstration in the vil-

lage of Bil'in, where close to 60%

of the land has been annexed by

Israel for settlements and for the

construction of the separation wall.

However, Hebron was the most

shocking experience of the tour.

It's a Palestinian City where Israeli

settlers (500 protected by 2,000

soldiers) walk around with ma-

chine guns.

Shuhada Street, once home to a

thriving marketplace, is the main

road that connects the western part

of Hebron to the eastern part. It is

today a desolate and often empty

settler-only street which is closed

off to Palestinians, even though

Palestinian houses line up along

the street. These houses, which

have had their doors welded shut,

are home to residents who must

Palestine : An activist’s experience

By Adam Fulham

use the rooftops as a means of exiting

and entering their homes. Every one of

the welded doors has been painted over

with the Star of David by fanatic set-

tlers.

There was a lane where settlers had

taken over the second-floor buildings -

nets were put up between the first and

second floors by Palestinians as the set-

tlers kept throwing garbage onto people

outside. While there we were stopped

by Israeli soldiers every minute and

weren't allowed to take any photos.

All this in Hebron. A Palestinian city.

Why boycott is the answer

It was great to see a world so different

to Ireland and to talk with Israeli and

Palestinian people. The cuisine was a

particular delight... I ate hummus every

day - I guess you could call me a hum-

musexual.

But when it comes to politics, the trip

was an eye-opening encounter; this was

rarely a happy experience. My visits to

Bethlehem, Bil'in and, in particular,

Hebron have convinced me that Israel is

most definitely a racist, apartheid state.

Its occupation of Palestine, refusal to

comply with international law and con-

stant backing by the United States

makes clear that boycott is the only an-

swer. International boycotts work, they

were what helped end apartheid in

South Africa.

The trip showed me how little a role

religion plays in this conflict. We met

with Christian and even Atheist Pales-

tinian activists whose religious beliefs

had no effect on their place in society.

Our get-togethers with non-

religious Jews in Israel made clear

that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict

is not a 'Jewish-Muslim conflict'. It

is an 'Arab-Israeli conflict‟ - a dis-

pute over land and not religion.

Israel's ridiculous demands of a

future Palestinian state mean peace

will not be coming to the region

any time soon. At the Camp David

Summit in 2000, Israel proposed

dividing Palestinian territory into 4

separate cantons entirely sur-

rounded by, and therefore con-

trolled, by Israel. The Camp David

Proposal also denied Palestinians

control over their own borders, air-

space and water resources while

legitimising and expanding illegal

Israeli settlements (colonies) in

Palestinian territory.

Furthermore, Israel's refusal to

comply with international law and

the failure of last year's peace ne-

gotiations are big reasons why I

think a Third Intifada is inevitable.

Indeed, the talks were always

doomed when Palestine was being

represented by a body that had no

democratic mandate. The construc-

tion of the apartheid wall and

growing size of the settler popula-

tion (500,000 people) makes the

possibility of a viable two-state

solution lessen with every passing

day. Factors like this made me

wonder...

What about a one-state solution?

www.labouryouth.ie

Be the Government in Waiting

Labour candidate in Sligo North

Leitrim shares her insights on the

upcoming general election.

I tell this tale from my experience

on the doors in the last three

months. Being totally new – one of

the handful people with zero politi-

cal baggage – I started in Septem-

ber. It was strange at first because

people wondered why I was there

as there was no talk of an election.

As the weeks slipped by, people

became more engaged with the idea

of a new government especially

when the Greens announced the end

of the Government and the prospect

of an election in early 2011.

As we now know, the Greens were

just throwing their toys out of the

pram and have changed their minds

since then. Unfortunately for them,

the public has moved into a position

of positively wanting an election

and the anger is growing as the

date gets pushed further back into

early spring and now late spring –

by the Greens as well as Fianna

Fáil.

It doesn‟t matter too much which

week it is; what matters is this.

People – that‟s the voters – that

I‟ve met - don‟t want to hear us

complaining about how bad things

are, about how rotten this Govern-

ment is, how cowardly the Greens

are, how corrupt the bankers are,

how disgraceful NAMA is or how

the bailout is the end of our inde-

pendence – or any of the myriad of

other problems or complaints that

are washing around the system.

They are exhausted from listening

to them.

They don‟t want Utopian-style

promises either. What they are

keen to hear is sensible explana-

tions of how this country might be

rebuilt. They want to hear about

our strengths. They like a couple of

simple plans or ideas, particularly

if they have a local implication.

They smile if you come up with a

fresh idea that is grounded in some

reality, that connects with their life

or their place of work.

And especially they want the La-

bour Party to lead, to speak like the

„Government in waiting‟, to re-

spond to each new crisis with com-

petent suggestions and solutions.

They are tired of criticism because

it‟s on the radio all day and it saps

energy and is unproductive. Peo-

ple will give us a chance

when we give them the evi-

dence that we can ring some

real changes, not just the faces

and the names.

And for those starting out –

like me – on your very first

campaign – I have found the

following resources useful in

building a positive confident

message. Take the best bits

of the party‟s Budget mani-

festo. Read up on Universal

Health Insurance and the Stra-

tegic Investment Bank. Re-

member the Private Members

Bill on reform of government

and public administration, is-

sued in November. Read the

National Recovery Plan so

you know where the holes are.

Talk to LEADER, FAS, IDA,

Enterprise Ireland, Failte Ire-

land - whoever - about what

is happening about jobs and

inward investment where you

are.

And that‟s just for starters. I

know I have nothing to com-

pare this election with; that

has its advantages and disad-

vantages but the voter in me

feels keenly that the desire for

change is real but the articula-

tion of that change – well

that‟s up to us – the party and

the candidates. Certainly, hav-

ing the gravitas of the

„government in waiting‟ will

be very powerful on the door-

steps because it‟s real and it‟s

what people want.

By Susan O’ Keefe

Poetry: The Poisoning by Michael D. Higgins

And it is no melancholy now

In memory I impose, my father,

On your response.

I respect your anger

At an act of cruelty

Born out of a neighbour‟s spite,

Know the abuse of such proximity

As authored this act

That left two dogs

Sharers of your intimacy

Writhing in an agony

Before a death

That sparked anew

A great despair

At all that you had lost.

And now for me at a distance

In a strange space

Lectures on community ring hollow

Invocations to cooperation

Make a dead echo

Insufficient for the erasing

From memory

Of this terrible act.

This stuff of rural intimacies

Should never be forgotten.

True grief requires that truth be told

Making way who knows in time

For such an amnesty among neighbours

As would make a truce in space and time

Where proximity offers no choice

Suggests instead a lying amnesia

To hide a neighbourly violence.

For, if the truth be told,

I must recall

That it was in the autumn years of your hope-

less life,

Across the fields you did not own

But yet had made familiar

You walked in silence.

Alone with you

They ran past furze bushes,

That in another time,

You sought to clear

And, in much later years

Past my escape to lecture halls,

I saw you in Clym Yeobright,

Bent to the side of a hill,

Tearing roots to make a clearance,

That would not last.

And for a moment now in memory,

I must become my father,

Recall that on the day he returned

There was no sign of tears,

But anger on his face

His dogs had died.

And why should the writhing and the turning,

The moaning

In a slow death,

From a neighbour‟s poison,

Be hidden?

Such is the stuff of rural intimacies,

Never to be forgotten.

Now sinks the sun in burning red,

And comes the night with shadows dark.

The night is long and I afraid,

Remember,

And put a question now in fear,

Is it the fate of sons

To be their father,

And do old wounds reopen when

Space and time make even

The crippling ends of life

As memory tears the cover

Of those wounds that will not heal.

The inclusion of poetry in the Left-tribune,

seeks to highlight the continuing legacy of

The Left, Politics, Poetry and Ireland.

All contributions are welcome and feedback

appreciated; send to: [email protected]

Michael D Higgins‟ poems have been pub-lished in several Poetry Journals, including

the New Irish Writing, Céide, Salmon Po-

etry Journal, Poetry Ireland, and Aishling.

He has also published 4 collections; Be-trayal, The Season of Fire, An Arid Season

and his most recent book is Causes for Con-

cern.

The Poisoning by Michael D. Higgins

Is it the fate of sons

To become their father

And in that fate

Unavoidable

Recover

In moments lit by the senses

A memory

Of grief and loss?

When now I look and gaze

At black and brown and great white chest

At amber dotted eyes and head

Of my great friend

Who placed his total trust

In us who watched

His racing quest to catch

A scent of stranger or elusive fox

And when time has robbed us

Of our time together I recall

An older story that will not, should not die.

By Liam Duffy

www.labouryouth.ie

Your National Youth Executive

National Chairperson — Colm Lawless

As National Chairperson, Colm is

responsible for the smooth running of

Labour Youth as a whole, along with acting

as the public face of the organization. He is

also a member of the Executive Board of

the Labour Party.


Vice Chair/Campaigns— Conor Ryan

As National Vice Chair and Campaigns

Officer, Conor is primarily responsible for

the formation and execution of Labour

Youth National Campaigns. She also acts

as Chair of the organization in Colm’s

absence.


National Secretary — Martin O’ Prey

As National Secretary, Martin is responsible

for taking minutes at all Labour Youth

events, and at NYE meetings. He is also

responsible for correspondence, accounts

and fundraising.


Recruitment Officer — Darren Bates

As National Recruitment Officer, Darren is

responsible for the recruitment and

retention of new members. He is also the

primary coordinator for the National

Recruitment Campaign. He is currently

Labour Youth’s representative on the

Central Council of the Labour Party.


International Officer—Mike Spring

As International Officer, Mike is

responsible for representing the

organization at European level and

beyond.


Communications Officer—

Mick Reynolds

As National Communications Offi-

cer, Mick is the Chief Editor of the

Left Tribune, and Chairperson of

the Left Tribune Editorial Board. He

is also responsible for managing

the overall design strategy, and

online presence of the organiza-

tion.

Ed & Policy — Dean Duke

As Education and Policy Officer,

Dean is responsible for drafting

Labour Youth Policy Documents,

researching prospective Policy

Positions, LY Political Training and

Chairing the Policy Working Group.


Youth & Development—Neil Ward

As Youth & Development Officer,

Neil is the Labour Party Staff

Member responsible for the

administration of Labour Youth. He

is also a non-voting member of the

NYE.


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