Livelihoods and poverty: The role of migration ‐ a critical review of the migration literature

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Livelihoods and poverty:The role of migration ‐a critical review of themigration literatureArjan de Haan aa Social Development Adviser at the Departmentfor International Development,Published online: 23 Nov 2007.

To cite this article: Arjan de Haan (1999): Livelihoods and poverty: The roleof migration ‐ a critical review of the migration literature, The Journal ofDevelopment Studies, 36:2, 1-47

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Survey Article

Livelihoods and Poverty: The Role ofMigration - A Critical Review of the

Migration Literature

ARJAN DE HAAN

This review of the literature concludes that development studieshave paid insufficient attention to labour migration, and makes aplea to integrate analyses of migration within those of agriculturaland rural development. It emphasises that population mobility ismuch more common than is often assumed, and that this has beenso throughout human history. In fact, available material suggeststhat it is as likely that population mobility has decreased as that ithas increased. A review of empirical studies shows that it may notbe possible to generalise about the characteristics of migrants, orabout the effects of migration on broader development, inequalityor poverty. The review concludes that, given the importance ofmigration for the rural livelihoods of many people, policies shouldbe supportive of population mobility, and possibilities should beexplored to enhance the positive effects of migration.

I. INTRODUCTION

Within development studies, migration has not received the attention itdeserves. This is one of the central conclusions of the review of theliterature on migration presented in this article.' I will argue that labourmigration, between and within urban and rural areas, has to be seen as acentral element in the livelihoods of many households in developingcountries, poor as well as rich (though the emphasis in this paper will be onthe poor). Much of the literature focuses on movements of people as a resultof crises - environmental, economic or demographic. Yet migration is also

Arjan de Haan is currently Social Development Adviser at the Department for InternationalDevelopment. Before that he was at the Poverty Research Unit, University of Sussex, wheremuch of the preparatory work for this article was undertaken.

The Journal of Development Studies, Vol.36, No.2, December 1999, pp.1—47PUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON

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2 THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

a 'normal' element of most, if not all societies. This article addresses itselfto scholars of development studies, with a plea to integrate the analyses ofmigration within those of agricultural and rural development.

The article is structured as follows. The next section critically discussessome popular views on migration that emphasise its negative aspects interms of threat to social or political stability, or environmental degradation.The third section reviews some approaches to migration, stressing the needfor an institutional approach, including one that incorporates the genderednature of migration. Fourth, the article briefly reviews findings about thesocial and demographic characteristics of migrants, suggesting somecommon patterns but with important differences depending on changingeconomic, political and cultural relations. The literature on the relationshipbetween migration and development is the central focus of the fifth section,indicating that more research is needed to understand this relationshipproperly, and that perhaps no generalisable findings apply. Remittances, oneof the most important aspects of migration, and of great significance for themigrants' areas of origin, are the subject of the sixth section of this article.The seventh section discusses the relationship between migration on the onehand, and poverty and inequality on the other, suggesting that researchfindings are context-dependent. The eighth section discusses therelationship between migration and agricultural and rural change, thenegative effects in terms of absence of productive members of thepopulation, and the possible positive effects of remittances and ideasbrought back by returning migrants. The ninth and last section concludesand discusses some areas of policy interventions.

II. REASSESSING VIEWS ON MIGRATION

Whereas standard economic theories emphasise the advantages of a freeflow of labour, development studies tends to look at migration with a greatdeal of reservation. It is usually argued - often without the historical data toback this up - that population movements are happening at anunprecedented scale. This goes for much of the literature on urbanisation,and also with respect to international migrants. Despite increasingly toughmeasures and restrictions against illegal immigration in Europe and the US,international migration is thought to be at an 'all-time high'. For example,Martin and Widgren discuss international migration as a 'global challenge':

International migration is at an all-time high. In the mid-1990s, about125 million people live outside their country of birth or citizenship.They account for about 2 percent of the world's population and areexpanding by 2 million to 4 million annually ... Every world region

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LIVELIHOODS AND POVERTY: THE ROLE OF MIGRATION 3

hosts some political refugees, but Africa and western Asia containover half the world total of 27 million refugees and displaced persons... The number of refugees soared from less than 3 million in 1976 toabout 15 million in 1995 . . . 2

Historical accounts of migration in developing countries tend to emphasisethe forced nature of migration, such as in slavery and the 'new system ofslavery' [Tinker, 1974], indentured labour. In contemporary studies ofmigration in developing countries, there is much emphasis on migration asan option of last resort for pauperised peasants. Literature that usuallydeparts critically from neo-classical models (further discussed in sectionIII), sees migration not as a choice for poor people, but as the only optionfor survival after alienation from the land, and highlights the exploitation ofmigrants in both destination and source areas. For example, Mukherji[1985: 270] argues that circulation of Indian wage labourers 'occurs within,and in turn reinforces, the syndrome of poverty and mobility'. Murray's1981 study on the impact of migrant labour in Lesotho thought thatmigration was linked to 'pervasive rural economic insecurity', and theliterature on Malawi migration was heavily influenced by the'underdevelopment school' of the 1970s which posited a straight linkbetween increasing migration and rural poverty [Chirwa 1997: 633].

Further, with notable exceptions,3 development studies often ignoremigration as a significant factor in agricultural or rural development. Forexample, the Boserupian hypothesis of density-driven agriculturalintensification overlooked out-migration as one conceivable response topopulation pressure [McDowell and de Haan, 1997:18]. It is not uncommonto ignore migrant labour as a source of income: for example, Bose and Ghosh[7976': Table A.4] note that in Saran in Bihar, 81 per cent of the households hadno subsidiary occupation besides cultivation - despite the fact that they notethat more than half of the households had one or more of their members livingoutside the village. In an illuminating article, Painter et al. discuss theapproche terroir in Sahelian West Africa, a popular development approach,perhaps not too dissimilar to Integrated Rural Development Programmes, toimprove agriculture and natural resource management within a specific terroir.

It is crucial to note that this conception of terroir, and its use as ananalytical construct, is based firmly on features of sedentaryagricultural communities. The notions of space, limits and control thatare at the heart of the concept of terroir are implicitly those associatedwith sedentary populations living in stable village settings.4

The focus on rural-urban migration in developing countries is in fact anexample of the sedentaristic assumption common in development studies.

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Much of the developing literature, including the much-cited Harris-Todaromodel, concentrate on the transition from a rural to an urban society.5 Thisfocus follows a perception of historical developments in Europe, wheremigration has often been perceived as the result of the uprooting of thepeasantry in the process of industrialisation. However, as I will discussbelow, this form of migration is not the most important one. Migration wasa common part of the European economy before industrialisation. And indeveloping countries, the largest proportion of migrants moves betweenrural areas.6

Development policies often pay little attention to migration [Connelland Wang, 1992: 144]. Some policies aim to reduce rates of out-migration.Stay-at-home development strategies are designed to promote developmentand at the same time reduce emigration pressure.7 Governments ofdeveloping countries usually want to slow down or reverse rural-urbanmigration,8 and policy initiatives in Zimbabwe after independence and thelifting of settlement restrictions encouraged urban workers to choosebetween rural and urban areas - though they continued to attach muchimportance to rural landholdings [Potts and Mutambirwa, 1990: 678-80].

Policy-makers perceive population movements as a threat to stability, ora challenge to established lifestyles. Rural-urban migration, and theconsequent urbanisation, is regularly portrayed as undesirable. Pinto,formerly at the Economic Commission for Latin America, wrote in 1984that 'any Latin American of my generation has seen with his own eyes thetransformation of cities which two or three decades ago were hospitable andattractive, and which today are labouring under the well-know evils ofmetropolitan congestion and deterioration.' The Chinese revolutionarymodel, according to Fei [in Roberts, 1997: 249-50] 'with Chinesecharacteristics ... ensures that our peasants will never repeat the experienceof those farmers who during the early stage of capitalism flooded into thecities after going bankrupt'. Though extreme controls have been abolished,China still fears its 'floating population'. Similarly, Ethiopia's currentgovernment has not given up the hope to immobilise the population.9 Bothcases are described in some detail in boxes below. But also in othercountries, migration is not always welcomed. The Purulia District Plan(West Bengal, India) of 1991-92, saw migration as a 'menace' [in Rogaly,1998: 23], and many more examples of this can no doubt be found.10

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LIVELIHOODS AND POVERTY: THE ROLE OF MIGRATION

Fear of uncontrolled population movements - China

Recently, much academic and policy debate has been generated over theissue of China's 'floating population' or 'tidal wave' of rural migrantlabour." The terms themselves already suggest the negative evaluationof a mobile population. Since 1949, regulating and controllingmigration has been one of the most consistent Chinese developmentpolicies. Despite significant changes in the migration restrictions sincethe early 1980s, the household registration system is not dismantled andcontinues to construct the framework within which migration takesplace [Roberts, 1997: 282]. According to Mallee [1995/96] localauthorities continue their efforts to control migration, and authorities atthe destination side have erected barriers in terms of job discrimination,and removal of migrants [also Wu and Zhou, 1996].

Negative images of migrants in cities continue to prevail. Forexample, the Daily Telegraph [in Roberts, 1997: 250] reported thatChina's urban infrastructure, and social and political order, 'start tobuckle under the strain of massive rural influx'. Urban planners areworried because of the increased demands migrants place on gas, water,electricity, and public transport. Migrants are blamed, by the ForeignBroadcast for example, for the rise in crime rates, and are thought tolack the constrains of a bonding group and therefore act in anti-socialways [Roberts, 1997: 273^f].

Much recent writing has focused on the large number of internalmigrants in China, and even though much recent literature has stressedthe positive contribution by migrants [Mallee, 1995/96: 32], the tone ofwriting often remains worried about the numbers of about 100 millionmigrants. This number, however, should be seen in the appropriatecontext. In the first place, as Skeldon [1996] emphasises, China'spopulation has never been sedentary, and there was significantmigration for example in the century before the 1949 revolution -indeed current migration streams seem to build partly on this. Researchby Yang in a Shantung Province village in the 1940s [in Roberts 1997:263-4] noted that families did not worry about having to sub-divideland after a second son was born, since they could earn an income fromnon-agricultural activities. Second, though a number of 100 million ismind-boggling, the proportion of migrants to the total population isprobably not very large in international comparison.

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THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Controlling population movements - Ethiopia

Ethiopia illustrates an extreme case of the desire to control populationmovements. It is a very large country with remote areas and apredominantly subsistence rural economy. In certain parts of thecountry, the fluidity of relations described by Waller (see below) seemsto have prevailed. However, from the overthrow of Selassie and thesocialist revolution in 1974, up the 1990s, the dominant ideology andplanning aimed to control population movement, including in thecountryside. During this period 'voluntary' migration was much lowerin Ethiopia than in the rest of sub-Saharan Africa, and it was not untilthe recent lifting of restrictions that migration was made easier. Butat the same time, 'involuntary' politically-induced populationdisplacement and resettlement occurred on an unprecedented scale andled to enormous population shifts, largely within rural areas.

The current Ethiopian government seems to share the generalambivalence about the relationship between development andpopulation movement. Strategic documents make few direct referencesto migration, where they do the control and limiting of migrationremains a stated goal. The ADLI strategy document makes only twodirect references to migration. The first states as 'desirable' theobjective to a reduce urban-bound migration as a consequence of'increased utilisation of labour within the agricultural sector'. Thesecond recommends the creation of 'favourable conditions for thenomadic population ... ultimately [to] become settlers'. Currentregionalisation, and ethnic tensions, again, may reduce possibilities ofmigration.

Source: McDowell and de Haan [1997].

Throughout the industrialised west, but also in the relatively rich easternAsian countries and South Africa, immigration is becoming increasinglydifficult.12 In South Africa, where, during apartheid, large numbers offoreign workers were relied upon, opinions have turned against immigrants,mirroring similar concerns about foreign workers in Europe. The Malawianreported that Thabo Mbeki had warned: 'Our people are just loafing in thestreet at the expense of foreigners flooding our offices and mines. The HomeAffairs Ministry will have to sort this thing out ... I mean, these foreignershave got to go back home.'13 And in West Africa, with its intensive migration

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systems, migration opportunities changed with the expulsion of between200,000 and 1.5 million foreign workers from Ghana in 1969, the expulsionof some two million illegal 'aliens' from Nigeria in 1983, and the'increasingly xenophobic Ivoirian public' during the last decade [Winter,1997: 28].

Views about migration and migrants are often based on an assumptionof sedentarism, that populations used to be immobile and have beenuprooted by economic or environmental forces. There is however muchevidence to challenge this sedentary bias, and to view population movementas the norm rather than the exception.14 In historical Europe, pre-colonialdeveloping countries, and current developing countries, migration has beenan essential element in the livelihood strategies, of poor as well better-offpeople. An emphasis on forced migration is warranted, but should not bebased on an assumption (which colonial authorities at times propagated)that before the entry of forced migration, populations were immobile.Furthermore, migration is not limited to the 'rural-urban' transition: muchmigration remains within rural areas [Mollett, 1991], and migrants to urbanareas tend to maintain close links with their areas of origin.

For example, it is commonly argued that the history of Africa is a historyof migration. Richard Waller describes East Africa, before the advent ofcolonialism, as:

... a frontier region where society was fluid, highly adaptable, andcapable of absorbing outsiders easily. Labour, rather than land, wasthe scarce resource. This placed a high premium on the ability ofpioneering groups of individuals to contract and manipulateeffectively a wide range of kinship and other ties in order to mobilisethe social and political resources necessary for colonisation ... as aresult of the need for mobility, there were few barriers to the flow ofpopulations from one small-scale unit to another and the definitions ofidentity tended to be inclusive rather than exclusive.15

Recent research in western Africa emphasises the high rates ofmobility,16 the multiplication of the Sahelian urban population, and the highrates of emigration. For example, there are estimated to be eight to ninemillion Malians in Mali and 3 million Malians in other countries mostnotably Cote d'lvoire, Gabon, Zaire, South Africa and France, with growingnumbers entering the US and other European countries. But, as noted, forexample, in the IIED's Bulletin of the Drylands [1995], migration is not anew phenomenon in the Sahel: survival strategies in such a riskyenvironment have hinged for centuries upon movement in search of newland and pastures, for trade and conquest. Similarly, southern Africa hasbeen marked by population mobility: though colonial policies of course

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greatly influenced migration patterns, Batswana, for example, always havebeen migrants, maintaining a home in the village, another dwelling at theirland area, and sometimes a third one at the cattle post [Colclough andMcCarthy, 1980:169 ff.].

Similarly, Asia has been a continent of a mobile population, in contrastto what some colonial and also more recently national authorities and someacademics have argued.17 Notwithstanding recent trends in migration -including towards the Gulf - and urbanisation, over time, mobility in SouthAsia may have decreased. And is certainly not a new phenomenon. Forexample, at the end of the nineteenth century rural labour in Bengal wasvery mobile. Large-scale eastward seasonal movements over long distancesfor harvest existed, as well as complicated mobility patterns to the forests inthe South, and to the rice-producing areas in the northeast. Over time,labour migration has become marginalised because of increasing pressureon resources, and costs of migration have been driven up because ofoverabundance of labour.18 Migration from Bihar to Calcutta has been theresult of the relative poverty of Bihar, but it is also a continuation of thetradition of migration that existed at least as early as the middle of theeighteenth century [de Haan, 1997b]. Many areas have such long traditionsof migration. The fact that large numbers of people have moved abroadfrom the Punjab in India during the last decades is no coincidence, given itstradition of migration that was established under colonial rule.19

Finally, it may be helpful to refer to recent developments in thehistoriography of European migration.20 These involve a critique of theneglect of the role of migration in many historical studies, of the sedentarymodel of pre-industrial life, and a reassessment of the focus onindustrialisation as the trigger of migration. According to Lucassen andLucassen [7997: 9], migration historians have come to view the phenomenon'as a normal and structural element of human societies throughout history',and not any more - though negative images of migrant groups like vagrants,peddlers, and 'gypsies' remain - as a sign of crisis, a phenomenon exclusiveto the industrial period or element of modernisation. They quote the work ofMoch who wrote in Moving Europeans, published in 1992:

By writing this history of migration, I hope to bring the pattern ofmobility into our thinking about preindustrial life, rural industry, theindustrial revolution, and urbanization. Migration is present in everylevel of historical study. It should enliven the historical study of thefamily ... On the village and regional levels, it constitutes a part of the'social glue' of subcultures and responds to economic and socialchange. State politics themselves both inspired and inhibitedmigration' [in Lucassen and Lucassen, 1997: 37, italics added].

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And in the same volume Moch writes, as if referring to current 'developing'countries:

... migration has a long history apart from the industrial revolution;human movement was essential to the settlement of early medievalEurope and an integral part of early modern life in Western Europe.In the countrysides, regional migration routines were part of theagricultural cycle, family formation, and the supply of the rural labourforce. Harvest work took thousands of men out of their own regionsand in many cases across national borders. Migration to large andsmall cities provided an alternative to village life for young peopleand added newcomers to urban demographic systems which werechronically in deficit.2'

Lucassen and Lucassen note a significant difference with the historicalwritings on non-European migration, where the emphasis is on forcedrecruitment and labour, slavery, coolie labour, and the homeland system inSouth Africa: 'these examples suggest that free migration is virtuallyunknown in the [history of the] "Third World".221 concur with the approachadvocated by Lucassen and Lucassen [7997: 33], and believe this canusefully be extended to past and present migration movements indeveloping countries, to weave the insights of migration studies into thefabric of general, social, economic, and cultural histories. The next sectiondiscusses how different approaches have conceptualised migration, andargues for an institutional approach that emphasises the way migration isembedded in societies.

III. APPROACHES TO MIGRATION

This section reviews approaches to migration studies, starting fromRavenstein's 'laws' of migration, to the famous Todaro model, and the 'neweconomics' of migration.23 This section argues that insufficient attention hasbeen paid to the institutions that determine migration. Populationmovements are not economistic reactions to push and pull, but patterns ofmigration are determined by social and cultural institutions, embedded inlocal customs and ideologies. The section emphasises the importantcontributions made by gender analyses to the understanding of migration.The following diagram is a schematic and simplifying representation of thecentral emphases in the various approaches discussed here, although it is notsuggested that this covers all the writings on migration. It indicates howeconomic approaches focusing on individual and (later) householdbehaviour have emphasised the positive aspects of migration, whereasMarxism and structuralist theories have tended to focus on political and

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other institutions, and emphasise the negative consequences. Sociologicaland anthropological approaches, particularly structuration theories andgender analyses have not restricted themselves to only one unit of analysis,and - partly as a result of this - portray more complex pictures of theconsequences of migration.

Determinantsofmigration

Economic

Sociological/anthropological

Effects

Positive

Negative

Individual

Todaro

Push-pull

Unit of analysis

Household/family

Stark and others;'new

economics'of migration

— Gender analyses _

Institutions

MarxismStructuralism

The start of migration studies is usually traced back to Ravenstein's1885 article that aimed to describe 'laws' of migration, in which the relationbetween distance and the volume of migration was central. Lee [1966]similarly tried to build a general theory of migration to explain the volumeof migration. Zelinsky's transition model, in which modernisation waslinked to changes in patterns of migration has been much discussed andcriticised [Skeldon, 1997a: 31 ff.]. The migration model that is most oftencited is probably Todaro's analysis of rural-urban migration [Todaro, 1969;Harris and Todaro, 1970], which built on Lewis's [1954] analysis of theprocess of development in economies with a labour surplus.

These analyses - and others, such as Sjaastad's [1962] model of humaninvestment - assume that migrants act individually according to arationality of economic self interest. The decision to move to cities wouldbe determined by wage differences, plus the expected probability ofemployment at the destination. In the Todaro model, a prospective migrantweighs the difference between the expected earnings in the village, andexpected earnings from formal sector urban employment, allowing for hisor her assessment of the probability of an initial period of unemploymentand/or of informal sector employment. Hatton and Williamson [1992] andLarson and Mundlak [1997] more recently re-affirmed the validity of thebasic model, as did Lucas and Stark's [1985] work on migration inBotswana.24

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Thadani and Todaro [1984] - in a little noted contribution - exploresocial determinants of migration, but other modifications have continued tofocus on the economics of the migration decisions. Stark - in what is oftenreferred to as the 'new economics of migration' - has extended the Todaromodel.25 This newer model sees the household rather than individual as unitof analyses (discussed below), emphasises risk spreading [Stark andLevhari, 1982; Katz and Stark, 1986; Lakshmansamy, 1990], takes accountof incomplete and imperfect information [Stark, 1991: Ch.13; Knight andSong, 1997 for China], of imperfections in rural capital markets [Stark,1980; Collier and Lai, 1984], and of transaction costs. Finally, it stresses theimportance in migration decisions of relative deprivation in the localincome distribution rather than absolute deprivation [Stark, Taylor andYitzhaki, 1989].

Push-pull models of migration - as developed by Lee [1966] - are alogical extension of the Todaro-type of analysis. Some debate has gone intodiscussing whether push or pull is more important. For example, Bigsten[1996] — who has a 'new economics' approach in which householddecisions and personal networks are central - argues that pull of high wagesis more important than the push of land scarcity in explaining migrationdecisions in Kenya, while Adams [1991] finds the reverse in internationalmigration from Egypt.26 In Henan Province pull factors or the demand sideof the labour market were thought to be more important than considerationsof household labour supply or other factors determining productivity athome (Hare, quoted in Cook and Maurer-Fazio [1999]).

Others, often in the tradition of Marxist analyses, emphasise thestructural nature of migration, not just in the context of permanentrural-urban migration, but also with respect to the temporary migration ofworkers between rural areas. Authors like Safa [1982], McGee [1982],Standing [1985] and Breman [1985] challenged the individualisticemphasis in the analyses of Todaro and others.27 They see labour migrationas inevitable in the transition to capitalism. It is not a choice for poor people,but the only option for survival after alienation from the land. This strand ofanalysis draws attention to the advantages of migrant labour for capitalistproduction, and emphasises the instrumentality of migration in capitalists'control over labour. For example, employers in destination areas do not bearthe cost of the workers' reproduction as they maintain ties with their homevillages, and the employers use migrant labour to reduce bargaining powerof local labour. Similarly, international migration is seen - for example, inthe 'historical-structural framework' with which Rubenstein analysesmigration from Mexico - as a global movement in which labour ismanipulated in the interest of developed countries to the detriment ofunderdeveloped ones. Remittances are seen as 'a minor component of

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surplus labour extraction, a small charge to capital in a grossly unequalprocess of exchange between core and peripheral societies' [Rubenstein,1992:147\?%

Many have now argued that both individualistic (or behavioural) modelssuch as the Todaro model, and migration analyses in the Marxist (orstructuralist) tradition have taken a one-sided point of view. Economicmodels tend to isolate economic decision-making, and - even thoughprogress has been made in incorporating imperfect information andtransaction costs into the analyses - consequently do not analyse thepolitical and social contexts in which these decisions are made. On the otherhand, Marxist analyses over-emphasise the political-economic contexts thatinfluence migration decisions. Some isolate the constraining nature offormal institutions on mobility, such as colonialism, the capitalist labourmarket, socialist labour markets, European asylum policies, South Africanpass laws, or the Chinese hokou system. Consequently, they tend to ignoremigrants' agency.

To overcome these polarities, recent theories have emphasised thatanalyses need to incorporate both individual motives and the structuralfactors in which the migrants operate, in the form of a 'structuration theory'- as was developed by Anthony Giddens and used, for example, by Chantand Radcliffe [1992].29 This incorporates analysis of migrants' motivation,attitudes and people's understanding of the structures within which they act,as well as recursiveness and historical patterns of behaviour. It stresses thatrules designed to regulate behaviour also provide opportunity and room formanoeuvre for those they seek to constrain. The analysis builds in anawareness of cultural underpinnings, including about 'destiny', 'myths oforigin', and 'honour'.30

In the international literature of the 1960s and 1970s the idea ofone-way, permanent rural-urban migration dominated. But in the 1970sanalyses that emphasise the circular nature of migration started to appear,3'challenging unilinear models assuming rapid urban transformation.32

The interpretation of this phenomenon has varied. Marxist authors interpretit as fulfilling an essential function in capitalist development.33 Butespecially studies of international migration emphasise the cultural aspectsthat this circular movement entails. Most migrants - and much migrationis by single persons, most often male - maintain close links with their areasof origin. Migration is essentially a series of exchanges between places(Mandel [1990], in Gardner [1993]); [Werbner, 1990], and the literatureis full of metaphors about threads, anchors, chains, and 'umbilical links'.These links continue for much longer periods than used to be assumed inthe literature,34 which emphasises the importance of migration strategiesfor the home communities.

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The literature on circular migration shows that a range of factors areresponsible for this pattern. Distance and transport facilities are important,35

as are of course the nature of demand for labour, and living conditions inareas of destination. But keeping a foot on the farm, in which migration ispart of a 'diversification' strategy is perhaps the most common motive. Andthe nature of rural society, including patterns of landholding, land rights,and patterns of demand for labour in the rural society are equallyimportant.36

The literature on structural adjustment, particularly in Africa, has paidsome attention to the effects on migration. Urban bias is usually heldresponsible for high rural-urban migration. Removal of urban bias wouldlead to a decrease in rural-urban migration, or return migration. Someempirical studies confirm this,37 but findings are not uniform. Meagherargues that structural adjustment in Nigeria has not stemmed rural-urbanmigration (the economic marginalisation, though, has contributed to furtherethnic tensions, and put rural-urban networks under pressure). The reasonsfor this 'lack of return' of Nigerian migrants suggest important elements inpoor households' consideration or livelihood strategies: urban agriculturehas been developed as a new source; urban inhabitants have relatives in thevillage work their land rather than returning themselves; life in rural areasis not considered better than in urban areas, and uncertainty of agriculturein the context of adjustment provides a hindrance; urban incomeopportunities in contrast provide quick returns; and rather than a return toagriculture, crisis and adjustment have led to an intensification ofcirculatory patterns of rural-urban migration [Meagher, 1997: 88-9].

A recent development in the literature is the emphasis on family andfamily strategies as crucial elements in migration decisions.38 WhereasTodaro-type models focus on the individuals as rational actors, the 'neweconomics of migration' emphasise the family as unit of analysis. One ofStark's premises is that 'even though the entities that engage in migrationare often individual agents, there is more to labor migration than anindividualistic optimizing behavior. Migration by one person can be due to,fully consistent with, or undertaken by a group of persons, such as thefamily' [Stark, 1991: 3]. The family can be conceived as a coalition vis-a-vis the rest of the world, and migration by family members as amanifestation of the viability of the family: for example, they share both thecosts of and rewards of migration [ibid.: 5]. Migration is seen as a form ofportfolio diversification by families. Migrants and their families enter intochosen contractual arrangements, in which remittances play an importantrole: 'patterns of remittances are better explained as an intertemporalcontractual arrangement between the migrant and the family than as a resultof purely altruistic considerations' [ibid.: 25]. Families first invest in

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migrants leaving, but they do so in the expectation of returns in the form ofremittances. The migrant in turn continues to maintain the link, but alsowith the expectation of returns, for example in the form of inheritance.39

Using household as the central unit of analysis fits in with muchanthropological literature, though this would emphasise the difficulty indefining households in different contexts, and the need to take culturalfactors more serious. Krokfors [1995], analysing migration in Africa as ademographic response to poverty and environmental stress, uses a conceptof 'multi-active households', with members of households engaging indifferent income generating activities. Oucho describes how families investin the education of one member of the family, usually the firstborn boy, formigration to the urban formal sector.40 And Epstein's South Indian researchdeveloped the concept of 'share families', units that live separately but haveagreed to share the responsibility for their incomes as well as theirexpenditures.41

Further departing from individual or behavioural models of migrationare analyses that emphasise the institutions that are determining for patternsof migration. Southern African academics in particular have been engagedin almost continuous debate about migration and its relations withapartheid, uneven capitalist development, and rural change in Africa.Earlier studies emphasised how 'oscillating' migration unravelled the socialfabric.42 But others suggested that the negative effects might have beenoverstated. Margaret Read's publication on the African tribal life in 1942stressed that migration did not bring the negative expected effects in Malawi(in Chirwa [7997: 633]). Watson's [1958] research in Zambia indicated thatparticipation in the colonial economy actually strengthened social cohesionand that co-operative labour relations were able to survive in the absence ofmen. Van Velsen [1959] showed that absent male workers played animportant role in sustaining traditional practices in the rural areas because -and here van Velsen anticipated Stark's argument about family's contractualarrangements - it was in their interest to counteract the instability of atemporary urban existence, through continued ownership of rural land, butalso through the maintenance of social networks.

Research shows that continuity, in terms of social institutions, marksmigration processes. Migration decisions are usually part of a continuingeffort, consistent with traditional values, to solve recurrent problems to dowith a balance between available resources and population numbers.Spontaneous movement and settlement, as in southern Ethiopia forexample, are not unique or unusual events but part of a long-term processof ecological and cultural differentiation.43 Davies noted in Mali that intimes of livelihood insecurity the timing of migration may change but thepattern of migration fundamentally remains unaltered.44 And Black and

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Sessay [7995] argue that some refugee movements build on previousmigratory patterns.45

Seidman argued in 1993 that 'the discussion of apartheid's impact onblack women has tended to emphasise the destabilisation of Africanhouseholds rather than the gender-based inequality within those households'[in Sinclair, 1998: 350]. But during the last decades, gender has come tooccupy a central place in the migration literature [Chant andRadcliffe, 1992],and this has made a crucial contribution to understanding the institutions thatstructure migration processes. It has been argued that 'gender is an essentialtool for unpicking the migration process'.46 There is now much moreemphasis on the differential migration responses by men and women, whichthemselves are context dependent (as described in the next section), and ongender discrimination in returns to migrant labour. Also, for example, thegendered nature for motives of remitting, as determined by gender-differentiated inheritance rules, has become part of the analysis.47

More broadly, the way migration processes are 'embedded' in socialrelations like gender ideologies and practices has been stressed.48

For example, single migrants are usually enabled to leave by theexistence of extended families. David's [1995] research on migration infour African countries showed that male out-migration did not leavebehind large numbers of lone women. The extended family structure inthree West African cases (Diourbel in Senegal, Bankass in Mali, Passore inBurkina Faso) meant that most migrants' wives continue to live in theirhusbands' compound, or in the care of his extended family.49 In El Ain(Sudan), with much smaller conjugal units, women became heads ofhousehold and more vulnerable. However, even in the Sudan, tight-knitvillage relationships provided for a great deal of inter-household support.Male out-migration had no significant effect on patriarchal patterns ofdecision-making or on the gender division of labour, and decisions aboutagriculture and natural resources were left to in-laws. Findley [1997: 118ff.], stresses the complexity of family-migration interactions, and describeshow six essential features of the African family structure conditionsmigration patterns and vice versa: (1) the extended family structurefacilitates migration; (2) male-female segregation of roles makes itunremarkable for men and women to migrate and set-up separateresidences; (3) the integration of reproduction and production is alsopresent in the urban economy; (4) the dominance of lineage over conjugalrelations help migration decisions to be made in a wider household orclan context (this might contribute to migration-related divorces); (5)polygamy increases the need to earn cash for bride price and maintain thelarger family; (6) dominance by elders sometimes makes youth migrate toescape their control.

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A central point in the recent literature is that migration is usually not adisjuncture in society's histories. It is usually part of populations' survivalstrategies, and even disruptive forms of population mobility tend to build onearlier migrations. Migration movements are embedded in the societies'strategies to obtain livelihoods, and socio-cultural structures give migrationparticular forms. Also, the newer approaches, in different ways, show thatmigration does not approximate a lottery. Migration options are not open toall, and neither do people move en masse forced by economic or politicalfactors. Migration streams are highly segmented, and people's networks,preceding migrations and various social institutions determine, to a largeextent, who migrates, and from which areas. This also means that the gainsfrom migration are not distributed equally. The selective nature and returnsfrom migration will be discussed in more detail in the next sections.

IV. CHARACTERISTICS OF MIGRANTS

Naturally, most migration studies describe the characteristics of migrants,and a major critique of the Todaro-type of model has been that migration isa selective process. The portrait of migrants is fairly uniform, reflectinglabour demand structures, and suggesting a specific way in which migrationaffects livelihoods of families, and social and economic relations. Labourmigration is usually by young adult men - not only in the case of SouthAfrica where this happened for specific well-known reasons.50 They areusually not the poorest in the areas of origin, and often slightly better-educated (see further section VII). But there are important variations, andthe characteristics depend on economic, political as well as culturalcircumstances - themselves changing over time, partly under the influenceof migration itself. It would be impossible to summarise the evidence aboutmigrants' characteristics; this section will discuss a random set of studiesfrom various parts of the world.

Demographic characteristics of rural labour migrants in China arediscussed in Mallee [1995/96:114 ff.]. First, virtually all surveys show thatrural labour migrants are predominantly male (between 70 and 85 per cent).But specific circumstances lead to higher female participation. A study inpoor counties showed that participation of women was somewhat higher inless poor households. And a study in Anhui showed that a local migrationtradition caused an almost equal gender balance in migration. Second,migrants generally are relatively young. Mean age is estimated to be 31years, and 70 to 80 per cent are under 30 years of age. Female mobilitydecreases more rapidly with age. Further, for women, marital status is moreimportant than for men in determining rates of migration. Finally, in Chinathe educational level of rural migrants is predominantly lower-middle

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school, and on average higher than the total population's. The proportion ofmigrants with some special skills is also higher than among the totalpopulation. However, different migration streams have differentcharacteristics: a 1987 survey found that permanent out-migrants are muchbetter educated than seasonal migrants.

An important contribution to debates about the gender composition ofmigration was Andrea Menefee Singh's article in the 1984 volume Womenin the Cities of Asia. She concludes [1984: 95 ff.] that macro- and micro-level studies consistently show contrasting patterns of female rural-to-urbanmigration in northern and southern India, with the south having higher ratesof female migration. She relates this to Boserup's 1970 study of women'srole in economic development, and notes that the pattern of femaleparticipation in northern India resembles that of women in West Asian andNorth African Arab countries, whereas the pattern in southern Indiaresemble those of Southeast Asia.51 Her analysis emphasises cultural norms,in particular northern Indian practices related to seclusion of women, thataffects female migration and employment. In many studies, however, thegender-specific demand for labour (for example, in export zones) receivemore emphasis [Roberts, 1997: 276]. Skeldon [1997b] argues that recentlyfemale migration has increased proportionally, and that in the Republic ofKorea, the Philippines and Thailand women form a larger proportion ofmigrants than men.52 A similar trend of increasing female migration is notedby David [1995: 14] regarding the Bankass region of Mali, where womengo to earn money for their dowries, and by Adepoju and Mbugua, who -stressing the effects of structural adjustment programmes - note that in sub-Saharan Africa both national and international female migration has been'burgeoning'.53

Many studies have compared migrants' to local workers' income.International migrants' initial wage levels are usually less than those of localworkers with similar endowments. Some studies suggest that the difference isusually made up within 10 to 15 years, though there are of course variations[Ghatak et al, 1996].5i Some even argue that when controlled for humancapital endowments, the wage gap between native- and foreign-born is smalland sometimes nil [Hatton and Williamson, 1994: 15-16]. For migrantswithin national borders, Vijverberg and Zeager [1994] show that in Tanzaniamigrant workers in both public and private sector face lower initial wageoffers than native urban workers,55 but the wage gap is eliminated in a decadeor less. My own comparison [de Haan, 1997a] of migrants and non-migrantsin urban India, using NSS data for 1983-84, suggests that migrants have ahigher average per capita consumption than non-migrants.

Research comparing migrants' characteristics to those of the non-migrant population in the area of origin show varying pictures. A central

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issues in the Indian literature is caste - though after 1931 no Census data ofthis kind was collected. Breman's research [1996] in western India stressesthe over-representation of lower castes and Harijans in circular migration,and Rogaly [1999] describes caste as one of the axes along which migrationin West Bengal is segmented. Studies of indentured labour [Tinker, 1974]have indicated that migrants formed an average, broad-middle sample ofIndia's, rural population, my own research in northern India [de Haan, 1994]suggests that all castes are represented in migration, and research oninternational migration from the Punjab emphasised that even the lower-castes and worse-off migrated, sponsored by the better-off and earlymigrants [Pettigrew, 1977].

Many studies discuss the status of migrants in terms of land ownership.The Village Studies project in India [Connell et al., 1976] showed, withmany others, that the landless are least likely to migrate. Yadava et al.[1996/97] conclude on the basis of their own and secondary data thatmigrant households in India are socio-economically and educationallybetter placed than others, and that there is a positive relationship betweenlandholding and migration. However, this cannot be generalised. Singh andAnayetei [1996/97] note an inverse relationship between land ownershipand migration in Burkina Faso: people with less land migrate more. Song[1997], using survey data from Hebei province, China, concludes thatmigrants came from households suffering 'absolute disadvantage' infarming. According to a survey in India in the 1980s the landless (and poor)in Bihar were more prone to out-migrate, but the differences were small.56

But the migration dynamics were different in two other states: in Kerala themiddle peasantry migrated more, while in Uttar Pradesh all the landedgroups except the highest size of cultivators had a relatively high propensityto migrate.57 Data on changes in inequality in Palanpur, western UttarPradesh, show that higher castes were more prominently represented amongmigrants in 1983/84, but that lower castes had seized the opportunities foroutside jobs in earlier years.58

Finally, this discussion of migrants' characteristics should include thecommon observation that migrants do not come equally from all areas.Migration streams are strongly segmented.59 The origins of these are notalways known, but once segmentation is in place it tends to re-inforce itself.As described by Roberts [1997: 282], migration networks 'mature',increasing the number of migrants from a specific area, becoming moreselective, and leading to more settlement. The poorest areas do not usuallyhave the highest rates of out-migration, as has been shown for example forChina by Mallee [1995/96], and for Indian villages by Connell et al. [1976],who also quote evidence regarding migration following the nineteenth-century Irish famine: the migrants did not come from the poorest villages in

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the west. There is also evidence that the level of economic developmentinfluences type of migration: for example, duration of migration was longeramong Mexican international migrants from economically dynamic regionsthan from economically stagnant regions [Lindstrom, 1996].

This brief review of some of the studies discussing migrantcharacteristics shows that migration is a selective process. The generalpicture of the migrant is that of a young and adult male. Due to thesegmentation of migration streams, they tend to come from specific areas,and they are not necessarily the poorest from rural areas - particularly notwhen the migratory jobs are attractive and have higher returns. But thesecharacteristics - perhaps most notably the gender composition of migrants- are context specific, depending on both supply and demand side of thelabour market. The characteristics of migrants are crucial to the effect ofmigration on the economic development in areas of origin and destination,and vice versa; this is discussed in the next section.

V. MIGRATION AND DEVELOPMENT

The relationship between development and migration is complex and'unsettled' [Papademetriou and Martin, 1991]. The diversity of experiencesdescribed in the literature prohibits generalisations. Four kinds of inter-actions exist, as summarised by the following questions: (a) how doesdevelopment in areas of destination affect migration? (b) how doesdevelopment in the area of origin affect migration, (c) how does migrationaffect development in areas of destination? (d) what are the impacts in areasof origin? This section reviews the literature addressing these questions inrelation to development in general, reserving literature regarding inequality,poverty and agricultural development for later sections.

The first question raises least problems: pull factors are widely relevantin explaining national as well as international migration movements.Though there are some doubts about the responsiveness of migrants frompoorer areas, most experience indicates that migrants do move in reactionto newly developing opportunities. There is more controversy about therelationship between development in the 'catchment' areas and migration.Earlier migration models identified the less developed areas as likelycandidates for migration, and many development specialists have arguedfor rural development to reduce migration pressures. But detailed studies -for example, recently on China - show a more diversified picture of reasonsfor out-migration. People from the poorest areas often do not have accessto the most rewarding activities, in urban areas or abroad, though theymay migrate to activities nearby, for seasonal agricultural and lessrewarding work.

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Development in areas of origin usually goes hand-in-hand withmigration, and expectations that rural development will decrease out-migration may be unjustified (though it is likely to change the conditions ofmigration and composition of migrants). In the Punjab, the GreenRevolution occurred simultaneously with both high rates of out-migrationas well as in-migration from Bihar and other poorer Indian states - a processthat is little discussed in the literature. In China the development of ruralenterprises appears to increase rates of out-migration (except amongst themore educated peasants) [Liang and White, 1997], and Cole and Sanders'[1983] analysis of inter-state migration in Mexico suggests that the landreform had little effect on migration. When Japan was developing into anurban industrial society, emigration was increasing,60 and Appleyard notedwith respect to international migration:

from what we know concerning the relationship between migrationand economic growth — and it is precious little — rapid and successfuldevelopment is likely to be profoundly disturbing to developingcountries in the short term. The US Commission for the Study ofInternational Migration and Co-operative Economic Developmentbluntly predicted that with an appropriate development strategy inplace, migration between South and North in the short term wouldincrease rather than moderate. But it would be a small price to pay, if,in the long run, it obviated mass exodus with all its accompanyingconflict and dislocation.61

Turning to the third and fourth questions, the effects of migration areperhaps even more controversial. With respect to international migration,the consensus seems that immigration has improved economic welfare ofthe receiving countries - which, given restrictive immigration policies, isnot surprising, since receiving countries try to allow in only people withskills for which there is an excess demand in the labour market. Mostresearch seems to contradict the popular belief that immigration contributesto unemployment, and there is some evidence that internal migration inLDCs is welfare-improving for receiving regions [Ghatak et ah, 1996].

Perhaps least clarity exists about the effect of migration on thedevelopment of areas of origin, even though this is perhaps the mostrelevant question for development studies and policies. Most migrationresearch has concentrated on the role of migrants at the place of destination,and much less is known about the areas of origin. De Mas [1991] evenargues that the literature on Moroccan emigrants is characterised by anethnocentric perspective; in any case it concentrates on areas of destination,and the same appears to be true for much of the literature on other migrationstreams.62 In the case of the Punjab, an area with a long tradition of

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out-migration, for example, very few studies trace the effects of migrationand remittances on the villages of origin.63

Writings in the 'balanced growth' tradition [Ghosh, 1992: 424] assumethat by alleviating unemployment and providing inputs such as remittancesand skills, migration promotes development, narrows regional disparitiesand eventually makes migration unnecessary. Cashin and Sahay [1996] testthis hypothesis for India, and analyse the effect of internal migration on theconvergence of per capita income of Indian states (that is, initially poorstates growing faster than rich). Regressions of rates of migration on realper capita income show that migration has made little contribution to this.64

According to Barro and Sala-i-Martin (1992, in Ghatak et al. [1996: 184]),there is no evidence that convergence across countries is due to internationalmigration, and little evidence that internal migration helps eliminateregional disparities.65

The idea of a simple trickle-down resulting from migration - of differenttypes - has been much criticised. For example, Kabra [1997] challengespredictions that rural-urban migration would promote rural developmentthrough remittances, skill development, and the absorption of excess rurallabour - with important policy implications relating to the classic urbanbias. Man [1986: 753] concludes from his analysis of migration fromPakistan: the 'possibility of such mobility having an adverse repercussionon the economy of labour-exporting areas can hardly be ruled out'. Thiscontrasts with empirical studies, such as Firman's detailed description ofhouseholds in villages near Yogyakarta [1994], pointing to the significantrole of migration in the progress of the villages, as a mechanism of incomeredistribution, and perhaps primarily as subsistence for rural families.Amjad [1989], though noting that international Asian migrants are not fromthe poorest strata, and that overseas employment may have an inflationaryimpact, still believes that migration has had an overall favourable impact onpoverty alleviation in Pakistan. Also, migrants contribute to building ofschools or other community activities [e.g., Russell et al., 1990: 63].

Lipton [1982] describes why rural-urban migration does not tend toequalise incomes, between or within regions. First, the selective nature ofmigration, providing higher returns to the better-off and better-educated,prevents equalisation within areas of origin. Second, there are costs andbarriers associated with migration, including access to information aboutopportunities, which tends to steer the gains of migration to the rich. Third,absence of the most productive household members leads to a lowering oflabour-intensity, which according to Lipton is 'socially maladaptive,especially in the medium run, while the rural work force is growing muchfaster than other, scarcer ... factors of production' [1982: 208]. Fourth, thevolume of net remittances is usually low,66 and fifth, return migrants are

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likely to be the old, sick, and unsuccessful, and skills brought back areunlikely to be of much help.

There is some literature on the effects of declining migrationopportunities, for example the effect of changing South African policies onmigrant communities in Lesotho, Malawi, and Swaziland. According toChirwa [7997: 650], who has an overall optimistic view about the effects ofoscillating labour migration in the region, and describes the reasons forsuccess and failure in the use of returns from migration: the 'social,economic, as well as political disruptions caused by this process are just toogreat for the weak economies and fragile political structures of the labor-supplying countries and local communities to effectively handle.' Leliveld[7997], using survey data collected in 1990 among 195 rural homesteads,describes the effects of declining migration on households in ruralSwaziland, and essentially comes to the same conclusion: employmentpossibilities in Swaziland are limited, and relatively young households, withfew working members, and a weak economic position are among the mostvulnerable in this context. Also, there is a considerable literature on thenegative effects of sudden barriers to international migration, such as duringthe Gulf War which had an enormous impact on sending countries [Connelland Wang, 1992; Addleton, 1991].

Thus, unsurprisingly, there is little consensus in the literature about therelationship between migration and development. This is partly due to thetheoretical complexity of the question, but it is also related to the variety offorms of migration that exist. Different migratory opportunities attractdifferent groups of people, with varying social relations that structure theirmovements, possibly having different consequences. In this context, it isworth recalling the short article by Ballard [1983], who analysed the effectsof migration to Britain from two Punjabi districts, Jullundur in India andMirpur in Pakistan. These two districts were strikingly different ineconomic success: Jullundur was booming, and Mirpur was stagnating. Theemigration from Jullundur was not precipitated by grinding poverty, andneither was emigration the driving force of growth - but the remittancesfacilitated local entrepreneurial activity. In contrast, a similar flow ofremittances precipitated economic decline and dependency in Mirpur. Thesefindings remind us that both the causes and consequences of migration arecontext dependent.

VI. REMITTANCES

Remittances are amongst the most important aspects of migration,especially so for the migrants' areas of origin, and perhaps even more thanthe absence of migrants. There is now a large amount of literature on

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remittances, although general conclusions about both the amounts and usesof remittances differ. Overall, the evaluation of remittances has shifted sincethe 1970s, when there was much stress on the 'conspicuous consumption'of migrants and their relatives, towards more positive views, focusing, forexample, upon the conditions needed to secure the investment ofremittances.

De la Briere et al. [1997] argue that economic models to explainremittance behaviour are of two types. The first model, building on the workof Rosenzweig and others, focuses on an insurance contract between themigrant and the household left behind, as a means of coping with householdrisk. A variation of this is work that concentrates on migration andremittances as a form of portfolio diversification, where the options toreceive remittances are weighed against the returns from local sources ofincome.67 The second model builds on literature about the bequest motive.This sees remittances as investments in household assets that the migrantwill later inherit, which is supported by analysis of difference in remittancebehaviour between men and women (caused by gender-differentiatedinheritance rules). Stark's 1980 article on the role of urban-ruralremittances in rural development, sets out how rural to urban migration of afamily member bypasses credit and insurance markets, facilitating surplusaccumulation and diversification of income sources. Stark and Lucas [1988]emphasise the sequential nature of migration and remittances, and the factthat remitting is inspired also by the hope of inheriting family possessions.

Unsurprisingly, estimates of the volume of remittances vary. This tendsto be a sensitive topic for research, and only a small proportion of the moneygoes through official channels. Martin and Widgren [1996: 42] note thatremittances sent home by international migrants exceed US$75 billionannually (twice the amount of official direct aid).68 But stories about howlarge amounts of money were brought back by migrants to Mexico hiddenunder their clothes [Hulshof, 1991], and the importance of in-kind transfers[Russell et al., 1990: 24] and gifts [Werbner, 1990] indicate how difficult itis to form an accurate idea of the scale of remittances.69

Remittances from internal migration are even more difficult to estimate.Williamson [1988: 432] suggests that urban-rural remittances range from10 to 13 per cent of urban incomes in Africa, and are thought to be in thesame order in Asia. Reardon's [7997: 739] overview of the importance ofthe rural non-farm income in Africa (which was between 22 and 93 per centof total rural incomes, with an average of 45 per cent over 25 case studies),notes that in areas which are not close to major cities, migration earningsconstituted only 20 per cent of total non-farm earnings, whereas it was ashigh as 75 per cent of total non-farm earnings in areas close to major cities.Rempell and Lobdell [1978] conclude that remittances accounted for up to

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40 per cent of income of rural households, and Knowles and Anker [1981]note similar proportions and conclude that remittances are more importantfor poorer than richer households in Kenya.70 Adepoju and Mbugua [1997:54] note that migrants often remit up to 60 per cent of their incomes, thoughFindley [1997: 130] in the same volume quotes research showing thatmigrants remit between 5 and 15 per cent of their income.

Focusing on India, Lipton claimed that remittances form aninsubstantial part of village income. Stressing the relationship betweenvillage-level inequality and migration, he notes:

Nor are other effects of emigration more promising for the rural poor.We hear much of remittances, but the Connell et al. [1976] studyshowed that village-to-town remittances mainly to support educationor job search (a) often exceed remittances from town to village; (b)always precede such remittances - especially important for poorpeople, who often have to pay high interest charges. It also showedthat even gross town-to-village remittances are small proportions,typically 2-7 per cent, of village incomes, and less for poorlabourers.71

David [1995] also found that average remittances were very low butwere nevertheless vital to food security as a way to diversify risks andensure support in times of harvest. There were large variations in thevolume of remittances depending on occupations. Oberai and Singh [1980]concluded that only six per cent of remittances flowing into the IndianPunjab were used for productive investment - though the remittances didimprove the distribution of income. Findley [1997:128] concludes from anoverview of African research that migration does not enable the families tomake major improvements in their standards of living, and she notes [ibid.:131] that bi-directional exchanges of food and money are more importantthan previously assumed. Lakshmansamy [1990:478] quotes various Indianstudies72 generally giving image of high remittances. Roberts [7997: 275]quotes evidence for Chinese migrants from Hunan province who earned 100yuan to 200 yuan per month and remitted and average of 1,000 yuan peryear. He also reports results from a 1993 survey, according to whichmigrants earned an average of 3,649 yuan during 205 days worked awayfrom home, while the rural per capita income was 922 yuan.73 Clearly, theamounts of remittances and their magnitude as a proportion of senders' andreceivers' incomes, vary substantially from place to place.

There seems to be a consensus that only a small part of remittances istypically invested in productive activities. Castles and Kosack in their 1973study on immigrants in Europe for example stressed the 'conspicuousconsumption which does nothing to raise living standards in the long run',

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and Mahmud and Osmani in 1980 suggested that remittances in Bangladeshled to rising inequality and impoverishment (both quoted in Islam [1991:586-7]). Islam describes the effects of migration to the Gulf from villagesin Chittagong in Bangladesh and lists the variety of ways the remittances arespent, moving up from basic needs to luxury consumption, 'buying socialstatus', and purchasing land (leading to concentration of landownership,and a sudden increase in the price of land). Roberts [1997:265-6] notes thatboth Mexican international and Chinese internal migrants invest little inagriculture, in comparison with family maintenance, improving housing,weddings, and dowries.74 David [1995: 15] also notes that much wasinvested in status symbols (with the exception of Bankass in Mali). Verylittle remitted money was invested in agriculture, to hire labour, buyagricultural materials or invest in livestock. Because of the high price, allbut a few were prohibited from investing in chemical fertilisers.

Recent research, on the other hand, has emphasised the positive impactof remittances [Papademetriou and Martin, 1991, and literature quotedthere]. Adams [1991] argues that the migrants' families in rural Egypt donot 'fritter away' but invest the remittances, for example to increaseagricultural productivity. Although they do also invest in housing, themigrant households have a higher propensity to invest than householdswithout migrants. His analysis of the role of remittances in rural Pakistan[Adams, 1996] indicates that different sources of remittances - very muchlike different sources of non-farm income [Adams, 1994] - have differenteffects. Remittances from international migration tend to increaseinequality, whereas those from national migration have an equalisingeffect.75 External remittances also have a positive impact on income-generating assets, 'can contribute significantly to rural development bystimulating investment in productive assets', and raise the marginalpropensity to invest [Adams, 1998]. Internal remittances do not have suchan effect. Durand et al. [1996a] challenge the view that internationalmigration creates a cycle of dependency - which ignores the conditionsunder which productive investment is likely to be possible and profitable -and argue that migrants are active agents in their self-improvement.76

The multiplier model of Durand et al. [1996b] indicates that incomefrom migration stimulates economic activity, both directly and indirectly,and that it leads to significantly higher levels of employment, investment,and income. Taylor [1995], also discussing Mexican migration, emphasisesthe multiplier effect of remittances, and that they help to provide technologyand market connections. Finally, Helweg's [1983] longitudinal researchshowed that the way of spending the remittances changes over time: firstthey are spent on family maintenance and improving land productivity; in asecond stage spending tends to be on 'conspicuous' consumption and

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symbolic purposes (resulting in tensions, inflation and worsening ofposition of the poorest); and in a third phase remittances are also investedto start commercial, non-agricultural activities.

Thus, levels of remittances vary widely - depending on various factorssuch as accessibility of the home village, employment opportunities, costsof living, ease of remitting, and the 'orientation' of the migrant - andestimates are usually unreliable. Evidence on the way remittances are usedalso shows diversity. There is no doubt that remittances can have negativeconsequences, but the literature also clearly indicates that these are notalways present. The evidence suggests that the way remittances are useddepends on the form of migration, the characteristics of the migrants andthose who stay behind. There is a need for more research in this area,including about the ways in which policies can enhance the positive effectsof remittances.

VII. MIGRATION, POVERTY, INEQUALITY

This section discusses the relationship between migration on the one hand,and poverty and inequality on the other. Lipton's conclusions regarding therelatively small importance of remittances were quoted earlier. He and otherteam members of the Indian Village Studies Programme emphasise theinequality-increasing effects of rural to urban migration. 'Our analysis ofdata from forty Indian villages suggests that high emigration from a villageis intimately associated with unequal distribution of resources (usuallyland) ... ' " The poorer and the richer migrants tend to come from the samevillages, the ones that are more commercialised and more unequal.Migration also increases intra-rural inequalities, because better-off villagesand villagers learn first, and are able to avail of new job opportunities.Better-off migrants are 'pulled' towards fairly firm prospects of a job (oreducation), whereas the poor are 'pushed' by rural poverty and labour-replacing methods. In summary, "push' and 'pull' migration are twinchildren of inequality in the same sort of village; but they are also sourcesof new inequality'.78

Stark [1991: 140 ff.] argues that relative deprivation plays an importantrole in migration decisions. His findings from Mexico show that, forinternational migration, relatively deprived households are more likely toengage in international migration than are better-off households. Forinternal migration the perceived risk of relative deprivation in the city alsoplays a role. If this risk is perceived to be high, migration ceases to be aneffective means for achieving gains with respect to relative deprivation.Stark, Taylor and Yitzhaki [1988] analyse the impact of migrants'remittances on the distribution of household income in two Mexican

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villages, where access to higher paid work, especially in USA, is limited forthe poorer members of the village. They argue that inequality dependscritically on how the migration opportunities are diffused across village aswell as the 'returns to human capital embedded in migrants' remittances'.

There is little doubt that migration - like rural diversification - canenhance inequality. As discussed earlier, the literature clearly indicates thatmigration is a very selective process. The extremely poor are generallyexcluded from migration opportunities [Skeldon, 1997b]. Migrants dousually not come from the poorest districts, as is currently witnessed inChina [Mallee, 1995/96]. Murton's research in the same Machakos districtsas Tiffen et al. also suggests that differential access to non-farm income andurban remittances led to a polarisation of land holdings [in McDowell andde Haan, 1997]. Research on migration in Western Kenya shows that it hasincreased differentiation, not through agriculture but through investing ineducation.79 At the same time, research among the poorest migrants likeBreman's [1996] suggests that they have very little room for improvement.

However, this negative picture should not be generalised. Research inPalanpur was quoted above indicating that the chances that poorer sectionsmigrate, and profit from migration, change over time. White's analysis ofmigration in France in the nineteenth and twentieth century [in Moch, 1997:54] showed that internal migration used to be an activity of the poor, but isincreasingly becoming an activity of the rich. My own research amongmigrants from Bihar suggests that various groups have been able to profitfrom migration, in ways that cannot be easily predicted.80 Other researchquoted above also suggests that the poorest have migrated, and sentsignificant amounts of remittances.

Thus, migration in many cases does alleviate poverty, but it can alsoincrease inequality. The crucial question is not about migration itself, butwhat kinds of opportunities are available for what groups of people, andwhether the type of migratory work allows the migrants and their familiesto improve their assets and 'human capital'. Too little is known about this.A further question concerns the implications for relations within thehouseholds. Again, this is under-researched, but some of the studiesdiscussed below present evidence about the implications for the family ofthe absence of one of its members.

VIII. MIGRATION AND AGRICULTURAL CHANGE

In earlier sections a little has been said about the impact of migration onrural change. This section focuses more explicitly on the literature whichexamines the relationship between migration and agricultural development,discussing the negative effects in terms of absence of the productive

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members of the population, and the possible positive effects of remittancesand ideas brought back by returning migrants. The evidence suggest thatmigration does not usually lead to radical transformation of agriculture, butthat it often occupies a central part in the maintenance of rural people'slivelihoods.

Croll and Ping [1997] summarise results from a series of field studiescentred on villages of migrant origin in four different provinces in China(Jiangsu, Anhui, Sichuan, Gansu). High rates of out-migration are causednot only by land scarcity but also by rising costs of agriculture, and a strongdesire of villagers to leave agriculture; in fact, in some cases out-migrationcaused a shortage of labour. Croll and Ping believe [1997:143] that though'remittances might benefit individual families they do not contribute tovillage income and development nor to the establishment and maintenanceof village services including those for facilitating agricultural development'.They also fear 'deskilling of agricultural populations', and repercussions forChina's food sufficiency.

David [1995] found that in Passore, where most agricultural activitieswere carried out by hand, the absence of able-bodied men was keenly feltand led to a 'labour gap'. As a result women were described as workinglonger and harder in the compound's communal fields, and had less time towork their own land. Similarly, in central Mali the effect of a young man'sabsence was 'particularly harsh on the smallest households, and the receiptof remittances is considered a poor substitute for the young man'scontribution to filling the family granary'.81 Islam [1991] concludes that thenegative effects of migration to the Gulf from villages in Chittagong inBangladesh outweigh the positive ones. Land became concentrated in thehands of migrant families, who turned into non-farmers, which contributedto a decrease in production. Land prices went up, as did the cost of labour,though not so high as to lead to labour saving in agriculture. Often, land isunder-utilised because of male absence, and increases in production andproductivity would be possible (Low, 1986, in Leliveld [1997: 1847]).Leliveld agrees that agriculture offers opportunities to the returningmigrant, but 'it is uncertain whether deficit homesteads [those with a smallproportion of working members] can survive on additional agriculturalproduction alone'. Findley [1997: 126] quotes Hirschmann and Vaughan'sresearch in Malawi that showed that 45 per cent of women now performtasks once handled by men. However, she does not portray a positivepicture: women are already over-burdened, and remittances are often toolow to hire in labour.

Other studies show more optimistic pictures. Lakshmanasamy [1990:479] concludes from his literature review that 'migration process andremittances modernize the rural sector, both directly and indirectly, through

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their impact on the production-increasing technological and institutionalchanges in the agricultural sector'; according to Eames, 12 per cent of therespondents' remittances were used to buy bullocks and 'to aid agriculture';Oberai and Singh showed that a significant proportion of remittances wereused for agricultural production; and Brammer described how immigrantsto Dinajpur introduced double cropping. Thirsk [1991] illustrates theinnovatory role played by a succession of immigrants in English agriculturebefore 1800, arguing that similar stories can be told for other Europeancountries. And the recovery of the Akamba lands over several decades wasto a significant extent — and particularly in the later stages of recovery andless labour intensive agricultural intensification - achieved through themigration and remittances [in McDowell and de Haan, 1997].

Hence, the impact of migration on agriculture is also dependent on thecontext, on seasonality of movement, educational levels of migrants, thelength of time spent away, assets, and social structures and institutionsallowing - in case of single male migration - women and others to pursueactivities previously reserved for men and household heads. This isillustrated in David's [1995] research. For example, seasonal male out-migration from Al Ain, Sudan, and the long-term migration of Mossivillagers from Passore, Burkina Faso had different impacts. Longer-termmigration was found to affect labour allocation at village level andinvestment decision in natural resource improvement activities. In Diourbel,70 per cent of men migrated to find dry season jobs but maintained closecontact with their home communities, sending a high level of remittances.In Sudan, by contrast, migrants had little contact with their wives duringtheir dry season absence.

Effects of out-migration depends to some extent on an ability tomaintain labour inputs and to invest remittances productively. Theliterature does not provide much information about the conditions underwhich this happens. With respect to family's strategies, however, out-migration is a productive and essential strategy to deal with shortages andseasonality at the homestead.82 According to Roberts [1997: 265 ff.]keeping a foot on the farm is integral to diversification strategies of bothMexican international and Chinese internal migrants. Gebre et al. (inMcDowell and Haan [1997]) describe the strategy of 'twin cultivation' insouthern Ethiopia as a response to overcrowding, land shortage and landdepletion, and similar patterns are found in research by Brock andCoulibaly [1999] in Mali. My own research suggested that migrants inCalcutta define their migration strategies as a means to maintain their basisin the village. Out-migration may have negative effects on agriculture, butoverall, it seems likely that when the right incentives for agriculture exist- and this is not the case, when, for example, women do not receive

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agricultural extension assistance [Findley, 1997: 127] - migrants invest inagriculture in a rational manner; migration is not necessarily an alternativeto agriculture, but it can be a complement.

IX. CONCLUSION AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS

Skeldon's [1997b] conclusion, that '[p]olicies that accept the wider mobilityof the population are likely to accord with policies that will enhance thewell-being of greater numbers of people', and King's call for a 'celebrationof migration' [1996], find qualified support in this review of the literatureregarding migration and how it relates to development, poverty and people'slivelihoods. Too many studies assume an immobile population. Also,policies often wrongly try to encourage, implicitly or explicitly, a sedentarypopulation, and impose restrictions upon population mobility.

Migration should be seen as the norm rather than the rule, as an integralpart of societies rather than a sign of rupture - an essential element inpeople's livelihoods, whether rich or poor. Migration is usually associatedwith general economic development, though it does not always contributeto an 'equilibrium'. Rural development is not likely to stop migration[Bigsten, 1996], though the labour intensity of that development is likely tomatter for specific types of migrants. Migration, and the form it takes, isusually consistent with populations' social and cultural values, and thesevalues structure the patterns of migration.

Policies that restrict migration are costly, and they hurt the poor morethan the rich. Even when restrictions are transgressed on a large scale - asin China - they still exert a great influence on the migration streams:'illegal' migrants are usually required to pay-off officials, which makesmigration more difficult and, therefore, probably more selective, denyingmigration options for poorer sections of the population. Many other policieshave unintended consequences for migratory movements, that often areessential elements of populations' livelihood strategies. For example, theborders that were created in West Africa, and tax demands imposed undercolonial rule, have had significant impacts on the populations that used totravel large distances in search of livelihoods.

There are diverging opinions about the effects of migration onagriculture, on poverty alleviation and inequality, but the literature alsosuggests that it is not migration per se, but the forms of migration, andthe conditions under which it takes place that determine the outcomes.Some of the studies indicate negative effects on agriculture, but I believethat worries about food security are unwarranted. The literature alsoshows that the incentives to agriculture determine how migrants utilisetheir land and remittances.

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Not surprisingly, estimates of remittances vary considerably. But they doplay an important role for many areas of origin, and have huge potentials fordevelopment, particularly since much migration remains circular andmigrant households' strategies remain based in villages of origin.Remittances do not always go into what development specialists considerproductive channels, but they are an essential part of households' strategies.These include basic necessities, some 'consumerism', building up 'socialcapital', but also what migrants refer to as 'aiding agriculture'. However,the literature shows that possible negative effects of remittances cannot beignored. Policies therefore, should look into ways in which remittances canbe channelled into the desired directions. Perhaps the most worrying aspectof migration (as of diversification) is its possible impact upon inequality.The literature indicates that migration (national but particularlyinternational) may increase inequality. As Adams [1994, 1996] indicates,and Connell et al. [1976] argued much earlier, migration of unskilled labourhas an equalising effect, whereas migration for better jobs leads to moreinequality. According to Adams the latter does promote rural assets; in thisspecific case, policies might focus upon stimulating one or the other formof migration, depending on whether reducing inequality or promoting ruraldevelopment is the central objective.

Given the central importance of migration, policies should aim atenhancing its contribution to people's livelihoods. This includes minimisingdiscrimination against migrants, and reducing 'red-tape' [Skeldon, 1997b;Khan, 1998]. Policies should support the settlement of immigrants, enablingthe development of their resources. Such policies can include providinginformation and communication channels, facilitating the integration ofmigrant populations in areas of destination, minimising tensions andenvironmental damages, and enhancing welfare of both migrant and hostpopulation. With respect to the migrants' areas of origin, potentiallypromising measures include ways of facilitating remittances, and channelsto invest these in productive and sustainable production. These are not clearpolicy prescriptions, and we know too little about how this could beachieved; but policies should start from the assumption that migration is a'normal' phenomenon, and that it contributes greatly and positively topeople's livelihoods.

final version received July 1999

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3 2 THE JOURNAL OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

NOTES

1. This survey was initially prepared for a workshop on migration and sustainable livelihoodsat Sussex, June 1998. It builds on current joint ESCOR funded research on SustainableLivelihoods, with case studies in Bangladesh, Ethiopia, and Mali [McDowell and de Haan,1997], and analysing the variety of migration experiences, including short-distance seasonalmigration, migration from marginal areas in Mali to set up a second farm in Cote d'lvoire,settlement in development projects in southern Ethiopa, and international migration fromBangladesh. It follows the understanding of livelihoods used in that research [Scoones, 1998]and recently adopted by DFID - though with little reference to migration [Carney, ed., 1998].This review also builds on earlier work on India on rural-urban migration [de Haan, 1994,1997a] and the effects of migration on poor rural area [de Haan, 1997b]. I am grateful toGlynn Jones for excellent bibliographic research, to the Social Development Department ofDFID for commissioning a paper which made this bibliographical research possible, to BenRogaly, Shahin Yaqub, and an anonymous referee for comments on an earlier draft, andfinally to Christopher Colclough for editorial comments as well as suggestions regardingmigration in Botswana.

2. Martin and Widgren [1996: 2, 15-16]. The numbers are indeed staggering, but as I willdescribe below, they are not necessarily higher than in the (longer-term) past. This reviewdoes not cover the large body of literature on refugee movements, though there are importantconceptual as well as empirical links between labour and refugee migration (see furtherMcDowell and de Haan [1997]). Diaz-Briquets and Perez-Lopez [1997] discuss differencesbetween the determinants of remittances of Cuban and Nicaraguan refugees and labourmigrants. Lucassen and Lucassen [1997], using among others the work of Richmond,emphasise the similarities between refugees and other migrants in European history.Richmond [1994] provides a typology of international population movements.

3. For example, Francis's research in Kisumu District in Nyanza Province in Western Kenya(where agricultural production has been falling since the Second World War) - a source areaof migrant labour since the beginning of this century [Francis, 1998: 81, 87].

4. Painter, Sumberg and Price [1994: 450]; I am grateful to Karen Brock for this reference.Painter et al. conclude that this approach does not fully acknowledge the mobile modes ofresource management salient in this area, and is biased against the interest of people forwhom migration is a central element of their survival strategies. Brock and Coulibaly [7999]also argue that the decentralisation pursued in Mali fits in well with the approche, and thatagricultural policies pursued in Mali fail to recognise the importance of external flows oflabour and capital.

5. A variant of this is the analysis of intersectoral migration, that is expected to 'come to a haltwhen intersectoral income differentials decline to some level' [Larson and Mundlak, 1997:295]; such analysis runs the risk of confusing 'migration' (as an activity by households) withshifts in sectoral distribution of the labour force (at a macro-level). Marxist-orientedliterature on migration exposes a similar bias, though more justified for Latin America.Lipton [1988] in his discussion of the 'retention' of rural population, rightly criticisesoverestimates of urbanisation rates, but neglects the importance of population mobility, forexample by ignoring the phenomenon of circular migration that characterises much of India'surbanisation, and by viewing migration from Bihar to Green Revolution Punjab as 'ruralretention' [1988: 39]. Sabot [1982] is an example of the tendency to equate migration withrural-urban migration. In this literature review, the emphasis is not on rural-urban migrationand links; for a recent overview of literature on rural-urban interactions (includingmigration), see Tacoli [1998].

6. In a conference paper, Jeffrey Williamson, aiming to inform debates about migration indeveloping countries by historical studies of Europe, stated that in Europe 'internal migrationduring industrial revolution has largely been a story about rural emigration off the farm tobooming cities ... I would be very surprised if the majority of moves in developing countriespast and present did not involve the rural-urban migration decision'. Beyond the obviouspoint that during high demand for labour in cities most migration will be to those cities, thisstatement ignores the dominant rural-rural migration in both pre-industrial Europe (discussed

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LIVELIHOODS AND POVERTY: THE ROLE OF MIGRATION 3 3

below) and in 'past and present' developing countries. See, for example, Mukherjee andBanerjee [1978] for India (data refer to 1973-74, after that rates of urbanisation have notincreased). Botswana's Statistical Office, concludes that the 'biggest flow was from rural tourban districts' though the data show that in 1980-81 within-district intra-rural migrants wereby far the largest single group (76,854), much larger than the second largest group, between-district rural-urban migrants (28,794) [Lesetedi, 1992: 160].

7. Ghosh [1992: 423], Bohning and Schloeter-Paredes [1994], Martin and Widgren [1996:37ff.] describe policies that can reduce 'migration pressures', including trade - in economictheory is a seen as a substitute for migration, but also as a complement [e.g., Kohli, 1997;Ghatak et at, 1996] - investment, and development aid.

8. Lipton [1988: 37], quoting a UN enquiry that showed that 90 of 116 governments wanted todo so. According to Lipton, this desire is not suprising since townward migration imposes acost on settled groups, and the potential migrants are not politically organised. But, as, forexample, Oberai [1983] argued, policies aimed at reducing migration because of a fear ofurban overpopulation and immiseration in the villages have been largely unsuccessful.

9. In Ethiopia and other countries, there is also a desire to move part of the population, but ina controlled fashion. In Indonesia, since the colonial period there has been a strong desire tomove the population away from densely-populated Java. Whereas prior to 1965 land reformwas promoted, after that transmigration was seen as the appropriate demographic alternative[Tirtosudarmo, 1995: 370-73].

10. A fascinating opposing view has been expressed by Laloo Prasad Yadav, the former ChiefMinister of Bihar, who boasted about the large number of Bihari workers in the Punjab, whowould be determining the 1998 election in some Punjab districts.

11. The February 1999 issue of the Journal of Development studies pays much attention to recentmigration trends in China, in the context of the countries' reform in both rural and urbanareas [Cook and Maurer-Fazio, 1999].

12. See, for example, Fragomen [1997] for the 1996 Immigration Act in the US; Dumont andNicol [1990] for the development of laws on nationality and immigration in the UK; Layton-Henry [1992] regarding race relations in the UK.

13. Chirwa [1997: 648], though the statements were not confirmed. Sinclair [1998] alsodescribes the growing xenophobia in South Africa. Martin and Widgren [1996: 33] reportthat over 90,000 'aliens' were deported in 1993 and 1994. Kotze and Hill [1997] emphasisethe continuity with the Apartheid regime, and the recent tightening of the legislativeframework. But the reduction in number of foreign workers dates back to the late 1970, dueto both South Africa's policies, and restrictions on emigration imposed by countries of origin[Zlotnik, 1998: 457-81

14. See for a similar perspective, for example, Skeldon [1997a], King's 'celebration ofmigration' [1996]. Green [1998] also argues that migration should generally be welcomedrather than seen as a problem: 'rural-rural migration in Africa is large, frequent and ongoing.Most does not take place in officially structured contexts ... [O]utcomes vary but on balance... they do not usually involve major losses in respect to food security or livelihood,continuous incomer/old resident conflicts as opposed to episodic and resolvable tensions.'Ferguson provides a critique of the way circulating migration in southern Africa (theZambian Copperbelt in particular) has been interpreted, and suggests that the 'diversity andcomplexity of actual patterns of migration and urban settlement confound the simple modelsof a "classic, migrant labour phase", based on a typical, short-term, rural migrant worker, thatfigure in conventional narratives of "stabilization"' [Ferguson, 1990: 411].

15. Waller (1985: 348-9; quoted in McDowell and de Haan [1997]). This seems to contradict thestatement by Russell et al. [1990: 84] in their wide-ranging overview of migration in Sub-Saharan Africa that '[r]ural out-migration began in many African countries as a result ofcolonial policies, which superimposed a monetized economy on peasant production.'

16. Both the West Africa Long Term Perspective Study [Snerch, 1995], and the research byMortimore and Tiffen (undated) on Machakos, Kenya, emphasise the positive contributionsof migration - though in the first study there seems to be an undue emphasis on rural-urbanmigration. Findley [1997: 110], who emphasises the recent increase in female labourmigration, estimates that in 1990 one in five Africans (the entire continent) is no longer

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living in her or his birthplace: on a population of 648 million this would mean 130 millionlifetime migrants.

17. For example, in a recent study of population and food prospects, Dyson [7996:182] expectsa 'great snaking loose' of India's peasantry during the next decades - apparently assumingthat the peasantry has been immobile. See, for example, Skeldon [1997a: 93 ff.] for adescription of mobility in East Asia.

18. Van Schendel and Faraizi [1984: 46 ff.]. Field research by Faraizi [1993] in three villages inFaridpur, Bangladesh shows current patterns of circular migration. 40 per cent of the maleworking population practices labour migration, with complex and highly strucured patterns,in year-round search for employment. Jabbar [1988] indicates that in Bangladesh seasonalmigration of rural labour is more common than ordinarly recognised.

19. Pettigrew [1977], Ballard [1983], Helweg [1983].20. This is summarised in the editorial by, and contributions to the volume edited by Lucassen

and Lucassen [1997]. The historical comparison is introduced here not because Third Worldsocieties repeat patterns that occurred in Europe, but because of the lessons developmentspecialist can learn from history. Lucassen and Lucassen [1997: 28 ff.] for example mayquestion recent assertions of unprecedented numbers of international migrants, andemphasise the increasing barriers for migration around the First World War.

21. Moch [1997: 42; italics added; footnotes have been left out of the quote]. Her MovingEuropeans describes how 'there have always existed seasonal, temporary, rural-rural,rural-urban, and urban-urban migration, alongside emigration from and immigration toEurope. Migrants are not a signal of the modern age but rather 'continuous phenomena whichare embedded in the social and economic framework of human organization', and as aconsequence, they are part and parcel of the history of Europe' [Moch, 1992: 6, italics added,quote from Paul White and Robert Woods].

22. Lucassen and Lucassen [1997: 11]. Literature that emphasises the forced nature of migrationincludes Potts and Mutambira [1990], Breman [1990] for colonial Asia, Das Gupta [1991]with a focus on eastern India.

23. Many textbooks discuss in detail the various strands of migration analyses. Usefuloverviews, with a focus on international migration include Massey [1993], and Penninx andSelier [1992]; see also, for example, Skeldon [1997a: 17 ff]; Chant and Radcliffe [1992];Williamson [1988] for theories on migration and urbanisation; Ghatak et al. [1996] for anassessment of economic migration theories; and Teitelbaum and Russell [1994: 240-42] onthe link between demographic change and migration.

24. Quoted in Ghatak et al. [1996: 174-5], though they also quote [1996: 173] Williamson's1988 article in the Handbook of Development Economics that argues that 'Todaro's job-lottery and high unemployment view of the urban labour markets simply fails to pass the testof evidence'. Gupta [1993] presents a Harris-Todaro model of the economy and tests variouspolicy suggestions with it.

25. Massey et al. [1993: 436-40] concisely describe the differences between the new economicsof migration and neo-classical economics, and the different policy prescription they lead to.

26. It was Henry Bienen, I believe, who argued that such a question amounts to asking which legof a pair of scissors does the cutting. Wittman pointed out that push and pull factors are oneand the same, together they provide the perception of difference between 'here' and 'there'[Wittman, 1975: 23].

27. Also, Breman [1990, 1996], Chapman and Prothero [1985], Das Gupta [1981], Parnreiter[1995], Shrestha [1990], Singh [1995]; de Haan and Rogaly [1996] discuss this literature.

28. A related strand of analyses of international migration is the 'systems approach', proposedby Kritz and Zlotnik [1992]; and Skeldon [1997a]. Migration systems include groups ofcountries that exchange substantial numbers of migrants. The system within which theseflows take place are defined by economic and political structures, though institutional andindividuals networks are recognised as playing a central role.

29. Wright [1995: 777 ff] discusses new developments in the studies of migrant labour insouthern Africa, and studies like Bundy's in 1979 that criticised functionalist analyses withits 'assumption that the emergence of migrant labour can be adequately accounted for solely

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by its utility to capitalism' [1995: 778]. However, Wright criticises the work of Bundy andothers for gender blindness.

30. Richmond [1994], Gardner [1995], McDowell [1996], Turton [1996], Robinson [1986:27ff.]

31. For example, Nelson [1976], Chapman (1978, in Roberts [1997: 262]), and Baud's [1994]historical approach.

32. McGee (1982, in Oosthuizen [1997]) summarises evidence from a number of countrieswhere circulatory migration persists 'despite a general trend towards global urbanisation'.

33. Breman [1985, 1996], Chapman and Prothero [1985], Standing [1985], and Mukherji [1985]on north India.

34. See, for example, Gugler [1991] for Nigeria, Twumasi-Ankrah [1995] for Ghana, and deHaan [1994a] for eastern India. But the circular nature changes over time: de Mas [1991]shows that Maroccan migrants in the Netherlands have given up the circular characterbecause of the high costs this entails, and Schmitter and Heisler [1986] concluded thatmigration to Western Europe was transmuted into 'semi-settled presence'.

35. Though modern transportation has facilitated more regular move, circular migration, eveninternational, is not a modern penomenon. Altman's work on transatlantic migration sincethe sixteenth century shows that 'crossing the ocean was a less permanent and fundamentalmove than is often assumed. Systems of chain and return migration kept the ties with the OldWorld intact' [in Lucassen and Lucassen, 1997: 29].

36. Roberts [1997] describes the specific reasons for circular migration in China, including thefact that right of resettlement is lost when leaving the village, the migrants' fear that they willloose land when this is reallocated, the fear of reversal of any policy, and risk-aversity withregard to food security. Oosthuizen [1997] summarises the political, socioeconomic, andcultural factors that are responsible for the continuation of circular migration in South Africa.De Haan [1994a] argues that rural conditions in northern India and the pattern of circularmigration to Calcutta are mutually reinforcing.

37. Horton et al. [1994]; Potts (1995, in Skeldon [1997a: 176]); Potts with Mutambirwa [1998:64] on Zimbabwe on the basis of interviews with migrants in Harare; Whitehead [1998: 27]for Zambia during the 1980s. Reports from East Asian countries affected by the crises(Thailand, Indonesia) also suggest return migration, and policy efforts to stimulate this. TheAsian and Pacific Migration Journal (Vol.7, Nos.2-3, 1998) devoted a special issue tomigration in time of crisis. It is important to distinguish rates of urbanisation - which indeedare likely to have decreased during adjustment - from rates of migration.

38. See, for an early formulation, Wood [1981]. Roberts [1997] notes that this shift in emphasisfollows logically from the focus on circular migration.

39. Dustmann [1997] presents a life-cycle model to compare the decisions of a migrant aboutconsumption and time abroad under certainty and uncertainty in the host and home countries.

40. Cited in Adepoju and Mbugua [7997: 54]. Oucho [1996] describes the relationship betweenrural-urban migration and rural development in Kenya.

41. Epstein [1973: 207]. However, according to her, the way family structures have evolveddiffers across economic classes. Landless and near-landless families have for the most partremained elementary units. In the middle income range, growing cash income increased thetensions within joint families in the middle range. Joint families remained the predominantpattern among the rich.

42. Recently, Adepoju, in the introduction to his edited volume on family, population anddevelopment in Africa, stated: '[migration is eroding day-to-day mutual support amongfamily members ... ' [1997: 23]. In the same volume, Makinwa-Adebusoye [1997: 104-5]quotes the Travers Lacey Committee which in 1936 inquired into migrant labour in Zambia.'As our investigation proceeded we became more and more aware that the uncontrolled andgrowing emigration brought misery and poverty to hundreds and thousands of families andtht the waste of life, happiness, health and wealth was colossal.'

43. Turton and Turton (1984), and Turton (1996), both quoted in McDowell and de Haan [1997].44. Davies [1996: 10]. Mali's population is widely dispersed and highly mobile. Mobility

increases with food stress, as a strategy for the exploitation of seasonally-specific resources.

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45. Massey et al. [1993: 451-4] indicate six socio-economic factors that cause (international)migration streams to sustain themselves in cumulative fashion: distribution of income,distribution of land, organisation of agrarian production, culture of migration, regionaldistribution of human capital, and social labeling. Grieco [1998] describes how the ability tomaintain subcaste extensions among Indians of Fiji is related to their migration experiences.

46. Wright [1995: 771]. She uses a threefold classification of neo-classical models, structuralisttheories (both problemetic with respect to gender), and structuration theory building onGiddens and Chant [1992]. She concludes [1995: 787]: 'By demonstrating how the capacityto influence the migrant-labour system is gendered, how gender inequalities have contributedto the perpetuation of age and class hierarchies within African societies, and in turn relatedto the racial hierarchies which defined urban areas as 'white' spaces, recent researchhas fulfilled the concern of structuration theory with power, exploitation and theirlegitimation .. ."

47. De la Briere et al. [1997]. This emphasises the need to focus on heterogeneity in explainingremittances. Male and female Dominican migrants to the US have different remittancebehaviour, which the authors attribute to differentiated inheritance rules. Song [1996] showsthat single female migrants in northern China tend to remit a lower proportion of theirincome than married male, married female and single male migrants. She also describes thegender differences in human capital endowments, income, and motives for migration.

48. For example, Portes and Sensenbrenner [1993], Rogaly [1997]. In a recent paper preparedfor the World Bank's Special Programme for Africa Poverty Status Report [de Haan, 1999]I try to describe how processes of migration (and the correlation with poverty) differdepending on different forms of household formation.

49. Current IDS-PRUS-IIED research on migration in Bangladesh suggest a similarphenomenon, where the women staying behind live in the family's 'bari'. Research on thosewho stay behind includes Gardner [1995] on Bangladesh, Roodenburg [1993] on Indonesia,and Brettell [1986] for Portugal.

50. See the discussion in Sinclair [1998: 351], or Wright [1995] who provides a critical guide tothe literature on migration in southern Africa.

51. In southern India, 'West Asian culture never penetrated to the same degree as in the north'[Singh, 1984: 96]. Building on Singh's North-South distinction, de Haan [1994b] presents anhistorical analysis of the exclusion of women from industrial labour, stressing the interactionbetween economic and cultural factors.

52. He also suggests that increasingly women at home are using remittances in anentrepreneurial role. There is a considerable literature on the position of female internationalmigrants; see, for example, Spaans [1989], Eelens and Speckman [1990].

53. Adepoju and Mbugua [1997: 54-55], Skeldon [1997a: 180]. In many cases, such statementsare not backed up with historical data on migration. In any case, it is important that femalemigration was not uncommon before the start of crises and adjustment.

54. Data on rural-urban migrants in 15 Demographic and Health, analysed by Brockerhoff[1995] suggest a surprising pattern: child mortality disadvantages of migrants is morepronounced among migrants who have lived in the city for many years than among recentmigrants. I owe Shahin Yaqub for this reference.

55. In an extreme case, Wu and Zhou [1996] describe that the cost of migrant labour isapproximately one-fourth of those of native workers.

56. Oberai et al. [1989]. In Bihar, 15 per cent of the out-migrants belonged to the lowest incomeclass, while 7 per cent of the total sample population belonged to this income group.However, these figures excluded remittances. Of the migrants, 72 per cent remitted to thefamily, but within the lower income groups, the percentage of remitters was higher:remittances formed 93 per cent of the income of the migrant households in the lowest incomegroup.

57. Ibid. [1989: 34]. My research on Saran in Bihar [de Haan, 1997b] shows that landowninghouseholds have historically had a high propensity to migrate; according to Ghosh andSharma [1995] this pattern in Saran is exceptional within Bihar.

58. Lanjouw and Stern [1989: 17]. Fielding [1997] notes that the mobility of the unemployed inthe UK was larger in the 1980s, for example, than in the 1970s.

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59. See Hatton and Williamson [1994: 17] for a discussion of segmentation of streams ofinternational migrants between 1850 and 1939.

60. Skeldon [1997a: 95]. He concludes his book, that perhaps underestimates the risinginequality that may accompany migration: 'It is thus impossible to envisage developmentwithout migration ... migration is development' [ibid.: 205, italics in original]. See alsoHatton and Williamson [1994] with respect to international migration between 1850 and1939.

61. Appleyard [1991: 9]. See also two volumes edited in 1988, in which he argued that moreattention should be given to impact of migration and remittances on economic growth,expenditure on foreign or local goods, and on capacities of national banking systems toutilise remittance funds effectively.

62. Appleyard [1988a, Vol.1: 117-19], Akgündüz [1993: 360]; the ILO publication oninternational labour migration pays very little attention to 'the country left behind' [Stalker,1994]; and Portes and Sensenbrenner's [1993] study is limited to the situation in the 'host'society.

63. Helweg [1983] is a 'rare exception' in longitudinal research of the effects of migration[Appleyard, 1988: 159]. See also Ballard [1983], and for Kerala Kurien [1994].

64. They argue that migrants responded only weakly (in international comparison) to cross-stateincome differentials. See de Haan [1997b] for further discussion and critique, relating to theuse of: vital statistics as data base, states as units, and 'net-migration' as indicator. The biasthat the use of net-migration introduces can be illustrated with the Netherlands, which during1945-84 had a migration balance of 370,000, a figure concealing emigration of 2,360,000and immigration of 2,730,000 [Lucassen and Lucassen, 1997: 34]. Larson and Mundlak[1997] use as measure of inter-sectoral migration the difference between growth inagricultural and non-agricultural labour force.

65. Faini [1996] investigates the link between regional convergence and migration and comparesexogenous growth models (which assume factor mobility leads to convergence) andendogenous growth models (expecting the opposite), and suggests further exploration of themodel to assess the interaction of trade with growth and factor mobility.

66. Remittances are discussed below. Lipton's remark [1982: 211] that if villages offered high-yielding outlets for investment, migration would not have occurred is a sign of the author'ssedentary bias; in the Punjab such high yielding prospects have not stopped large numbersof people migrating within and outside India.

67. According to de la Briere et al. [1997: 3] the economic analysis of remittances as insurancecannot be distinguished from a model of 'pure altruism' that would yield the samepredictions.

68. Appleyard [1988b: 103-4] describes that in the early eighties remittances for Bangladeshformed 3.4 per cent of its GNP, 1.1 per cent of India's, 8.8 per cent of Pakistan's, and 3.6 percent of Sri Lanka's. The importance of remittances is of course much higher in countries likeSwaziland and Lesotho [Russell et al, 1990]. Durand et al. [1996b] describe that the annual$2 billion migradollars in Mexico generates economic activity that accounts for ten per centof Mexico's output and three per cent of its GDP.

69. Brown and Connell [1993] suggest that the existing literature misrepresents the role ofremittances, and that policy recommendations assume that remittances are used only tobolster the recipients' consumption. They describe strategies by Tongan migrants avoidingbanking channels and using goods which the recipients can sell on. The goods haveadvantages over cash: they can be sold over a period, there is a greater chance that they willbe received and the income generated is significantly higher than the cost of the goods totheir senders.

70. Both quoted in Evans and Pirzada's [1995] discussion of income diversification in ruralAfrica. See also Collier and Lai [1984]. Knowles and Anker argue that except in the lowestincome groups income transfers have only a small impact, which they expect to decline overtime. Amounts of remittances were related to education, income, urban residence, migrantsstatus, home ownership, and number of wives and children living away.

71. Lipton [1988: 34]. The Connell study referred to is the Village Studies [Connell, et al,1976]. See for Lipton's conclusion about inequality the next section. Rempel and Lobdell

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[1978] also concluded that there was little evidence that urban-rural remittances havecontributed significantly to rural economic development.

72. Jetley's survey in Delhi in the mid-1980s indicates that 73 per cent of rural based familiesreceive remittances regularly, with an average of Rs 94 per month per migrant. Jagannathanand Haider's survey among Calcutta pavement dwellers shows an average of Rs 1,088 perannum, and Whittaker's reseach in Gharwal suggests that close to 70 per cent of villageincome is a product of migration.

73. Wu and Zhou [1996] report on a sample survey in six provinces where the average migrantsent 1200 yuan, that is, twice the per capita income, and 15 per cent of the rural GDP.

74. Also, for example, Stark and Lucas [1988], Gardner [1993], Glystos [1993: 134]. Brettell[1986] describes migration to France from Portugal during the last two centuries,emphasising the cultural ethos and importance of remittances, the ideology of return(supported by a national emigration policy), churches built with remittances, and thefarmland that has been converted into new houses for the migrants. Wuyts [1997] looks atthe effect of migration in southern Africa on marriage patterns, arguing that the incidence ofmarriage (and rural production) came to depend on prior savings by migrants.

75. Gustaffson and Makonnen [1994] analyse the importance of remittances from male migrantsemployed in South Africa in their households in Lesotho: simulation analysis shows thatremittances decrease inequality. Rodriguez [1998] uses two methods to analyse whetherinternational migration from the Philippines increases income inequality: both show thatremittances increase inequality, but to varying degrees.

76. The article analyses the determinants of the savings and remittance decisions of Mexicanmigrants in the US, using variables defined at individual, household, community and macro-economic levels. How the money is spent depends on human capital, property ownership,trip characteristics and community circumstances. Communities with high wages, high levelsof infrastructure and high rates of self employment are more likely to use the money forconsumption. Productive investment is more likely with longer schooling, an increasednumber of dependants, ownership of land, home or a business.

77. Connell et al. [1976: 10]. They emphasise that single-factor analyses of land-baseddeterminants of migration are inadequate. Migration may also help to relieve poverty.

78. Lipton [1980: 4]. Lipton [1982: 197] quotes evidence from other countries on the variancein rates of migration, which is determined by unequal landownership (evidence from Bihar,Ivory Coast, Nepal), and unequal education (evidence from, for example, Colombia, Brazil,Liberia, Ghana, Kenya, the Philippines).

79. Francis and Hoddinott [1993]. Russell et al. [1990: 59ff.] discuss research on Africa thatlinks curriculum content to migration (especially to urban areas with a dominance of officejobs).

80. De Haan [1994]. In the case of India, it seems that cities provides more opportunities for poormigrants at the beginning of this century than at present.

81. In Brock and Coulibaly [1999]. In these situations, labour rather than land is the majorproduction restraint (though use of animal traction may mean that agricultural production canbe carried out by fewer people and the potential negative effects of migration less damaging).The question of land versus labour shortage, and hence a major difference between Asia andAfrica [Ellis, 1998] is of course of big relevance for migration and its effects.

82. This squares with the conclusion by Russell et al. [1990: 83ff.] that migration needs to beseen as complementary to African agriculture.

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Livelihoods and poverty: The role of migration ‐ a critical review of the migration literature

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Transcript of Livelihoods and poverty: The role of migration ‐ a critical review of the migration literature